NPS Form 1 0-900-6 OMB Approval No. 1024-0018 (8?86) United States Department of the interior National Park Service National Register of Historic Places Continuation Sheet (Description) Section 7 Page 6 Two additional properties have been reported nearby. The ?rst is 1461 l, the .Maggie Lovell House site. The other is the Samuel E. Wright homestead that consists of four loci of prehistoric materials. Excavations, however, encountered bovine bones and two glass beads at the bottom of a unit. The former is not associated with the Gregory Mountain TCP because of its modern temporal placement. The latter is not associated because of obvious modern disturbance. Cultural Description Much of the information concerning Gregory Mountain and the cultural belief system associated with it came from individuals who were interviewed. These individuals were selected because they were leaders, elders, or cultural specialists in their respective bands. They are respected within their communities and traditional speak for their Tribal units. They are af?liated as follows: Robert Smith, Chair, Pala Band ofMission Indians Mona Sespe, elder, Pala Band of Mission Indians Leroy Miranda, Vice Chair Museum Director, Pala Band of Mission Indians Stanley McGarr, Former Vice Chairman and Elder, Pala Band of Mission Indians Jack Musick, former Tribal Chairman, La Jolla Band of Luiseno Indians Bob Lofton, Elder, La olla Band of Luiseno Indians Henry Rodriguez, Elder, La Jolla Band of Mission Indians Vince Ibanez, Elder, Peclianga Band of Mission Indians, elder Mark Macarro, Spokesman, Pechanga Band of Mission Indians Ron Glidden, Elder, Pauma Band of Mission Indians Ben Magante Sr., Elder at time of interview, Pauma Band of Mission Indians Edward Art-riso, Elder, Rincon Band of Luiseno Indians Much of the ceremonial signi?cance of Gregory Mountain and surrounding features is about Wz'yoz?s children, the Ka?imelum or first people. A key aspect of Luise?o religion, and of immediate relevance to the vicinity of Gregory Mountain, is the supernatural being known as Tao/(win use Form 10-900-3 one Approval No. 1024-0018 (8-86) United States Department of the Interior National Park Service National Register of Historic Places Continuation Sheet (Description) Section 7 Page 7 Contemporary Luise?os concur that 2129th maintains a permanent residence at Takwish Peak near (rising above the desert near Palm Springs) and takes on the form of a fireball when he travels. For example, according to Vince lbanez, "Taakwic lives at a pemianent home in along Tahquitz Peak. You can see him in the form of a huge rock on top of the mountain. From there he can see all of southern California. Taakwic comes in a ball of fire with a long fire tail to take the souls ofthe deceased. When Tan/mic visits, you can see fire. When he leaves, you can see Sparks" (Vince lbanez, Personal Communication). While Dr. Baksh was travelling with Mr. Ibanez along Pala?Temecula Road on December 5, 1997, Mr. Ibanez stopped his vehicle to point out Tahquitz Peak and Taakwic, which were clearly visible approximately 40 miles to the northeast. The resting sites of Tania-vie occur at numerous locations within Southern California. As above, he uses the Tahquitz Peak site near Palm Springs and Gregory Mountain near Pala but he also has resting sites in nearby Moreno Valley, in the Lakeview area, and in the Bernasconi Hills. It is not understood what the implications might be of desecrating or removing one of this network of sacred sites but the implications from local interviewees are that Tankwr?c ?5 reaction cpulr raise major concerns throughout the region, affecting not only the people of Pala but also members of other local tribes who also subscribe to this belief system. Native American and Ethnohistoric Evidence in Support of Gregory Mountain as Chokla. and as a Takwic Pukt' Current Luise?o Perspectives Based upon statements provided by contemporary Luise?o, it is well established that Gregory Mountain is also known as Taakiw'c Mountain, and is the mountain called Ckolda or Tcokia in the Luise?o language. For example, according to Benjamin Magante, "When I was growing up, and even to this day, everyone referred to Gregory Mountain as Tasz'sh or Tasz's Mountain" (Personal Communication). It is also known among the Luise?o that Gregory Mountain is the location of a Taakwic home, or a Taakwic Puki. Contemporary Luise?o descriptions that identify Gregory Mountain as Chokia and as a home used periodically by the important supernatural being known as Taakwtc have recently been offered by Mark Macarro, Mona Sespe, and Vince lbanez. According to Mark Macarro, "Gregory Mountain is Cltolcla; the mountain is sacred because it belongs to Taakwic" (Personal Communication). And, in a 1995 letter to the San Diego County Department of Environmental Health regarding Gregory NPS Form 10?900?3 OMB Approval No. 1024?0018 (8-86) United States Department of the Interior National Park Service National Register of Historic Places Continuation Sheet (Description) Section 7 Page 8 Canyon, Mark Macarro wrote the following: big mountain forming the east wall of Gregory Canyon is part of an inter- connected complex of sites both sacred and secular -- that we cannot allow to be destroyed. This big mountain is called Cliokla (Choke?lah) in the Luise?o language. At its base is the sacred "medicine rock? and is within the locale known. as Ya_araxuna (Yah?ra?who?nah) in our language (Macarro 1995). Similarly, as stated by Mona Sespe, "Every once in awhile one of our gods comes and sits on that mountain. This mountain is one ofthe houses of Taasz'c, one ofthe places he goes to. He was seen here again last year" (Personal Communication). Finally, according to Vince Tbanez, ?Tea/Mic comes in a ball of fire to take the souls of the deceased. Gregory Mountain is one of his resting places" (Personal Communication). Gregory Mountain, or Chokla, plays a key role in Luise?o religious beliefs and world view and, importantly, the entire mountain down to its base is highly important to all the Luise?o people. Since the western base of Gregory Mountain is located at the bottom. of Gregory Canyon, the Luisei?io regard the entire eastern portion of Gregory Canyon as part of the mountain, or Chokla. Ethuohistoric Evidence As indicated above, aasz'c's main home, or Teakwic Paid, is at Lily Rock, just northwest of Tahquitz Peak in the San acinto Mountains. Tahquitz Peak itself is also a Tau/(wit: Paid. The locations of Taakwic's other homes are generally less well?known. However, the precise location of Chokla (also spelled as Tsokla, Tsokla, Tiokla, Tcokla, Choke?lah, and several other similar forms) was well documented by the anthropologist John P. Harrington as a result of fieldwork that he conducted among the Luise?fio between 1932 and 1934. Based upon a review of Harrington's 1933 ?eld notes and published materials, Chokla is clearly the mountain more commonly known today as Gregory Mountain. The most telling ethnohistoric evidence pointing to Gregory Mountain as Cholcla is provided in Harrington's 1933 field notes, which are currently available in microfilm from the Smithsonian Institution. On July 3, 1933, Harrington travelled west from Pala with a Luise?o consultant, Eustaquio Lobo, and noted placenames along what is now SR-76. The first page of his notes from NPS Form 10-90043 OMB Approval No. 1024-0018 (8?86) United States Department of the Interior National Park Service National Register of Historic Places Continuation Sheet (Description) Section 7 Page 9 this trip, taken from Reel #1 19 Frame #0168, is reproduced in his Figure 3. In a sketch map at the bottom of that page, and in a current rendering of that sketch map as illustrated in Figure 4, Harrington identi?ed the "peak where Taakwis seated himself looking down on Pala.? This peak is located south of the San Luis Rey River and south of the highway, and opposite the river and highway from ?moon cave rock.?1 As described in the text on the same page, moon cave rock, or Moyla Pukt? (moon's house), is located 0.75 of one mile west of where his trip began on the Pala townsite, on the north side of the highway. On page 3 of the same notes (1933bIReel #119, Frame #0169), Harrington provides a list of "photos" that he took along the trip. The photos could not be located but his photo #3 is identified as being taken of the "peak where taakwis seated himself taken from moon house cave. This peak is called Tsokla.? Approximately 0.45 of a mile farther west on the highway, near a low hill on the north side of the highway recorded as Md?xuru, Harrington stopped to record the following: "We are here straight Opp. where Taakwis sat on peak [we are] straight across SLR river from Tsokla peak)" Other references made of Chokla in Harrington's field notes include the following: ?the leftward point of Tsokla mt. hits the river at 00.7, ds. ofPala? (1933b: Reel #1 19, Frame #309), and "there is a Spring on the side of Tsokla mt. facing Pala, about half way up, and there is a Paavawut that cries there." According to Mark Macarro, a Paayawut is a oiying baby (Personal Communication). Finally, in the 1933 book Chinigchim?sh, Harrington made the following observations: Another much pointed out Tariiaw'c Pukz? is a cavelike place and also a on the west side of Teokla. Mountain, two miles west of Pala, across the San Luis Rey River from Pala town. Taakwic was also once seen seated on the peak of Tcokla Mountain, above the cave and cliff, the peak being Visible from the Pala side, his whole body in bright, clear outline, looking down toward Pala (Harrington 1933a:181). It must be concluded that this Taaki/uic? Pukr', known as C/iokla, is Gregory Mountain since Gregory Mountain is the only mountain located in the Vicinity described so well by Harrington. .N?Wlm was?an-4:67? .W 4034+ uf m, 'm as Wdt?K ?14500? a, I ?59:77 ,rg a; 61-75 ?gws A?M??c?f - (M if} 9617?" I ?15k, Tin-Mr: gift/if d??CV?rZ?r FM EKAW-j?a?gyf - . ?v.1 'mimfer-vf . . a/vf? I 94' ry)154- . gum?a?r-l?f . . . m??fax Figure 3 Harrington's July 3, 1933 Sketch Map of "Taakwis Peak" or Tg?okla (Gregory Mountain) Not To Scale ENVIRONMENTAL ERVICES Peok where Tookx/vis seo?red himself looking down on Polo. x" "Ti?Son Luis Rey River - i I. 2. Max:324? ~14 m: i rLHighwoySI??j? Top of Hill/?7 Figure 4 Interpretation of Harrington's July 3, 1933 Sketch Map (Provided in Figure 3) Not To Scale TI RRA ENVIRONMENTAL SERVICES NPS Form 10-900-8 OMB Approval No. 1024-0018 (8-86) United States Department of the Interior National Park Service National Register of Historic Places Continuation Sheet (Description) Section 7 Page 12 Concerning the local rock art at Medicine Rock, Henry Rodriguez writes: "Rock paintings represent tremendous importance to religious beliefs and practices. Painted Rock was used for coming of age ceremonies. have also heard that there are other painted rocks higher up on the mountain slepes? (Personal Conununication). During interviews conducted both in 1991 and. 1997, Rodriguez stated that the Painted Rock petro are extremely important and that he would not want to see them damaged in any way. During a 1991 interview with Benjamin Magante, who preferred calling this site ?Big Rock? rather than "Medicine Rock," he stated that the "were drawn by runners who once raced up and down the San Luis Rey River. Everyone told me when was growing up that runners would stop at rocks such as these as they passed them and draw their would not want the to be destroyed" (Personal Communication). Magantc?s description of the association between rock art sites and runners is substantiated by Harrington. Thus, approximately two miles west oszi ?xuru (and at a location that would be nearly opposite the San Luis Rey River from Medicine Rock) Harrington describes their encounter with this feature: We passed a '15 or 20 ft. high, smooth boulder, standing on quite steep slope oflow hill at rt. edge ofhw. This rock was called Los Santos (also Vd. E1 Santo)., n. Ind. name. It had paintings on it that had been. there for ages. This was the goal of the gome players who started from Pala. They ran to that rock and then returned. Eus Eustaquio Lobo] never saw the paintings. The old people told the boys not to go near them. But it formerly had ancient 1nd. paintings on it (Harrington 1933b:Reel #119, Frame #0169). PS Form 10-90043 OMB Approval No. 1024-001 8 {8-86} United States Department of the Interior National Park Service National Register of Historic Places Continuation Sheet (Signi?cance) Section 8 Page 13 Introduction Gregory Mountain is recognized by the Luise?o people as a source of spiritual power and as a residence of the important Spiritual being, Tan/cutie. Gregory Mountain was first identi?ed in the literature as a sacred mountain by John P. Harrington during fieldwork conducted among the Luise?o between 1932 and 1934. More recent supporting data comes from Native American informant interviews conducted in the 9903. This information was summarized by Baksh and Underwood in the 1998 document entitled ?E?mOkr?stoi?rjI and Native American Consultation for the Proposed Gregory Canyon Land?ll Project,? upon which this nomination draws heavily. The traditional spirit world of the Luise?o centered about a god known as Wzyot, his children, and his death. This creation varied in its details from clan to clan and from place to place, but the same basic story is also told by the Gabriele?o, Cupe?o, Serrano, and Cahuilla. Wiyot had important knowledge necessary for life. Tenned ayelkwi, this is a supernatural It is invisible, indestructible, amoral, bene?cial, and dangerous. Ayelkwi' was powerful and dangerous and it was to be kept secret and treated with great respect. Sickness, misfortune and even death could befall those who divulged or misused ayelsz'; it was shared only with those who needed to know because of their status, and who had demonstrated an aptitude for 1t. Another important aspect of the Luise?o cosmology was the Chingichnish religion, which was apparently a relatively recent development in southern California. The Chingishnish religion is thought to have originated with the Gabriele?o on Santa Catalina Island (DuBois 1908:75) or at Pavungna, a village near Seal Beach (Harrington 1933az88). For the Luise?o, Chungichnish is still the god who ordained the sacred practices, except the mourning ceremonies, which were instituted on the death of the more mythological divinity Wiyot; and he is also a living god, who watches and punishes. He is a Jehovah; and if it were not for the wholly native ?avor of the ideas connected with the cult, and the absence of European symbols, it might be possible to think of missionary This idea of a present and tremendously powerful god, dictating not only ritual but the conduct of daily life a truly universal deity and not merely one of a class of spirits or animals is certainly a remarkable phenomenon to have appeared natively among any American group north of Mexico (Kroeber 1925:656). NPS Form OMB Approval No. 1024?0018 (8-86) United States Department of the Interior National Park Service National Register of Historic Places Continuation Sheet (Signi?cance) Section. 8 Page 14 Ceremonies were extremely important in traditional Luise'fio life, and typically included long sessions of singing and dancing. Songs were critical components of these ceremonial events and were owned by individuals and families. Songs could only be performed by their owners, and tended to be handed down to only one person: the individual who was going to inherit the role of specialist and receive other esoteric knowledge. One of the principal ways that myth, legend, and other traditional knowledge was preserved and transferred from generation to generation was through songs, so the mythology also varies from. clan to clan throughout Luisei?io society. Sand painting was also an important component of many rituals, and was associated with the Chingichnish religion. Rock art was also associated with ceremony among the Luise?o. The best documented example is from the female initiation or Wakenish ceremony (as above). Medicine Rock also known as Painted Rock and Big Rock, consists of geometric pictographs and is quite possibly associated with female puberty rites such as those documented in the early ethnographic literature. As described, this rock art site is highly significant to the Luise?o people. Much of the ceremonial life is about Wi'yor?s children, the Kathi-Helium or ?rst people. A key aspect of Luise?o religion, and of immediate relevance to the vicinity of Gregory Mountain, is the supernatural being known as Tania-vie. The Role Of Taakwic In Luise?o World View aakwic was one of the Kahmelum or ?rst peeple (Nukaatem in Cahuilla). Most of the or first peeple are no longer active on earth, but are spiritually present and can bestow ayelinw' or knoxi-rledge?power on people who know how to seek it. Shamans (pulum) have the ability to contact the Kali/rialum, who are active agents in the affairs of people. They manifest themselves as lightning, thunder, wind, or as special spiritual rocks or mountains. Tact/(wic (in Luisefio) or Takwr?sh (in Cahuilla) is the most powerful and feared of these active Kahmelum (Bean 1995 He is best known from the Cahuilla, and his main home (Taalovicpuki; Taakwic?s home) is in Cahuilla territory, at Lily Rock, a large granite protuberance just northwest of Tahq uitz Peak in the San acinto Mountains. Tan/(wife often app ears as a meteor, ?ying light, ball of lightning, or any strange light. However, he has the power to take on any form. He is sometimes described as a hummingbird?like figure, or as an odd?shaped man. He is also thought to appear mostly at night, but has also been seen during the day. Thunder is sometimes attributed to his grumbling in displeasure about something (Bean NPS Form OMB Approval NO. 1024?0018 (8-86) United States Department of the Interior National Park Service National Register of Historic Places Continuation Sheet (Signi?cance) Section 8 Page 15 Trzasz'c was also the first pair: or shaman, and the greatest and most powerful of all. Among the Luise?o and other southern California Shoshoneans, all supernatural beings are viewed, like most of their human counterparts, as having some good and some evil attributes. As Strong (1 929) writes ?According to Sparkman [1908:190, 215] Luiseno bands or clans inhabited separate villages and were independent of each other? (see Baksh and Underwoodl998:25). Consider the importance of songs in ceremonies.?There was variability from rancheria to rancheria in the ways that ceremonies were performed. Each clan might have songs that dealt with similar events and performed similar functions in ceremonies, but they would not be identical? (Baksh Underwood 1998130). Nor would their version of the Tnakwic story be identical. For the Agua Caliente at Palm Springs, Lily Rock was the home of Taakwrc; to them that was his origin. For the Pala Band, Gregory Mountain was his home and was his origin to them. Like the similar songs performed the basic Tad/twin story resonates similarly but its meaning to the Agua Calientes differed from its meaning to the Pala people. But almost universally, Tau/(win is more often associated with evil. He gets angry or feels slighted and causes crop failures, droughts, ?oods, and so on. Today he is seen as the cause of automobile accidents, tires, airplane crashes, and other disasters. Sometimes these occur because he gets angry with people who trespass or disturb one of his houses such as Tahquitz Peak in Cahuilla land or Clio/(Ia in Luise?o territory. He also has a reputation for cannibalism, lechery, debauchery and other abhorrent and aberrant behavior. Taasz'c is best known for his passion for stealing souls, which usually is manifest as a mysterious death or wasting sickness. Sometimes after a mysterious death, bad accident or disaster, a special ceremony is held to placate his malevolent anger (Bean 1995 As Bean points out, Taalrwi?c is one of the most active and most often seen of the Kai?melum or ?rst people, and the most feared: Reports of sightings of Takwr?sli are numerous in the ethnographic literature of not only the Cahuilla, but also their neighbors, the Serrano and Luise?o. Reports of Tasz?sli being seen continue today. Almost every adult Cahuilla or Luise?o is able to recount a story of having seen in person a manifestation of Takwr?s/i, or of a friend or relative having seen such a manifestation. His omnipresence is re?ected in the fact that he is widely associated with the San Jacinto Mountains, the cave at Lily Rock south of Mt. San acinto already mentioned, Moreno Valley, the L-akeview area, and Bernasccni Hills. Stories of his activities are told from Morongo Reservation to Los Coyotes to Pala and La Jolla. There is no reservation in southern California that is NPS Form OMB Approval No. 1024?0018 (ass) United States Department of the Interior National Park Service National Register of Historic Places Continuation Sheet (Signi?cance) Section 8 Page 16 not acutely aware of the historic presence of this being (Harrington ?eld notes, Bean field notes 1959?1988). Among the Kumeyaay peoples of San Diego County and northern Baj a, California, was known as Dakwash; among the Luise?o south and west of the Cahuilla, the Gabriele?o, and the Serrano, who lived just north of the Cahuilla, his power was feared and used (Bean. Bean offers this example of a Taakwr?c encounter from his ?eldwork among the Cahuilla around 1968: A Serrano from Morongo Reservation told of his uncle going to Mission Creek and becoming ill. He walked. home to Morongo. By the time he got there he was very ill. When he arrived his family saw Tami/I'in sitting in a. tree. It looked like a person's head sitting in the tree. Takwislt took the sick man, and they never got him back. He was dead (Bean .Taakwic is the guardian spirit of many powerful shamans (palam) among the Luise?o, Cahuilla and other southern California Shoshoneans. For many shamans, he is a source of great rival/mi (power- knowledge). When a shaman seeks to get in touch with .Taasz'c, he may go to a place near one of his houses such as Tahquitz Peak, Tahquitz Canyon, or Cltoida. Bean comments about the place of Tahquitz Canyon in the culture of the Cahuilla: The ascent to the peak that bears Tasz'sh?s name is dangerous, a climb that was feared by even the most skilled Cahuilla trail experts in older times. This was made by rewards at the end of the trail game, plant foods, and magical power. Cahuilla shamans are known to have climbed to special spots high in the canyon to acquire power. The mastery of the canyon's dangers attested to their having gained it. The most famous of shamans (a pawn], the highest ranking shaman in Cahuilla culture), and the man after whom nearby Chino Canyon is named, Pedro Chino, regularly climbed the trail up Tahquitz Canyon. As one consultant phrased it, he "learned his songs up there." In Cahuilla terms, this means that he acquired power there from Tasz'sh and other spiritual guardians. There was a special spot where he did this, a place where "a spring comes out ofa rock." It took him two or three days to get to this spot. There, he told our consultant, if you are man enough, you can listen to the sound of the water, and get a song (hexash) out of it? (Bean NPS Form 10?900-3 OMB Approval No. 1024-0018 (8?86) United States Department of the Interior National Park Service National Register of Historic Places Continuation Sheet (Signi?cance) Section 8 Page 17 An example of a person who had another positive interaction with Taakwic is found in Harrington's notes from his work among the Luise?o. In this episode, Taakwic appeared in a dream as a. lantern which approached his house. Iknew in my dream it was Taqwus [Tan/mac] . He was coming after me. I resolved in my dream I was going to let him do what he would with me. This light took me outside the house, and when he came around, circling 2 times, 30 or 40 feet above the house, then I got scared and said, won't go any further.? Then he let me down gently. If I had courage, he would have taken me to his home, and I would have learned many things. I would have had luck. I would have learned many things as a "jabio." I would have known what is happening in various parts. You have to have faith, then you can work with these things. At ?rst I made up my mind to go with it, but then I got scared, and he went down in a great light that disappeared. One is not supposed to tell; if you do, it will come back (Harrington There are other Luise?o tales about Taalnw'c. One mentions that Teakwic went to the top of a hill southwest of Lakeview, and rested; to this day there is a great green rock there. The place is called Pakboo. Then he flew to a peak formerly called Toboman, now called Taqwus. One of the best known Luise?o shamans, Vincent Albanas, told Harrington he once saw Tatikwic eating the body of a man (Harrington Another Luisei?io related the following story to Harrington: the right side of the road as one goes from Perris to Winchester, there is a rock where old Taakwic sat down and left the marks of his buttocks and his whole balls and penis hanging down, good?sized, imprinted in the rock there when the rock was still soft. Adam (Castillo) will know where. This is in the hill called Teexya? in hemtcawayve, meaning where the Pleiades climbed up. At the Bemasconi Springs there is a rock on a hillside that looks from the distance the same color as the sky, it looks like a hole through the sky. This is the place where ta'kwic pisses. It is blue instead of green. Adam (Castillo) was there to get a pieCe of rock, and it is said it is good to get a piece of that rock for it gives you power when fighting for your rights, but he lost this rock and does not carry it with him. It is just a little piece 2? long and ?at, 1" wide, chipt off the big rock, blue moss adhering on one side. This would be ta'kwic po?si'vo (Harrington NPS Form OMB rigopmmaiI No. 102443018 (8?86) United States Department of the Interior National Park Service National Register of Historic Places Continuation Sheet (Significance) Section 8 Page 18 Both the reference to Taasz'c near Winchester and again near the Bernasconi Springs area reinforce the regional nature of this belief system and point to an interwoven network of sites that represent this cultural expression. at Another description of Taakwic from Harrington (1933a:181) is as follows: Chief Juan Sotelo Calac tells of how Taakwr'c once passed him. Chief Juan Sotelo was on horseback on his way from Pala to Pichanga and saw Taasz'c when he reached the foot of the Pala?Temecula grade. It was a great light. The horse got scared. It came out all of a sudden. Tankiw?c was heading for Pichanga and Juan Sotelo was too. Juan Sotelo saw Taakwtc?s eyes, his mouth; he was bald-headed; he had some ?apuuma,downfeathers (of the Golden Eagle), on each cheek; his arms were extended and pressed against his sides as he moved along. The apparition passed over some trees and went on, over the rocky hill ahead to the right of the road, heading for Pichanga. Juan Sotelo was still standing in dazed condition when his companion Juan Pablo Ardilla, who had left Pala later than Juan Sotelo, arrived. According to Mark Macarro, "Tan/mic was originally killed by the first people. He was left to rot and then was cremated. He exploded when the ?ames got to his heart, and went to Tahquitz Peak. He is a cannibal, and travels to gather meat and pound it up. He goes out to gather up souls, and stops to rest at places like Chokia mountain. He takes on the form of a fireball with a long tail" (Mark Macarro, Personal Communication). Finally, Henry Rodriguez described a story about Tammie. According to the story, a man saw in a dream his best friend being carried away by Taakwic. The man knew that his best friend would be dead within a year, and sure enough he died in less than that time (Henry Rodriguez, Personal Communication). To summarize, the supernatural being of Tao/owe is complex. He is one of the KahmeZmi-t or ?rst people, the first shaman, the spiritual guardian and mentor to shamans, but also a fearful figure known to be responsible for much mayhem, death, and disaster. From this brief review of Luise?o religion, it is clear that Taalorvtc is one of the most important, powerful and feared members of the Luiseno pantheon. NPS Form 10?900-3 OMB Appmvai No. 1024-0018 (8?85) United States Department. of the Interior National Park Service National Register of Historic Places Continuation Sheet (Significance) Section 8 Page 19 Medicine Rock Medicine Rock, located at the foot of Gregory Mountain, contains many petro Some accounts are that runners who passed the rock would pause and leave their mark. Unfortunately, it is not certain from Harrington's description that it was the runners who actually made them. It is also not clear from his description why the old people instructed the boys not to go near them, but one logical explanation would be that the rock was an extremely powerful place and therefore dangerous to those who might misuse it or even get too close to it. A possible related explanation might be that this rock art site described by Harrington was the one painted by women as part of the female initiation or Wakenis/z ceremony. An alternative explanation might be that the paintings were so important to the old peeple that they did not want to allow the boys any Opportunity to damage them. Boscana provided a description of the Wakem'sk ceremony in the early 19th century: On arriving at womanhood, a grand feast was made and conducted with much ceremony and They made a large hole in the ground, in shape resembling a grave, and about two feet deep. This they ?lled with stones and burnin coals, and when sufficiently heated, the latter were taken out, and upon the former they laid branches of the estafiarte (a kind of perennial plant), so as to form a bed, which the native called a pacsil. Upon this they placed the young girl, and for two or three days she was permitted to eat but very little. This constituted the term for puri?cation. In the mean time the outside of the hole was adorned with feathers of different birds, beads, and many other baubles. Several old women with their faces painted like devils were employed in singing songs in a tone so disagreeable, that one could hardly tell whether they were crying or laughing, and the young women danced around her at intervals every day At the conclusion of the Wakem?sh ceremony the young women's faces were painted by the wife of the of?ciating Nerf or religious chief. At the end of the month, a ceremony with sand painting was held. At the end of that ceremony, a race was held between the young women. Associated with the race, the women painted geometrical designs on a rock face or boulder typically using iron oxide paints. Also associated. with the puberty rites, the new women received tattoos in a ceremonial setting (Dubois 1908; Kroeber 1925; Sparkman 1908). Based upon ethnographic testimony and ethnohistoric literature, it may be that both Medicine Rock and the rather nearby rock described by Harrington were the sites of female puberty or Wakem?sh NPS Form 10-900?3 OMB Approval No. 1024-0018 (53?86) United States Department of the Interior National Park Service National Register of Historic Places Continuation Sheet (Significance) Section 8 Page 20 ceremonies held by the people of Pala. And based on Harrington's description of the other rock art site and recent ethnographic testimony, Medicine Rock may also have been the goal of runners from Pala. As suggested by Shipek, "With the variety of painting styles and the superimposition which exists on the Pala Sacred Rock, a more complex and longer history of paintin is suggested than ust for the girls puberty ceremony" (l989:7). In any event, Medicine Rock is clearly a significant cultural resource for the Luise'?o people. Gregory Mountain As A Historic Preperty One of the aspects of establishing a Traditional Cultural Property (TCP) is determining that the entity being evaluated is a tangible property that is, a district, site, building, structure, or object (National Park Service 1992:9), rather than a cultural practice. The Luise?o consider the entire mountain down to its base to be a signi?cant cultural place. Although Taalovic rests on top of the mountain and, according to Harrington, on the cliff on the west side (1933azlSl), the Luisein adamantly maintain that the entire mountain is his home. According to Vince lbanez, "the entire mountain down to the base is important; this includes Medicine Rock which connects with the mountain" (Personal Communication). He also noted that Luise?o people used to climb the northeast face to conduct ceremonies on top of the mountain. For example, "Macardeo and Julia Cala lived at Pala and conducted ceremonies there. Macardeo was a pale a Witchdoctor and told me these stories in the late 1940s and in the 195 Os. A trail up the mountain started behind Ramona Scott's property. She was Mona Sespe's grandmother? (Vince Ibanez, Personal Communication). Gregory Mountain is clearly a physical resource, and could represent a district under Federal guidelines. Integrity The second step in evaluating a TCP is to consider the integrity of the property. The guidelines note that ?in order to be eligible for inclusion in the Register, a property must have ?integrity of location, design, setting, materials, workmanship, feeling, and association? (36 CFR Part 60). For TCPs the relevant criteria can be made into questions. Does the property have an integral relationship to traditional cultural practices or beliefs; and is the condition of the property such that the relevant relationships survive? NPS Form 104300-61 OMB Approval No. 1024-0018 (see; United States Department of the interior National Park Service National Register of Historic Places Continuation Sheet (Signi?cance) Section 8 Page 21 Integrity of Relationship The first question relates to the relationship between traditional beliefs or practices and a specific property. This issue of direct relationship between place and practice, event, or person is critical to the evaluation of a property as a TCP. An evaluation of this relationship involves developing some understanding of how the group that holds the beliefs or carries out the practices is likely to view the property. Although there are numerous important sites within traditional Luise?o territory of extreme importance to past and current religious and cultural values, it is clear that, at least for many Luise'?o, no other traditional cultural place within their territory is more important than Gregory Mountain. Most basically, Gregory Mountain, or Clio/(Zn, is a home to Taakwic, the most powerful and feared of the active Kahmeium or first people (Bean l995:F?2) and the first, greatest, and most powerful of all shamans (Bean He is also the guardian spirit of many powerful Luisc?o, Cahuilla, and other California Shoshonean shamans and, for many shamans, he is a source of great ayellmv' (powerknowledge). Over the historic past and continuing today, Taasz?c?s temporary but regular use of Gregory Mountain as a home makes this mountain an exceedingly signi?cant place to the Luise?o people. In addition to the Spiritual significance of Gregory Mountain due to its association with Taalcwic, several Luise?o recognize the mountain as extremely important for other religious and cultural reasons. In response to queries regarding construction of a land?ll that would impact the mountain, Mona Sespe stated: "That mountain was and is used as an important place for fasting and praying. The sand mining operation near the river is already impacting us when we go to pray at the mountain. The stench and other impacts from the land?ll will make it dif?cult to use the mountain. It would be like dumping trash on a church" (Personal Communication). Mona Sespe also noted that grinding slicks, old home sites, and other cultural resources exist all around the base of the mountain; that her grandmother told. her that more rock paintings exist higher up the mountain; and that important plants exist around the base and in Gregory Canyon. A major concern about Gregory Mountain maintained by Mona Sespe is for its use as a healing place. Sespe, whose family has lived near the eastern base of the mountain for many generations, regularly visits the mountain to pray to the spirits and seek their assistance. When her husband was diagnosed with cancer several years ago, he told her "take me to your mo untain," which she did. Upon singing with her aunt, "hawks ?ew over, and my husband made a promise to pray to the spirits every year. The spirits at the mountain told me that they would help him. They did help him. It was real powerful. That is why he is walking today. The doctors were surprised that he recovered so well NPS Form OMB Approvai NO. 1024-0018 (8-86) United States Department of the Interior National Park Service National Register of Historic Places Continuation Sheet (Significance) Section 8 Page 23 the mountain but the entire mountain" (Personal Communication). Sespe continued: ?That mountain does important things for us. It is important that it be there for the next generation and for generations after that to the end of all time. PeOple go to church but still feel the mountain is more important. Our family has always been by that mountain. I consider my family to have the responsibility to take care of that mountain? (Personal Communication). Similarly, in a 1995 letter to the San Diego County Department of Environmental Health regarding Gregory Canyon, Mark Macarro stated that destruction of these places "will forever alter the balance of this land. Yet another part of the heritage of our people will be lost forever. This is a heritage which we all now share" (1995). Gregory Mountain, or Chokla, is therefore one of the most spiritually signi?cant places in the Luise?o world. Disruption of the Taakwic's home at Chokla would both anger this extremely powerful being and severely disrupt the Luise?o?s religious beliefs and practices. Gregory Mountain?s integrity is necessary to contemporary Native Americans for completion of important rites and rituals. The revival of traditional religious practices makes the mountain indispensable to the Luisefio. Gregory Mountain has been and continues to be of paramount importance to the Luise?o people and its integrity of condition has not been altered as a function of time. National Register Criteria The third step in de?ning a TCP is to establish that it meets the criteria for the National Register. Criterion A refers to association with events that have made a signi?cant contribution to the broad patterns of our history. Criterion A is often the most relevant for TCPs. As indicated in the guidelines the word ?our? may be taken to refer to the group to which the property may have traditional cultural significance. The word ?history? maybe taken to include traditional oral history. The term ?events? can include specific moments in history or a series of events reflecting a broad pattern or theme. The events that have occurred on Gregory Mountain have included visits to this home by aakwic. A direct association of relationship exists between these important events and Gregory Mountain, and therefore the property of Gregory Mountain can qualify as signi?cant under Criterion A from the perspectives of the past, present and future. NPS Form 10-900-a one Appmval No. 1024-0013 (8-86) United States Department of the Interior National Park Service National Register of Historic Places Continuation Sheet (Signi?cance) Section 8 Page 24 Properties associated with the lives of persons significant in our past are addressed by Criterion B. Gregory Mountain is a signi?cant resource because it is associated with lives of persons signi?cant in our past. Specifically, Gregory Mountain is associated with aakwr'c, the first and most powerful of all Luise?o shamans. This significance can be appreciated in part by understanding the position of the shaman in California Indian societies. According to Bean (1992) the shaman is the intermediary between the spiritual and human worlds. Because of the power associated with. the spirit world, the shaman is usually afforded a position of great respect and power within the community. This is quite important since the Native American worldview held that all actions were causative (B can 1992: 22~25). Natural phenomena and other events were often controlled by beings from the Spirit world. Shamans, therefore, are extraordinary people because they have access to these worlds and can intervene on behalf of individuals or groups. The relevant person identified in association with Gregory Mountain is aakwic. The property of Gregory Mountain is directly associated with this important ?gure and, therefore, qualities as signi?cant under Criterion B. Criterion establishes that a property is eligible if it diSplays the distinctive characteristics of a type, period, or method of construction, represents the work of a master, possesses high artistic values, or represents a significant and distinguishable entity whose components may lack individual distinction. Gregory Mountain is probably not eligible under this criterion, although it may be argued that. the rock art at Medicine Rock within the Gregory Mountain property possesses high artistic values. Criterion refers to resources that have a history of yielding, or potential to yield, information important in prehistory or history. Generally, a history of yielding, or the potential to yield, information, if relevant to its significance at all, is secondary to its association with traditional history or culture of the groups that ascribes significance to it (NPS 1992:12). Although considerable important ethnographic and ethnohistoric inform ation has been gleaned regarding this property and its significance to the Luise?o, the property is not considered eligible for the National Register under this criterion. It should be noted, however, that the general public can reap important educational benefits from knowledge about Gregory Mountain. Understanding the Spirituality of the mountain goes well beyond the usual archaeological study of material culture. This knowledge increases the public?s awareness and sensitivity towards the richness of Native cultures. inteipretin the significance of Gregory Mountain provides a better understanding of the range of human experience. NPS Form 10?9003 OMB Approval NO. 1024-0018 {3.35) United States Department of the interior National Park Service National Register of Historic Places Continuation Sheet (Signi?cance) Section 8 Page 25 Conclusion Gregory Mountain, also known as Taasz'c Mountain and Clio/{1a, is a signi?cant resource because of the important role it has held and continues to hold in traditional Luisefio society. The mountain is a residence of abuts/71, a god who is still considered to be an active physical presence in the area. The mountain is also a source of spiritual power and healing. Today, Luise?o people continue to use the mountain for ceremonial purposes creating one of few unbroken links with traditional lifeways that have been substantially eroded over the course of the last few hundred years. The mountain, therefore, represents a cultural treasure linked to Luise?o ethnic identity. The premise for this nomination is that Gregory Mountain was and remains a unique and meaningful place.