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PIMACHIOVVIN AKI
WORLD HERITAGE PRDJECT
7&5: Ami flimi  



Nomination for Inscription on the
WORLD HERITAGE LIST

MIX

Paper from
responsible sources

 0023336

 

FSC certified paper was
used in the production
of this dossier.

WnBUfpWnB uXuXHdRnY wfSEWnB Ro WLSpWnB
Message from the Board of Directors
of Pimachiowin Aki Corporation
wfSEWnB Ro WLSpWnXBy u WL OqBUilRnY RXLVqy shilw sLrWnOiBy ErWnBuLBy wiBSug Lun
RjOWnlwBy fXIr oSEof Ui oSEof EBUmWE uVU RoBy oSEof uv XBoSWZBUsB S uooVfBy
wfSEWnB Ro S uVQnBSuPy WWf EnM<Y QMWOG jWY.
On behalf of the Anishinaabe First Nations of Bloodvein River, Little Grand Rapids, Pauingassi, Pikangikum, and
Poplar River, and the governments of Manitoba and Ontario, and with the support of the Government of Canada,
we are proud to nominate Pimachiowin Aki for inscription on the World Heritage List.
WWf S uVQnBUfBy oUosVB wfSEWnB Ro o w uVQnBSuP aWnBJ EBS s pRX soQnBy RX XuB
EBS. WWQn wfSEWnB Ro fRnG u sFy Ro EEf soVi sXlBy s EEf u WL uVBURny kBofuy Ro
qruB piB EEf Evfuoy u WL WnSQn;y RXLVqy EEf u RvRnY Ui slQnusy RoBy.
Through the Anishinaabe cultural tradition of Ji-ganawendamang Gidakiiminaan (Keeping the Land), Pimachiowin
Aki has been cared for over the millennia and will be carried forward as a gift to future generations. Pimachiowin
Aki is the largest network of contiguous protected areas in the North American boreal shield; a place where
sustainability, resilience, diversity and abundance are inextricably linked to a cultural tradition that benefits the
boreal forest, its inhabitants, and the world.
EEQn u uooVfBy wfSEWnB Ro XBopBUsB RXB QL WnSQn;fuoB runUisy Lun WLUnWnB RXB Wuz
p WL RnrBSuPy WWQn WWf EnM<Y QMWOG ffEwOBy. EEQn uooXpWnB o EVSuP o VVuUQnBSuPy
u XuXHudRnY WWQn EVKQnWnB EnM<Y QMWOG usO slQnusy u XuXHidRnY runUusy Ui uz u
XuXHudRny EVoSpWnVB Lun VaUnWnVB.
The Pimachiowin Aki nomination is our contribution to an understanding of the intricate and indissoluble links
between an indigenous culture and nature and how these may be recognized through the World Heritage
Convention. This nomination has been prepared with careful consideration of advice provided by Advisory
Bodies to the World Heritage Committee: the International Union for the Conservation of Nature (IUCN) and the
International Committee on Monuments and Sites (ICOMOS).
XVVifVXy WoQnXRny uoV uo WnSRnBoUn asBUp oS RXLVqy sXy u lIhuRnBoUn.
We appreciate the guidance provided by these Advisory Bodies and thank everyone who has contributed to this
nomination. We especially thank the elders, who continue to inspire us.
sunG
Meegwetch!

Introduction   i

 Alex Peters, Co-Chair 
Director,  
for Pikangikum First Nation 

Ed Hudson 
Director,  
for Poplar River First Nation 

Graeme Swanwick 
Director,  
for the Province of Ontario 

Augustine Keeper
Director,
for Little Grand Rapids First Nation

ii  

 

 

 

Bruce Bremner, Co-Chair
Director,
for the Province of Manitoba

William Young
Director,
for Bloodvein River First Nation

Joe Owen
Director,
for Pauingassi First Nation

 Preamble
Pimachiowin Aki, which translates as the Land that Gives Life,
was chosen by elders from the First Nations as the name for the
33,400-square-kilometre aboriginal cultural landscape that is the
nominated area. This name is a reminder that Anishinaabeg (Ojibwe
people) are inseparable from aki, the land, which is at the centre of
their existence. Elders also inspired the creation of a World Heritage
project logo to represent Anishinaabeg’s indissoluble links with nature.
In the image of a rock pictograph, seen on the back of the turtle are
representations of water, lake sturgeon, moose, and plants. Also
depicted at the center are Anishinaabeg, reflecting the Anishinaabe
traditional role of caring for all life on the land. Based on knowledge
passed down from generation to generation over millennia, the cultural tradition of Ji-ganawendamang
Gidakiiminaan, (Keeping the Land) guides actions and decisions that ensure the long term health and
sustainability of nature and of the communities within Pimachiowin Aki.
The Pimachiowin Aki partners share a vision. It is a vision of an ancient, continuous, and living cultural landscape
in which Anishinaabeg and all other beings, the animals, the trees and plants, the fish, the waters, are understood
and safeguarded as one living entity. This vision is one of a land that gives life and is celebrated as a gift from the
Creator to be shared for the benefit not only of Anishinaabeg, but also for visitors, and for all of humanity.
The Pimachiowin Aki World Heritage project was initiated by the signing of an accord in 2002 amongst five
Anishinaabeg First Nations, who defined a goal of protecting their ancestral lands and creating an internationally
recognized and designated network of linked protected areas in the form of a UNESCO World Heritage site.
Respectful relationships between these First Nations and the provincial governments of Ontario and Manitoba
facilitated the creation, in 2006, of the Pimachiowin Aki Corporation to advance the shared goal of inscribing
Pimachiowin Aki on the World Heritage List. Representatives of the five First Nations and the two provincial
governments now sit as equal partners on the Board of Directors of Pimachiowin Aki Corporation, the organization
accountable for the conservation, protection and presentation of the Outstanding Universal Value of Pimachiowin
Aki, should it be inscribed on the World Heritage List.
This innovative collaborative model has been productive and successful during the last eight years as
demonstrated in the present nomination. The Pimachiowin Aki partners have put in place further measures
to ensure continued success. Ji-ganawendamang Gidakiiminaan is the means whereby this cultural landscape
has been formed and maintained across generations. It is the foundation for the protection, management, and
presentation of the Land that Gives Life.
The rights of First Nations in Canada are recognized and affirmed in the Constitution of Canada. Recognition of
these rights, together with the First Nations’ vision for protecting aki, the land that has given life for millennia, and
with the support of the provincial and federal governments, ensures effective governance of the nominated area.
This nomination justifies mixed cultural and natural heritage under World Heritage criteria while stressing that
the cultural and natural values expressed in Pimachiowin Aki are fully integrated as a cultural landscape: the
manifestation of an ancient, enduring, and sustainable kinship between culture and nature.

Introduction   iii

 Executive Summary
State Party: Canada
Provinces: Manitoba and Ontario
Name of Property (Nominated Area): Pimachiowin Aki
Geographical Co-ordinates to the Nearest Second:
The geographic coordinates at the centre of the nominated area are:
95 deg 24 min 40 sec. 6W
51 deg 49 min 35 sec. 1N

Textual Description of the Boundaries of the Nominated Area
Pimachiowin Aki encompasses 33,400 square kilometres of land and water in the North American boreal
shield. The nominated area lies within two provincial jurisdictions, Manitoba and Ontario, and reflects an
innovative partnership between five Anishinaabe First Nations—Bloodvein River, Little Grand Rapids, Pauingassi,
Pikangikum, and Poplar River—and the two provinces.
The nominated area is comprised of the protected areas established in First Nation planning areas, one provincial
wilderness park in Manitoba, and one provincial wilderness park and a conservation reserve in Ontario. All lands
in the nominated area are protected under law from commercial forestry, mining, and hydroelectric development.

BOUNDARIES
The north and west boundaries of the nominated area follow the boundaries of the First Nation planning areas of
Bloodvein River, Little Grand Rapids, Pauingassi, and Poplar River First Nations.
The southern boundaries of the nominated area correspond to those of Woodland Caribou Provincial Park and the
Eagle-Snowshoe Conservation Reserve in Ontario, and Atikaki Provincial Park in Manitoba.
The eastern boundaries of the nominated area comprise parts of the First Nation planning areas of Little Grand
Rapids, Pauingassi, and Pikangikum First Nations. These boundaries extend out to encompass the upper reaches
and headwater areas of the main rivers in order to protect these culturally significant waterways and also to
enhance ecological connectivity. The eastern boundaries of the nominated area also comprise the eastern limits of
Woodland Caribou Provincial Park.

iv  

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Pimachiowin Aki Nominated Area Canada Lambert Conformal Conic

Introduction 

 

Pimachiowin Aki Nominated Area
CRITERIA UNDER WHICH PROPERTY IS NOMINATED
Criteria (iii), (vi), and (ix).
Canada wishes Pimachiowin Aki to be considered a cultural landscape.

DRAFT STATEMENT OF OUTSTANDING UNIVERSAL VALUE

Brief Synthesis
Pimachiowin Aki (the Land that Gives Life) is a 33,400-square-kilometre cultural landscape of Anishinaabeg
(Ojibwe people). Through the cultural tradition of Ji-ganawendamang Gidakiiminaan (Keeping the Land),
Anishinaabeg have for millennia lived intimately with this special place in the heart of the North American boreal
shield.
Ji-ganawendamang Gidakiiminaan consists of the beliefs, values, knowledge, and practices that guide
Anishinaabeg in their interaction with aki (the land and all its life) and with each other in ways that are respectful
and express a reverence for all creation. The cultural tradition is given tangible manifestation in harvesting sites,
habitation and processing sites, traplines, travel routes, named places, ceremonial sites, and sacred places
such as pictographs associated with powerful spirit beings. These attributes are dispersed widely across a large
landscape and concentrated along waterways, which are an essential source of livelihood resources and a means
of transportation. Anishinaabe customary governance and oral traditions ensure continuity of the cultural tradition
across generations.
Pimachiowin Aki is a vast area of healthy boreal forest and wetlands, exposed bedrock, myriad lakes, and long
free-flowing rivers. Waterways provide ecological connectivity across the entire landscape. Wildfire, nutrient flow,
species movements, and predator-prey relationships are key, naturally functioning ecological processes that
maintain an impressive mosaic of ecosystems. The nominated area supports an outstanding diversity of boreal
plants and animals, including iconic species such as wolf, moose, woodland caribou, and loon.
Pimachiowin Aki is the most complete and therefore exceptional example of a landscape within the North
American Subarctic geo-cultural area that provides testimony to the cultural tradition of Ji-ganawendamang
Gidakiiminaan. This could not be without Pimachiowin Aki also being an exceptional example of a large, healthy
and diverse mosaic of the typical North American boreal shield ecosystems. Anishinaabeg are an integral
part of the boreal ecosystems in Pimachiowin Aki, which are the foundation for their survival as a people. The
beliefs, values, knowledge, and practices that reflect this intimate adaptation have preserved the boreal forest of
Pimachiowin Aki. In this way, Pimachiowin Aki exemplifies the indissoluble bonds between culture and nature.
An innovative and collaborative, cross-cultural partnership has been formed between five Anishinaabe First
Nations and two provincial governments with the shared vision of sustaining this living cultural landscape. The
cultural tradition of Ji-ganawendamang Gidakiiminaan will sustain this outstanding cultural landscape into the
future.

Criterion (iii)
Pimachiowin Aki provides the most complete testimony to the ancient and continuing cultural tradition of
Ji-ganawendamang Gidakiiminaan (Keeping the Land). Through the beliefs, values, knowledge, and practices
embodied in this cultural tradition, Anishinaabeg have lived for millennia with the boreal forest that sustains
them. Ancient and contemporary livelihood sites, habitation and processing sites, travel routes, named places,
traplines, and sacred and ceremonial sites provide tangible representation of Ji-ganawendamang Gidakiiminaan.
These sites are found throughout Pimachiowin Aki and are especially evident along waterway travel routes, which
provide connectivity throughout the landscape.
vi  

 Criterion (vi)
Pimachiowin Aki is directly and tangibly associated with the living cultural tradition of Ji-ganawendamang
Gidakiiminaan through which Anishinaabeg uphold a sacred trust to ensure aki (the land and all its life) is cared
for and respected. Anishinaabe customary governance ensures collaborative use of the land, including between
neighbouring and related communities. The cultural tradition is maintained across generations through a vibrant
oral tradition that includes legends, stories, and songs. The deep and abiding connection between Anishinaabeg
and the land through Ji-ganawendamang Gidakiiminaan is a compelling example of the inseparability of an
indigenous culture and its local environment that can inspire people around the world.

Criterion (ix)
Pimachiowin Aki is the most complete and largest example of the North American boreal shield, including
its characteristic biodiversity and ecological processes. Pimachiowin Aki contains an exceptional diversity of
terrestrial and freshwater aquatic ecosystems and fully supports wildfire, nutrient flow, species movements,
and predator-prey relationships, essential ecological processes in the boreal forest. Predator-prey relationships
are sustained among species such as wolf, and moose, and, caribou, and lynx and snowshoe hare. Sustainable
hunting and trapping by Anishinaabeg are part of predator-prey interactions. Pimachiowin Aki’s remarkable size,
intactness, and ecosystem diversity support characteristic boreal species and species of conservation concern
such as woodland caribou, wolverine, lake sturgeon, leopard frog, and Canada warbler.

Integrity
Pimachiowin Aki contains all of the attributes that express the cultural tradition of Ji-ganawendamang
Gidakiiminaan (Keeping the Land) and all the elements necessary to ensure continuity of the key ecological
processes of the boreal shield. The robust combination of First Nation and provincial protected areas forms the
largest network of contiguous protected areas in the North American boreal shield. The vast size of the nominated
area provides for the future livelihood and cultural needs of Anishinaabeg and for ecological resilience, especially
in the context of climate change. Extensive buffer zones further contribute to integrity.
The cultural attributes and natural features of Pimachiowin Aki are remarkably free from the adverse effects of
development and neglect. There is no commercial forestry, mining, or hydroelectric development in the nominated
area. Waterways, the lifeblood of aki, are free of dams and diversions.

Authenticity
The authenticity of Pimachiowin Aki is remarkable. Anishinaabe knowledge, ethical and spiritual teachings,
and customary governance associated with Ji-ganawendamang Gidakiiminaan guide behaviour in relation to the
nominated area today, as has been the case for millennia. Oral traditions in the Anishinaabe language continue
to be central to the expression and intergenerational transmission of the cultural values of Ji-ganawendamang
Gidakiiminaan. The nominated area illustrates more than 7,000 years of indigenous occupancy that is centred on
the traditional land use areas of the five Pimachiowin Aki Anishinaabe First Nations. Archaeological evidence
demonstrates contemporary cultural sites and travel routes have been used from ancient times through to the
present.

Protection and Management Requirements
First Nations have played the leading role in defining the approach to protection and management of Pimachiowin
Aki. Protection and management of Pimachiowin Aki is achieved through Anishinaabe customary governance,
grounded in Ji-ganawendamang Gidakiiminaan, contemporary provincial government law and policy, and
cooperation among the five First Nations and provincial government partners. Through First Nation-led planning
and application of legislation, protection of the nominated area has been established. First Nation and provincial
partners have created the Pimachiowin Aki Corporation and developed a consensual, participatory governance
structure, financial capacity, and a management plan for the nominated area.
Introduction   vii

 The Pimachiowin Aki Corporation enables the partners to work in an integrated manner across the nominated
area to ensure the protection and conservation of all cultural attributes and natural features and processes.
The management framework is designed to meet potential challenges in the protection and conservation of the
nominated area, such as monitoring and mitigating the potential impacts of the construction of an all-season road
over the next 20 to 40 years.
Through an accord signed by the five First Nations, Anishinaabeg of Pimachiowin Aki affirmed a sacred trust
to care for the land for future generations. A Memorandum of Agreement between the provincial governments
provides assurances about protection and management of the nominated area. The Pimachiowin Aki partners
share a commitment to work together to safeguard the potential Outstanding Universal Value of Pimachiowin Aki
for present and future generations.

NAME AND CONTACT INFORMATION OF OFFICIAL LOCAL INSTITUTION
Organization Name: 
Address:  
City:   
Postal Code:   

Pimachiowin Aki Corporation
220 Rochester Avenue
Winnipeg, Manitoba
R3T 3W2

Tel:    
Fax:    

(204) 275-1564
(204) 275-1572

Email:   
Web Address:  

whp@shaw.ca
www.pimachiowinaki.org

Pimachiowin Aki Corporation is the official local institution accountable to conserve, protect, and present the
proposed Outstanding Universal Value of Pimachiowin Aki. The Corporation’s Board of Directors provides strategic
direction and ensures resourcing to fulfil the organization’s Vision, Mission, and Goals, including implementation
of the Pimachiowin Aki Management Plan prepared for the nominated area. Each of the five First Nations and two
provincial governments are represented by one Board member and the Board is supported by a professionally
staffed Secretariat.
Individual First Nation land management plans and park plans have been approved and adopted under provincial
legislation to govern land use and decision-making for the constituent parts of the nominated area and to
sustain Anishinaabe relationships with the land. Under this legislation, decisions about land and resource use
in Pimachiowin Aki must be consistent with these management plans. While authority for decision-making
under these plans will continue to rest with the relevant First Nations and provincial governments, in addition to
guiding implementation of the Pimachiowin Aki Management Plan, the Pimachiowin Aki Corporation will facilitate
implementation of the First Nation and park plans to ensure decision-making supports the conservation and
protection of the proposed Outstanding Universal Value of the nominated area. Section 5 provides further detail
about the Pimachiowin Aki Corporation and governance of the proposed World Heritage Site.

viii  

 Glossary of Anishinaabe Terms
Anishinaabeg of Pimachiowin Aki have a rich and enduring oral tradition. The Anishinaabe language
(anishinaabemowin, or RXLVqdWnB) is the primary means of communication in both familial and official settings
within the five First Nation communities. In school, English is the primary means of instruction but children are
also taught in either one of two written forms of the Anishinaabe language: syllabic script, originally introduced
into Ojibwe and Cree communities by a Methodist missionary over 170 years ago, and double-vowel Roman
orthography developed by linguists.
Both of these written forms are presented in this document; however, primarily it is the double-vowel system
that is used, as in the glossary below. Double vowels represent long vowels, with the sound drawn out, and
apostrophes represent short pauses in pronunciation.
Roman Orthography

English Meaning

Aadizookewin

telling of legends; teachings

Aki

land, earth

Akiiwi-gikendamowining

land-based knowledge of Anishinaabeg

Anishinaabe

Ojibwe (adj.), Ojibwe person (n. sing.)

Anishinaabeg

Ojibwe people (n. pl.)

Anishinaabe ishkode

fire started and controlled by Anishinaabeg

Anishinaabemowin

language of the Ojibwe people

Bagidinaasiwin

offering sites

Bashkosigewining

shoreline wetlands burned in spring

Bimaadiziwin / Pimachiowin

life, existence; the good life

Binesiwag

Thunderbirds (pl.)

Binesi ishkode

Thunderbird fire (lightning fire)

Gete Bimishkaawin

cultural waterway; ancient water route

Ji-ganawendamang Gidakiiminaan

Keeping the Land

Ji-gichi-inenimidiyang

maintaining respectful relationships with other people

Manoomin

wild rice

Memegwesiwag

little rock people (one of the Creator’s helpers)

Mino-bimaadizi

the way of a good life / to lead a good life

Onizhishin

beautiful; it is good; as it is supposed to be

Akiing ondaaji’idizowin

customary land-based/livelihood practices

Introduction   ix

 Table of Contents
Message from the Board of Directors of Pimachiowin Aki Corporation......................................................................i
Preamble................................................................................................................................................................... iii
Executive Summary................................................................................................................................................... iv
Glossary of Anishinaabe Terms................................................................................................................................. ix

Section 1 – Identification of the Property (Nominated Area).................................. 1

Section 2 – Description........................................................................................ 11
The Pimachiowin Aki Cultural Landscape............................................................................................ 12
2.a(i) 

Description of the Cultural Landscape.................................................................................... 14

2.a(ii)  The Boreal Shield and Pimachiowin Aki Ecosystems.............................................................. 61
2.b  

History and Development......................................................................................................... 86

2.c  

Reflections on the History and Development of Pimachiowin Aki......................................... 101

Section 3 – Justification for Inscription.............................................................. 105
3.1 

3.2 

3.3  

Justification for Inscription.................................................................................................... 106
3.1.a 

Brief Synthesis............................................................................................................. 106

3.1.b 

Criteria under which Inscription is Proposed.............................................................. 107

3.1.c 

Statement of Integrity.................................................................................................. 109

3.1.d 

Statement of Authenticity............................................................................................ 112

3.1.e 

Protection and Management Requirements............................................................... 115

Comparative Analysis............................................................................................................ 117
3.2.a 

Comparative Analysis of Cultural Heritage................................................................. 118

3.2.b 

Comparative Analysis of Natural Heritage.................................................................. 150

Proposed Statement of Outstanding Universal Value............................................................ 179

Section 4 – State of Conservation and Factors Affecting the Property.............. 183

x  

4.a 

Present State of Conservation............................................................................................... 184

4.b 

Factors Affecting the Property............................................................................................... 185

 Section 5 – Protection and Management of the Nominated Area....................... 193
5.a 

Ownership.............................................................................................................................. 197

5.b 

Protective Designation........................................................................................................... 198

5.c 

Means of Implementing Protective Measures....................................................................... 205

5.d 

Existing Plans........................................................................................................................ 207

5.e 

Pimachiowin Aki Management Plan...................................................................................... 211

5.f 

Sources and Levels of Finance.............................................................................................. 215

5.g 

Sources of Expertise and Training in Conservation and Management Techniques............... 216

5.h  

Visitor Facilities and Statistics............................................................................................... 219

5.i 

Policies and Programs Related to the Presentation and Promotion of the Property............ 223

5.j 

Staffing Levels....................................................................................................................... 224

Section 6 – Monitoring....................................................................................... 227
6.a 

Key Indicators for Measuring State of Conservation............................................................. 228

6.b 

Administrative Arrangements for Monitoring....................................................................... 231

6.c 

Results of Previous Reporting Exercises............................................................................... 232

Section 7 – Documentation................................................................................ 235
7.a 

Image Inventory and Photograph and Audiovisual Authorization Form................................ 236

7.b 

Texts Related to Protective Designation, Area Management Plan,
First Nation Land Management Plans, and Provincial Park Plans........................................ 236

7.c 

Form or Date of Most Recent Records or Inventory............................................................... 241

7.d 

Address where Inventory, Records and Archives are Held.................................................... 241

7.e 

Bibliography........................................................................................................................... 242

Section 8 – Contact Information of Responsible Authorities............................. 255
8.a 

Preparer................................................................................................................................. 256

8.b 

Official Local Institution......................................................................................................... 256

8.c 

Other Local Institutions......................................................................................................... 257

8.d 

Official Web Address.............................................................................................................. 257

8.e 

Acknowledgements................................................................................................................ 258

Section 9 – Signature on Behalf of the State Party ........................................... 261

Introduction   xi

 List of Figures
Figure 1.1  Location of the nominated area within North America .......................................................................... 5
Figure 1.2  Boundaries of the nominated area and buffer zones.............................................................................. 6
Figure 2.1  Anishinaabe hunting and trapping sites in Pimachiowin Aki................................................................ 22
Figure 2.2  Hunting sites in the Poplar River area.................................................................................................. 23
Figure 2.3  Anishinaabe knowledge of resource availability following forest fire.................................................. 27
Figure 2.4  Wild rice stands seeded in the Pikangikum area.................................................................................. 30
Figure 2.5  Anishinaabe cabin and camp sites in Pimachiowin Aki........................................................................ 34
Figure 2.6  Cabins and seasonal camp sites in the Little Grand Rapids area ........................................................ 35
Figure 2.7  Documented archaeological sites in the nominated area..................................................................... 38
Figure 2.8  Anishinaabe gete bimishkaawin (cultural waterways) ........................................................................ 40
Figure 2.9  Waterway travel routes in the Pikangikum-Pauingassi-Little Grand Rapids area............................... 41
Figure 2.10  Rapids and other natural barriers/hazards.......................................................................................... 42
Figure 2.11  Anishinaabe travel routes in the Pauingassi area ............................................................................... 44
Figure 2.12  Sample of named places documented by Pikangikum First Nation..................................................... 46
Figure 2.13  Sample of named places documented by Poplar River First Nation.................................................... 47
Figure 2.14  Ceremonial sites in the Barton Lake area............................................................................................ 49
Figure 2.15  Pictograph linked to a distant set of rapids (Mikaiami Falls)............................................................... 52
Figure 2.16  Kingfisher representation at Sasaginnigak Lake (photo courtesy of J. Steinbring;
sketch courtesy of G. Rajnovich 1994; see Petch 2010)........................................................................ 53
Figure 2.17  Trapline areas within Pimachiowin Aki................................................................................................. 55
Figure 2.18  Composite map of cultural attributes (excluding traplines)................................................................. 58
Figure 2.19  North American boreal shield, North American boreal biome, and the global boreal biome ............. 61
Figure 2.20  Dominant surface materials change from glacial tills in the east to wave-washed exposed
bedrock in the central areas to organic and glacial lake mineral deposits in the west . ..................... 64
Figure 2.21  Drainage systems follow a deranged pattern in the eastern and central areas, and
dendritic or parallel patterns in the west............................................................................................. 66
Figure 2.22  Three adjacent third-order watersheds overlap Pimachiowin Aki....................................................... 67
Figure 2.23  Vegetation and habitat diversity after a fire, by time since fire . .......................................................... 68
Figure 2.24  Fire history (showing decade when last fire occurred) ........................................................................ 69
Figure 2.25  Large-area ecosystems ....................................................................................................................... 70
Figure 2.26  Vegetation and habitat diversity in the Rockland ecosystem ............................................................... 72
Figure 2.27  Sample of Anishinaabe plant names (adapted from Davidson-Hunt et al. 2012).................................. 74
Figure 2.28  Cumulative human footprint (Lee and Hanneman 2010)...................................................................... 76
Figure 2.29  Total number of mammal, birds, reptiles and amphibians in the intact portion of the North
America boreal shield (compiled from Freemark et al. 1999 and Lee and Hanneman 2010)............... 77

xii  

 Figure 2.30  Sample of Anishinaabe mammal names (adapted from Davidson-Hunt et al. 2012)............................ 78
Figure 2.31  Documented woodland caribou habitat in Pimachiowin Aki................................................................. 80
Figure 2.32  Sample of Anishinaabe bird names (adapted from Davidson-Hunt et al. 2012) ................................... 82
Figure 2.33  Sample of Anishinaabe fish names (adapted from Davidson-Hunt et al. 2012).................................... 84
Figure 2.34  Maximum extent of Lake Agassiz (Marshall 2010)............................................................................... 88
Figure 2.35  Simplified sequence of cultural occupations........................................................................................ 90
Figure 2.36  Evolution of forest cover ...................................................................................................................... 91
Figure 2.37  Le Petit Nord......................................................................................................................................... 94
Figure 2.38  Lodges and outpost camps................................................................................................................. 100
Figure 3.1  Cultural comparative themes............................................................................................................. 122
Figure 3.2  Culture areas of North America.......................................................................................................... 124
Figure 3.3  All sites identified and initially considered in the comparative analysis............................................ 126
Figure 3.4  Thematic representation among long-list sites.................................................................................. 128
Figure 3.5  Map of short-list sites......................................................................................................................... 129
Figure 3.6  Old Crow Flats Special Management Area and Vuntut National Park................................................ 131
Figure 3.7  Saoyú-ʔehdacho National Historic Site.............................................................................................. 135
Figure 3.8  Results of 1998–2006 harvest study in Sahtu Settlement Area.......................................................... 138
Figure 3.9  Albanel–Témiscamie–Otish proposed biodiversity reserve............................................................... 141
Figure 3.10  Cat Lake–Slate Falls Protected Areas................................................................................................ 146
Figure 3.11  Features and processes used for the comparative analysis,
and the key ecosystem drivers and responses they represent .......................................................... 153
Figure 3.12  Characteristic conditions theme: Features or processes, and their associated
indicators and attributes..................................................................................................................... 154
Figure 3.13  Large-area ecosystem diversity theme: Features or processes,
and their associated indicators and attributes................................................................................... 156
Figure 3.14  Site integrity theme: Features or processes, and their associated indicators and attributes............ 157
Figure 3.15  Inscribed natural and mixed World Heritage properties in the boreal biome
(bolded and shaded rows are sites in the North American boreal shield).......................................... 158
Figure 3.16  Sites identified for the global and regional comparative analyses .................................................... 160
Figure 3.17  The short-list of boreal biome sites, and some relevant attributes (the North American boreal
shield short-list of sites for the regional analysis are highlighted with bold font and shading)........ 161
Figure 3.18  Characteristic conditions indicators: overall site scores and number of
individual indicators with extremely low scores for the boreal biome short-list sites....................... 163
Figure 3.19  Large-area ecosystem diversity indicators: overall site scores and
individual indicator scores for the boreal biome short-list sites........................................................ 164
Figure 3.20  Site integrity indicators: Overall site scores and individual indicator scores for the
boreal biome short-list sites.............................................................................................................. 165

Introduction   xiii

 Figure 3.21  Characteristic conditions indicators: Overall site scores and number of individual
indicators with extremely low scores for the North American boreal shield short-list sites............. 167
Figure 3.22  Radar plots illustrating the individual indicator scores for each of the regional short-list sites....... 167
Figure 3.23  Characteristic conditions indicators:
Site size scores for the North American boreal shield short-list sites.............................................. 169
Figure 3.24  Characteristic conditions indicators:
Intactness scores for the North American boreal shield short-list sites........................................... 170
Figure 3.25  Characteristic conditions indicators:
Surface materials scores for the North American boreal shield short-list sites .............................. 170
Figure 3.26  Characteristic conditions indicators:
Burned area scores for the North American boreal shield short-list sites........................................ 171
Figure 3.27  Characteristic conditions indicators:
Watershed scores for the North American boreal shield short-list sites........................................... 171
Figure 3.28  Characteristic conditions indicators:
Water surface area scores for the North American boreal shield short-list sites ............................ 172
Figure 3.29  Characteristic conditions indicators:
Shoreline density scores for the North American boreal shield short-list sites ............................... 172
Figure 3.30  Characteristic conditions indicators:
Stream length scores for the North American boreal shield short-list sites .................................... 173
Figure 3.31  Characteristic conditions indicators:
Natural water obstacles scores for the North American boreal shield short-list sites..................... 173
Figure 3.32  Characteristic conditions indicators:
Soil organic carbon density scores for the North American boreal shield short-list sites................ 174
Figure 3.33  Characteristic conditions indicators:
Vegetation growth scores for the North American boreal shield short-list sites .............................. 174
Figure 3.34  Characteristic conditions indicators:
Mammal richness scores for the North American boreal shield short-list sites .............................. 175
Figure 3.35  Characteristic conditions indicators:
Bird richness scores for the North American boreal shield short-list sites...................................... 175
Figure 3.36  Characteristic conditions indicators:
Amphibian richness scores for the North American boreal shield short-list sites ........................... 176
Figure 3.37  Large-area ecosystem diversity indicators: Overall site scores and individual indicator
scores for the North American boreal shield short-list sites............................................................. 176
Figure 3.38  Site integrity indicators: Overall site scores and individual indicator scores for the
North American boreal shield short-list sites ................................................................................... 177
Figure 5.1  Pimachiowin Aki management framework and cycle......................................................................... 195
Figure 5.2  Pimachiowin Aki Corporation governance/organization structure . .................................................. 196
Figure 5.3  Designations and legislation .............................................................................................................. 199
Figure 5.4  Configuration of types of protected areas........................................................................................... 203
Figure 5.5   Applicable provincial and federal legislation...................................................................................... 204

xiv  

 Figure 5.6  First Nation planning areas in Pimachiowin Aki................................................................................. 208
Figure 6.1  Monitoring indicators.......................................................................................................................... 229

List of Boxes
Box 2.1 

Fairwind’s Drum – Gift of a Thunderbird . ............................................................................................ 18

Box 2.2 

Harvesting sites on Keeper Lake ......................................................................................................... 23

Box 2.3 

Medicinal plant harvesting site on Pinesewapikung Saagaigan (Weaver Lake) .................................. 25

Box 2.4 

Evidence of ancient Anishinaabe occupation on Artery Lake .............................................................. 37

Box 2.5 

Significance of named places to Anishinaabeg .................................................................................... 45

Box 2.6 

Memegwesiwag rock paintings and hunting success .......................................................................... 52

Box 2.7 

Anishinaabe Woodland Art Tradition ................................................................................................... 54

Box 2.8 

Woodland caribou hunt – Abel and Norman Bruce .............................................................................. 59

Box 3.1 

Identifying protected areas in the Sampson Lake area . .................................................................... 111

Box 3.2 

Pimachiowin Aki Song......................................................................................................................... 115

Introduction   xv

  

  

IDENTIFICATION
OF THE PROPERTY

(NOMINATED AREA)



 

1
Identification of the Property
(Nominated Area)
1.a Country
Canada

1.b Provinces
Manitoba and Ontario

1.c  Name of the Nominated area
Pimachiowin Aki

1.d  Geographical Coordinates
The geographical coordinates at the centre of the nominated area are:
95 deg. 24 min. 40 sec. 6W
51 deg. 49 min. 35 sec. 1N

2  

 Coordinates of the nominated area

Canada Lambert Conformal Conic

1 Identification of the Property (Nominated Area)   3

 1.e  Maps and Plans, Showing the Boundaries
of the Nominated Area and Buffer Zones
Figures 1.1 situates Pimachiowin Aki within North America. Pimachiowin Aki’s boundaries and buffer zones are
illustrated in Figure 1.2.
Five large-scale maps of the Pimachiowin Aki proposed World Heritage Site are included in Appendix D, as
follows:
Map 1.  Pimachiowin Aki Proposed World Heritage Site
Map 2.  Pimachiowin Aki Proposed World Heritage Site – Topographic Map
Map 3.  Pimachiowin Aki Proposed World Heritage Site – Nominated area and Buffer Zones
Map 4.  Pimachiowin Aki Proposed World Heritage Site – Nominated area Buffer Zones – Topographic Map
Map 5.  Pimachiowin Aki Proposed World Heritage Site – Eastern Boundaries.
Maps 1-4 show the nominated area and buffer zones, on both thematic and topographic maps. Map 5 provides a
more detailed view of the eastern boundaries of the nominated area.

First Nation community elders have inspired and guided this nomination (R. Pengely 2009)

4  

 Figure 1.1 Location of the nominated area within North America

North America Equidistant Conic

1 Identification of the Property (Nominated Area)   5

 Figure 1.2 Boundaries of the nominated area and buffer zones

Canada Lambert Conformal Conic

NOMINATED AREA
The nominated area includes portions of the planning areas of the five Pimachiowin Aki First Nations: Bloodvein
River, Little Grand Rapids, Pauingassi, Pikangikum, and Poplar River. First Nations, along with Inuit and Métis, are
Aboriginal peoples of Canada.
First Nation planning areas are the lands for which First Nations lead land management planning in collaboration
with the provinces (see Figure 5.6). Land management plans for these areas have been approved and given legal
effect under provincial legislation. First Nation planning area boundaries are based on historic traplines held by
each First Nation. These planning areas are culturally significant because they reflect traditional harvesting areas
of Anishinaabe extended families and are therefore associated with customary stewardship and governance.
First Nations, in collaboration with the provinces, determined which portions of their planning areas are included
within the nominated area. Those First Nation planning area lands that are included in the nominated area have
6  

 been protected under provincial legislation. The nominated area also includes a provincial wilderness park in
Manitoba and a provincial wilderness park and a conservation reserve in Ontario. These protected areas are
established under provincial legislation.
Taken together, the nominated area proposed by the Pimachiowin Aki partners encompasses 33,400 square
kilometres of land and water—a continuing indigenous cultural landscape in the North American boreal shield.

BOUNDARIES
The north and west boundaries of the nominated area follow the boundaries of the First Nation planning areas of
Bloodvein River, Little Grand Rapids, Pauingassi, and Poplar River First Nations.
The southern boundaries of the nominated area
correspond to those of Woodland Caribou Provincial
Park and Eagle–Snowshoe Conservation Reserve in
Ontario, and Atikaki Provincial Park in Manitoba.
The eastern boundaries of the nominated area
comprise parts of the First Nation planning areas
of Little Grand Rapids, Pauingassi, and Pikangikum
First Nations. These boundaries extend out to
encompass the upper reaches and headwater
areas of the main rivers in order to protect these
culturally significant waterways and also to enhance
ecological connectivity. The eastern boundaries
of the nominated area also comprise the eastern
limits of Woodland Caribou Provincial Park.

Dense, needle-leaf forest extends to the lakeshore (©H. Otake 2010)

Buffer Zones
Pimachiowin Aki is nested within a broader landscape of largely intact boreal forest and wetlands. This
surrounding area is governed by laws and plans that provide complementary legal and planning frameworks
that ensure consideration of the cultural and natural values of Pimachiowin Aki. In each of these frameworks,
Aboriginal people either play a direct role in land use decision-making or are consulted in order to account for
their values.

Management Area
The Management Area includes those portions of the First Nation planning areas that are not included in the
nominated area. These adjacent lands are referred to as the “Management Area” because they fall under the
direct management responsibility of Pimachiowin Aki partners. Any future land use decisions about these lands
will be made by the individual First Nation with the relevant provincial government, taking into account the
proposed Outstanding Universal Value of Pimachiowin Aki. The Management Area is 8,900 square kilometres.

Manitoba Provincial Parks
Two Manitoba provincial parks—Nopiming and South Atikaki—are located along the southern boundary of the
nominated area. Both are classified as Natural Parks under the Manitoba Provincial Parks Act. These parks are
mandated to maintain habitat for woodland caribou, provide nature-oriented recreational opportunities, and
protect cultural values. Decisions about the use of these parks are made by the Manitoba government under
authority of the Provincial Parks Act. Combined, the parks include 1,950 square kilometres.

1 Identification of the Property (Nominated Area)   7

 Far North — Ontario
Ontario’s Far North Act provides a planning framework through which the government of Ontario makes land- and
resource-use decisions for a vast part of the province. The Little Grand Rapids First Nation and Pauingassi First
Nation land management plans (for their traditional harvesting areas in the Province of Ontario) were developed
under the Far North Act. First Nations with traditional lands adjacent to Pimachiowin Aki are working cooperatively
with the provincial government to develop community-based land management plans that protect the region while
allowing environmentally sustainable economic development. The portion of the Far North planning area that is
within 25 kilometres of the nominated area is approximately 10,000 square kilometres.

Ontario Forest Management Units
Four forest management units lie adjacent to the southeast corner of the nominated area in Ontario. These forest
management units are geographic planning areas guided by a legal framework for sustainable development
of provincial Crown lands. The Crown Forest Sustainability Act and the Environmental Assessment Act guide the
Government of Ontario’s decision-making about management of these lands. This framework is based on
principles of sustainability, public involvement, Aboriginal peoples’ involvement, and adaptive management. Those
portions of Ontario forest management units that are within 25 kilometres of the nominated area cover an area of
7,600 square kilometres.

Wabanong Nakaygum Okimawin
The Wabanong Nakaygum Okimawin (WNO), meaning “east side of the lake governance” in Ojibwe and Cree, aims
to develop a vision of land and resource use in the area that respects both the needs of local communities and the
ecological value of the boreal forest in Manitoba. The WNO is supported by Manitoba’s East Side Traditional Lands
Planning and Special Protected Areas Act, which enables First Nations-led land management planning. Planning
is underway in WNO First Nation communities with traditional lands adjacent to Pimachiowin Aki. Plans that
are developed by these First Nations through community-led planning processes will be enacted in law by the
Government of Manitoba. Within 25 kilometres of the boundary of the nominated area, the WNO process covers an
area of 9,250 square kilometres.

Norway House Resource Management Area
The Norway House Resource Management Area (RMA) was created under the Norway House Master
Implementation Agreement by Canada, Manitoba, the Norway House Cree Nation and Manitoba Hydro in relation
to hydroelectric development. A Resource Management Board with equal representation of the Norway
House Cree Nation and Manitoba was established under the agreement to develop land use and resource
management plans for the RMA. The provincial government makes land-management decisions within the RMA
upon recommendations by the board. Two thousand seven hundred square kilometres of the RMA is within 25
kilometres of the boundary of the nominated area.

8  

 1.f  Area of Nominated Area
Nominated area:

33,400 square kilometres (3,340,000 ha.)

Buffer zone(s):

40,400 square kilometres (4,040,000 ha.)

Total:

73,800 square kilometres (7,380,000 ha.)

Pimachiowin Aki is largest network of contiguous protected areas in the North America boreal shield (©H. Otake 2006)

1 Identification of the Property (Nominated Area)   9

 DESCRIPTION

 

 

2
Description
The Pimachiowin Aki Cultural Landscape
“Our land is a good, bountiful land. It was Manidoo [the Creator] who created me with a purpose, who put me
on this land to live.... I love this land because everything I need, I get from the land. I love the land because I
live; you can only love something when you are alive and it is the land that makes me alive.”
Elder William Strang (in translation, December 15, 2004)

In Anishinaabemowin, the Ojibwe language, Pimachiowin Aki means “the Land That Gives Life.” Pimachiowin refers
to a good life in the fullest sense: enjoying good health, longevity, freedom from misfortune, and a rewarding
livelihood. As Elder William Strang has explained, the Creator has provided in Pimachiowin Aki everything
Anishinaabeg (Ojibwe people) need to lead a good life. The Creator’s gift of Pimachiowin Aki is a healthy, beautiful
boreal forest.

“I remember one day we were cutting firewood and I was looking at the trees. I just looked at those trees.
Every tree was created differently; so beautiful. Each one was created in its own unique way. This is why we
were taught to keep the land.”
Elder Ellen Peters (in translation, November 25, 2004)

For Anishinaabeg, aki refers to the land and all life that emerges from and flows across the land. Aki includes all
of the Creator’s gifts of sun, water, wind, rain, fire, rock, soil, plants, and animals. Aki is also the source of life; all
of the features, beings, forces, relationships, and processes that together make up the Land that Gives Life. For
Anishinaabeg, the land is everything with which they share life; it is everything that Anishinaabeg depend on for
survival and well-being.
A visitor to Pimachiowin Aki will feel awe for the
tremendous amount of fresh, clear water and the
dense forest. The human spirit is inspired by the
remarkable beauty of lakes and rivers, the granite
cliff-faces and shorelines, the colour, light, and
sound of rushing water, the waves breaking on the
shores. Chance encounters with moose, woodland
caribou, or perhaps a wolf or lynx reinforce one’s
awareness that this is a remote part of North
America. Bald eagles soaring overhead, the
haunting call of a loon in the early morning, and the
howling of wolf packs to star-filled skies are all part
of experiencing Pimachiowin Aki. Most memorable
is meeting Anishinaabeg and learning about their
ancestral stewardship of this beautiful and special
place.

12  

This image perfectly reflects the words of Elder Whitehead Moose:
“Our land is so beautiful” (J. Wrobel 2010)

 Pimachiowin Aki’s 33,400-square-kilometre area is larger than many countries, including Belgium, Lesotho,
Belize, or Kuwait. It is a vast boreal forest with myriad freshwater lakes, rivers, and wetlands. The land ranges
from undulating ancient bedrock ridges to extensive low-lying wetlands. Wildfire is the dominant force working
across the landscape to produce a complex living mosaic.
Pimachiowin Aki is at the heart of the North American boreal shield, beyond the mainstream of Canada’s modern
cities, towns, and services (see Figure 2.28). It is home to Anishinaabeg of five remote First Nation communities
within the nominated area: Bloodvein River, Little Grand Rapids, Pauingassi, Pikangikum, and Poplar River (see
map of nominated area in Executive Summary). Anishinaabeg are the sole year-round residents of the nominated
area. Anishinaabeg hunt animals such as moose, trap fur-bearing animals such as muskrat and beaver, fish
the rivers and lakes, and gather and cultivate native plants such as manoomin (wild rice). Anishinaabeg travel
throughout the nominated area to pursue customary livelihood activities and conduct ceremonies and other
cultural activities.
Because Pimachiowin Aki is remote, travel across the landscape has always depended on intimate familiarity with
its many waterways. The rivers of Pimachiowin Aki have many twists and turns, and numerous rapids, chutes,
and waterfalls. Travel by land and by water requires skill and patience in navigation, boating, canoeing, portaging,
snowshoeing ,and, when travel is not safe, camping on the land. Anishinaabeg learn these skills at an early age
through their experience of living on the land and listening to their elders. Although snowmobiles and motor boats
have made travel more efficient, survival still depends on an intimate knowledge of the land.

“Everything you see in me, it is the land that has moulded me. The fish have moulded me. The animals and
everything that I have eaten from the land has moulded me, it has shaped me.”
Elder Whitehead Moose (in translation, October 5, 2005)

A challenging climate, complex hydrology, and dramatic natural disturbances are among the primary ecological
drivers of the boreal shield ecosystem of Pimachiowin Aki. These ecological drivers have also shaped the culture
of Anishinaabeg and their intimate, indissoluble bond with the land. Anishinaabeg understand there is an essential
kinship among all life on the land. As Elder Whitehead Moose has suggested, Anishinaabeg embody the land.
Every aspect of their being reflects their intimate association with aki. For Anishinaabeg, travel through the forest
reinforces the physical, emotional, and spiritual bonds they have with aki. The wind blowing in the poplar trees can
inspire a song; a little bird on a nearby tree branch can be an encounter with a departed loved-one.

2 Description   13

 2.a(i) Description of the Cultural Landscape
The Creator made the lands and the waters. He gave all creation the most precious and sacred gift of life. He gave us
everything we need to live and to be strong: the sun, clean air, clean water, all the plants grow[ing] on the earth and
all living creatures. The Creator gave every living thing a job and responsibility to ensure the circle of life continues.
The Creator placed us on this land and gave us the job to protect and care for these lands as a sacred duty and trust
to our future generations. Like our ancestors, we are the caretakers of this land and we know once the resources
from the land are depleted we will have nothing. We have been told by our elders to keep the land as it was when the
Creator made it.
Poplar River Land Management Plan (PRFN 2010: 8)

“‘It is good’ were his words when the Creator saw all that he had created. It is good weather today; we can
see the Creator in the weather today. This is the way it was, it was good, when he created everything; when
he created all the creatures on the land. The land is still good today because we have looked after it; we have
kept the land.... Everything is still in place as it was when the Creator created it.”
Elder Whitehead Moose (in translation, November 25, 2004)

“Manidoo, the Creator, created us, the Anishinaabeg. Manidoo first put us on this part of the earth. Manidoo
not only created us but created us to sustain us, to live off the land, to live off of all the animals ... Our land is
so beautiful. The Creator blessed us with days that will always change. There will be good weather followed
by cloudy days with rain. This is what makes the land beautiful. This is why I am keeping the land.”
Elder Whitehead Moose (in translation, December 15, 2004)

Anishinaabeg understand the Creator put them on the land, providing them with all the physical and spiritual
resources they need to survive and prosper. In acknowledgement of the gift of life, Anishinaabeg uphold a sacred
trust with the Creator to care for aki, the land and all its life. This sacred trust entails a duty to work with other
beings in a respectful way, a way that honours creation, with the understanding that all beings are united under
the Creator, Gaa-debenjiged or Gizhe-Manidoo (Great Spirit).
According to the belief expressed by Elder
Whitehead Moose, prosperity and goodness can
only be achieved through harmonious relationships
between Anishinaabeg and the Creator, and
between Anishinaabeg and all life on the land,
including themselves. The land is the source of
bimaadiziwin (the good life) in which everything is
onizhishin (it is good, as it is supposed to be). The
greatest ambition of Anishinaabeg is mino-bimaadizi
(to lead a good life). It includes success in hunting,
freedom from misfortune, good physical, mental,
and spiritual health into old age, and healthy,
happy children (Matthews and Roulette 2010a). The
health and well-being associated with bimaadiziwin
depends on maintaining respectful and harmonious
relationships with all life on the land.
14  

Elder with Prayer Drum (©H. Otake 2010)

 Anishinaabeg seek to fulfil their sacred trust with the Creator, and thereby pursue a good life, through their
cultural tradition of Ji-ganawendamang Gidakiiminaan (Keeping the Land).

Ji-ganawendamang Gidakiiminaan
“The young people, when they go out on the land, they come back with their language. This is why the young
people respect the land; because they have their language.”
Elder Tom Quill, Sr. (in translation, October 15, 2013)

Ji-ganawendamang Gidakiiminaan is a set of beliefs, values, knowledge, and practices that guide relations with the
land and all life placed on the land by the Creator; these are the aadizookewin (“teachings”) passed down through
the generations through oral traditions in Anishinaabemowin (the Ojibwe language). These oral traditions are
central to the continuity and authenticity of associations with the nominated area.

“It is important that a person maintains his or her language in order to understand the land. These two work
together as one capacity.”
Elder Oliver Hill (in translation, August 3, 2006)

It is through oral traditions that the significance of the nominated area is articulated within the Anishinaabe world
view. Elders of Pimachiowin Aki have explained the interdependence of life on the land and oral traditions in the
Anishinaabe language: “our language is connected to the land; when we talk to and communicate with the land
we talk to the Creator. When we communicate with the land, the land speaks to us and teaches us, it teaches us to
speak and forms our language” (PFN and OMNR 2006: 3).
When Anishinaabeg speak of Keeping the Land, they refer to their sacred trust for maintaining the land as it was
created by the Creator; respectful of the diversity and abundance of the boreal forest and the interrelationships
among all life on the land, including the ethical and spiritual relationships that unite all beings under the Creator.
Following is a brief discussion of three principles of Ji-ganawendamang Gidakiiminaan that guide how Anishinaabeg
keep the land and maintain their intimate interdependence with the nominated area. These three principles
are honouring the Creator’s gifts, behaving respectfully towards other beings, and maintaining respectful
relationships with other people.

1. HONOURING THE CREATOR’S GIFTS
“My father taught me the teachings of the Creator and those teachings were to respect the land, respect the
animals that were on the land ... the Creator gave these things for us to use, so we had to honour what the
Creator gave us.”
Elder Whitehead Moose (in translation, August 4, 2006)

The Creator provided every material resource needed to live a good and prosperous life. In addition to healthy food
and clean water, the materials needed year-round for akiing ondaaji’idizowin (land-based livelihood activities),
travelling across the land, and building shelter have all been provided in Pimachiowin Aki. The Creator gave these
gifts to ensure survival of Anishinaabeg.

2 Description   15

 “Every living thing, including the smallest insect, was given jobs to do, to make sure the life our Creator made
will always be there. Plants and trees for example were given many jobs, cleaning the air, medicines, as food
for the birds, animals, fish and people. Some of the animals, birds and fish where given the job to feed us and
much more. Our job as given to us by the Creator was to take care of all the life on the earth.”
Elders Abel Bruce and Albert Bittern (November 5 to 15, 2013)

All life was created with spirit, with inherent powers and potency, including the potential for volition. Moreover,
all life was created with purpose, including the purpose of nourishing other lives. Anishinaabeg, like all of the
animals, must harvest life in order to survive; harvesting life is one way Anishinaabeg demonstrate respect for
the Creator’s gift of survival. As Elder Solomon Turtle has explained, “When we work the traplines, harvest its
abundance, it returns again. This is the Creator’s way of looking favourably upon us” (in translation, December 11,
2003). If Anishinaabeg stop harvesting life in Pimachiowin Aki, this would suggest they no longer need or respect
the Creator’s gifts and might lead to the declining availability of those gifts. As Elder Gideon Peters has suggested,
“If we quit harvesting, they [caribou] will disappear. Only if you harvest will they come back” (in translation,
December 11, 2003).
The Anishinaabe tradition of Ji-ganawendamang Gidakiiminaan is not about transforming the landscape, it is
about living within the opportunities and limits presented by the boreal forest environment of Pimachiowin Aki.
Anishinaabe akiing ondaaji’idizowin (customary livelihood practices) entail the harvest of plants, animals, and other
forms of life in a manner that ensures the continuity of the Creator’s gifts. Every being, every thing on the land,
has a purpose for being and its own relationship with the Creator that must be respected, even if that relationship
is not well understood by human beings. For example, as Elder Charlie Peters explained, the caribou, as with all
the animals, has a will of its own and a purpose for being on the land.

“The caribou was given life to live on the land by the Creator. The Creator’s plan has been initiated. We cannot
give the caribou what they want to eat, we cannot tell the caribou where to live, only the Creator can do this.
Even though we create boundaries on maps saying where the caribou are and where the caribou will eat, we
don’t know what the Creator’s plan is.”
Elder Charlie Peters (in translation, March 1, 2006)

“I kill the caribou to eat. This is an honour to take this caribou for my survival.”
Elder Jake Kejick (in translation, February 15, 2006)

Anishinaabe elders in Pimachiowin Aki speak of a personal
responsibility for ensuring one’s behaviour does not interfere,
directly or indirectly, with the ability of other beings to make
choices or to maintain their relationship with the Creator
(O’Flaherty et al. 2009). This duty of non-interference exists
alongside the duty to harvest the life that has been provided for
the survival of Anishinaabeg. Both duties reflect the importance
of honouring the Creator’s gifts. The principle of honouring the
Creator’s gifts is also upheld through careful observance of
respectful behaviour, including ceremony, to avoid causing offence
to other beings and, ultimately, the Creator.

16  

Ceremony is a way to honour the gifts that sustain life
(©H. Otake 2010)

 2. RESPECTFUL BEHAVIOUR TOWARD OTHER BEINGS
“We don’t laugh at or tease any animals; we hold them with much respect because it is not proper in our
culture to tease animals, whether they are large or small. They will hear you when you don’t respect them
and they will come after you, get even with you.”
Elder Matthew Strang (in translation, February 15, 2006)

Respect for other animals that have given up their lives for Anishinaabe survival is demonstrated, in part, by
ensuring no part of a harvested animal is wasted. This shows the animal was not killed in vain but to fulfil an
important purpose among the living: “Everything that was taken had a purpose, and was to be respected at all
times; in other words nothing was wasted” (BRFN and Manitoba 2012). Respect for harvested animals is also
shown by gibimi-giiwewatoon (giving something back to the land) after harvesting. For example, Elder Oliver Hill
explained the bones of beaver and fish are returned to the water while saying a traditional prayer to acknowledge:
“You are going to swim these waters again.” In the same way, duck wings are tied together and put in a tree to
respect the ducks, to return something to the land (PFN and OMNR 2006).

“The Creator also gave us traditional processes. When we harvest medicine you have to cut for the person in
charge, meaning the frog.”
Elder Matthew Strang (in translation, August 19, 2009)

When harvesting plants, and especially medicines, an offering of tobacco is provided to show thankfulness. For
harvests of medicines, tobacco is given to the frog, which is associated with the control of medicinal plants and
knowledge of their potencies.
It is also customary for Anishinaabeg to leave something of value at
offering sites in order to demonstrate respect for those spirit beings
that control the weather, or how and when animals are made available
for Anishinaabeg to harvest. Such spirit beings are known as Creator’s
helpers because they help to carry out the Creator’s plan. For example,
Binesiwag (Thunderbirds), the most powerful spirit-entities after the
Creator, are responsible for many things, including bringing rain,
lightening, and life-renewing fire to the forest. According to Anishinaabe
linguist Roger Roulette, “without the Thunderbirds there wouldn’t be life
as we know it” (Matthews 1995). Thunderbirds are also known to come
to people in their dreams and offer knowledge, as illustrated in the story
of Fairwind (see Box 2.1).

Beenesay eshkotay (Thunderbird fire) (artist:
Mario Peters 2007)

2 Description   17

 “Thunderbirds are large birds that look after the life in the sky, they are the lead bird. They build their nests
from stones and have their young like any birds do. They come this way in the spring and leave in the fall.”
Elders Abel Bruce and Albert Bittern (November 5 to 15, 2013)

Box 2.1 Fairwind’s Drum—Gift of a Thunderbird
Fairwind (Naamiwan) was a renowned medicine man at Pauingassi during the first half of the 20th century.
He had a large, beautifully decorated drum that he used to communicate with the spirit world and effect
healing among people. Fairwind obtained the design and purpose of the drum in a dream that he recounted
each time he played the drum. The dream came to him as he sat on a particular rock on Miskwaadesiwiziibi
(Mud Turtle River) grieving after the death of a beloved grandson.
Elder Charlie George Owen relates the story of Fairwind’s dream (translation by Margaret Simmons, in
Matthews 1993):
He [Naamiwan] put down his gun, took off his mitts, and he sort of knelt down and he
had his back towards the sky, so it was there when, while he was crying, tears were just
pouring, pouring down. And it was during this time that he got this dream, and somebody
spoke to Naamiwan and said, ‘Don’t be lonely anymore’. And it seemed to come from the
direction of the east. And he said, ‘I’m going to give you a gift and with this gift you will
become a healer. You will help many, many people of this gift that I’m giving you’. And he
got the instructions on how to make the drum”.
It was a Thunderbird that gave the design and purpose of the drum to Fairwind, and offered to act as his
ritual partner in use of the drum for healing. In the retelling of the story, the name of the spirit being was
not used out of respect.
Memegwesiwag are another of the Creator’s helpers. The memegwesiwag
are semi-human beings, typically described as having the appearance of a
dwarf with a long beard and no nose. They have a specific association with
water, herbal medicines and especially stone; they are often referred to in
English as “little rock people.” They are not made of rock but have a strong
association with stone; for example, according to ancient teachings it was
the memegwesiwag who taught Anishinaabeg to make pipe stems and arrow
heads from stone. Offerings are often made to memegwesiwag at places
where they are known to inhabit or visit. Respect for both Binesiwag and
memegwesiwag is also demonstrated by avoidance of speaking directly about
these beings or pointing at and visiting the places where they dwell.
People are guided in how they make use of the land in Pimachiowin Aki by
the need to observe respectful behaviour toward other animals/beings to
avoid committing offence. This is integral to the stewardship of all life on the
land and a part of how Anishinaabeg pursue a good life (mino-bimaadizi).
Naamiwan (Fairwind), holding a swan
wing (A.I. Hallowell Collection 1930s,
American Philosophical Society)

18  

 3. RESPECTFUL RELATIONSHIPS WITH PEOPLE
Ji-gichi-inenimidiyang (maintaining respectful relationships with other people) (Shearer et al. 2009), or respecting
one another, is an equally important principle of Keeping the Land. Good relations with people follow from
the practice of “making yourself know that a person is important to you and therefore respecting them” (in
translation, Elder Norman Quill, December 15, 2005).

“That is something our Elders wanted to keep, to keep good relations with other communities.... Our people
had relationships with other communities and because of these relationships there was trust there. They
knew if there was trust there they knew there was a basis for survival.”
Elder Oliver Hill (in translation, February 2, 2005)

“The teaching we have is that we are to love one another, to be in harmony with one another.”
Elder William Strang (in translation, December 15, 2004)

Sharing harvests with relatives and friends, and especially with the elderly, is an important means of ensuring
there are good relationships among people. As Elder Oliver Hill explained, “When someone killed a moose they
would think about the whole community, they would try to give every person some meat, even if it meant to cut
one shoulder into many pieces, just to make sure every person had something” (in translation, February 2, 2005).
Sharing also allows for the wider distribution of scarce resources, or resources found only in certain areas. For
example, as Elder Whitehead Moose explained, “People were sent to get sturgeon for others, to bring sturgeon
back for those who don’t have any” (in translation, October 2, 2007).
In addition, because customary livelihood practices require using
a large and varied landscape, sharing of land is an important
way to ensure people are able to pursue a good life. The ability of
Anishinaabeg to adapt to changes in resource availability across the
broad landscape depends on maintaining close personal and kinship
ties, including with neighbouring and related communities. As Elder
Oliver Hill explained, “The reason for helping those other people was
that our people wanted them to prosper and succeed, to prosper in
their hunting, to help them survive” (in translation, February 2, 2005).
Maintaining respectful relations through sharing and cooperation
are especially important among extended family members since it is
typically these people, and in particular one’s elders, from whom one
learns the aadizookewin (teachings) that make up Ji-ganawendamang
Gidakiiminaan while travelling, working and living on the land.
Because wisdom comes with age and experience on the land, elders
and other people with land-based knowledge (akiiwi-gikendamowining)
are especially esteemed for their role in guiding decision-making in
personal, family and community matters related to use of the land.
Knowledgeable elders are revered for their role in ensuring continuity
of Ji-ganawendamang Gidakiiminaan.

Elders are esteemed for their knowledge
(M. Matthews 1994)

In general, the practice of ji-gichi-inenimidiyang (maintaining respectful relationships with other people) directs
Anishinaabeg to maintain good relations with all people, since all people were created equally and in principle are
of the same inherent value and importance. In addition to the central importance of harmonious relations with
2 Description   19

 friends and extended family members, partnerships and alliances with Anishinaabeg and non-Anishinaabeg from
other regions are cherished and maintained as part of mino-bimaadizi (the pursuit of a good life). It is this aspect
of Keeping the Land that guides relations between the Pimachiowin Aki partners, including respectful crosscultural and consensus-based decision-making within the Pimachiowin Aki Corporation (see Section 5).

SUMMARY
“We all fit side by side on this circle [of life], and we all are important, depending on each other for life. No
one is more important than the other. That is why we have a strong relationship with all life.”
Elders Abel Bruce and Albert Bittern (November 5 to 15, 2013)

The Anishinaabe cultural tradition of Ji-ganawendamang Gidakiiminaan (Keeping the Land) expresses three
fundamental principles described above:
1.  Honouring the Creator’s gifts, the gift of life that is Pimachiowin Aki, through appropriate use of the land for
harvesting, habitation and travel;
2.  Observing respectful behaviour toward other beings, and all life on aki, through appropriate harvesting
practices and ceremony; and
3.  Respecting one another by maintaining harmonious relations with other people, including through
partnerships and alliances, and by respecting the guidance of elders as bearers of the cultural tradition.
The beliefs, values, knowledge, and practices that make up Ji-ganawendamang Gidakiiminaan shape tangible and
direct associations with the landscape of the nominated area, guiding Anishinaabeg to interact with the land and
with each other in ways that are respectful; in ways that express ji-gichi-inendamang (reverence for all creation),
with the understanding that all life is united under the Creator. It is the maintenance of this respectful relationship
to the land that is the basis for bimaadiziwin (the good life).
The significance of Ji-ganawendamang Gidakiiminaan is evident in the continued health and vitality of the forest
in the nominated area and in the survival of Anishinaabeg across millennia of social and economic change. The
site-specific cultural attributes described in the next section express the significance of Ji-ganawendamang
Gidakiiminaan in sustaining both land and people.

Pimachiowin Aki as an Expression of Ji-ganawendamang Gidakiiminaan
Pimachiowin Aki is an exceptional expression of the cultural tradition of Ji-ganawendamang Gidakiiminaan. A
complex network of interlinked sites, routes and areas make up the attributes that span the nominated area,
providing testimony to the beliefs, values, knowledge, and practices that constitute Keeping the Land.1 While the
material remains of Anishinaabe use and occupation are generally impermanent and often difficult to observe for
an untrained eye, the evidence of Ji-ganawendamang Gidakiiminaan is pervasive within the nominated area and can
be understood through Anishinaabe knowledge and oral traditions.
Anishinaabeg are a highly mobile people and their material culture reflects the need for mobility. Traditionally,
“technology was light-weight and expedient and shelter was portable in order to facilitate mobility: [it reflected] a
strategy involving moving people to the resources, rather than transporting widely dispersed resources to a
permanent central place” (Hamilton 2010). Prior to more permanent settlement in First Nation Reserve
1  All mapped data on cultural landscape attributes presented below represents the outcomes of documentation to date and is therefore illustrative rather than comprehensive.

20  

 communities,2 Anishinaabeg dispersed widely on the land during winter, shared productive fishing sites during
spring and autumn, and gathered in larger settlements during the summer.
Aided by more efficient transportation, people today
more commonly make briefer seasonal trips out
to their cabin and camp sites, then return to the
First Nation community, which now functions as a
more permanent place of residence. Nevertheless,
the same basic pattern of use continues, whereby
people disperse widely on the landscape in order to
make use of season-specific resources. This pattern
of use is reflected in the geographic distribution
of cultural sites and areas, their interconnection
through traditional travel routes, and the continuing
significance of widely dispersed attributes in
supporting Anishinaabe occupation and use of the
landscape.
The present–day Pauingassi First Nation community began as a

The following description of the nominated area as
summer gathering site (Manitoba Conservation and Water Stewardship
2014)
an expression of Ji-ganawendamang Gidakiiminaan
demonstrates how the cultural attributes of
Pimachiowin Aki reflect the principles of the cultural tradition discussed earlier.
The attributes that reflect the cultural tradition include harvesting sites, habitation and processing sites, travel
routes, named places, sacred and ceremonial sites, and trapline areas. At harvesting sites, Anishinaabeg of
Pimachiowin Aki honour the Creator’s gifts through the harvest of plants, animals, and other forms of life in
a manner that ensures continuity of all life on the land. Habitation and processing sites in Pimachiowin Aki
enable Anishinaabeg to focus harvesting efforts in areas where resources are most abundant. Travel routes,
especially waterways, and the named places that serve as landmarks along those travel routes, support the
shifting use of this vast landscape as people respond to the uneven and changing distribution of resources.
Sacred and ceremonial sites are important nodes on the Pimachiowin Aki cultural landscape where Anishinaabeg
acknowledge dependence on the Creator and observe respectful behaviour toward other beings. Trapline areas
within Pimachiowin Aki enable shared use of the land while also acknowledging that extended family groups
are responsible for stewardship of specific areas, based on their established histories of trapping, hunting, and
fishing.

HARVESTING SITES
Harvesting sites in Pimachiowin Aki express the importance of honouring the Creator’s gifts through akiing
ondaaji’idizowin (customary livelihood practices); that is, through the continued harvest of plants, animals, and
other forms of life in a manner that ensures continuity of all life on the land. Harvesting activities at these sites
also provide a tangible context for the affirmation and intergenerational transmission of beliefs and values that
make up Ji-ganawendamang Gidakiiminaan.

“Keeping the Land means a gift, our livelihood, the way we live on the land.”
Elder Ellen Peters (in translation, November 25, 2004)

2  Establishment of Reserves is discussed in Section 2.b History and Development, “Relations with government.”

2 Description   21

 Anishinaabe elders and harvesters have documented both broad areas and specific sites used for hunting,
trapping, fishing, and gathering. Specific sites at which harvests have occurred are shown as points in Figures 2.1,
2.2, and 2.18; more general areas throughout which harvesting has occurred are shown as polygons in Figures
2.1, 2.2, and 2.18. Figure 2.1 provides an overview of the multitude of sites, routes, and areas associated with
the hunting of birds and large game, and the trapping of fur-bearers, by Anishinaabeg in Pimachiowin Aki. As
an example of how Anishinaabe livelihood practices are expressed on the land, Figure 2.2 provides a closer look
at hunting and trapping sites documented by Poplar River First Nation. Box 2.2 provides an illustration of how a
particular family used harvesting sites in one year, highlighting the diversity of harvest sites used while people are
on the land.

Figure 2.1 Anishinaabe hunting and trapping sites in Pimachiowin Aki

22  

Canada Lambert Conformal Conic

 Figure 2.2 Hunting Sites in the Poplar River Area

Canada Lambert Conformal Conic

Box 2.2 Harvesting sites on Keeper Lake
Before he passed away, Larry Pascal was the head trapper on his trapline, which is centred on Keeper
Lake. Each spring and fall, Larry and Donna Pascal, together with their daughters, their adopted son, and
sometimes their sons-in-law from different communities, go out to their cabin on Keeper Lake.
In 2007, the Pascals made a two-week visit to Keeper Lake, just before break-up in mid-April. The family
began by setting fishing nets and rabbit snares immediately after landing. Harvests were largely consumed
immediately, with some valuable fish flown back to the community to be stored frozen. Several days were
dedicated to harvesting from these sources before travelling farther afield to trap beaver and other furbearers. Duck hunting began as bays and inlets became free of ice. (continued)

2 Description   23

 A duck-hunting blind was constructed out of jack pine saplings near an area of open water where the
current was fast, a short distance from the camp. Two more distant duck hunting sites were visited by snow
machine.
That fall, the Pascals returned to hunt moose, which were abundant in Larry’s area because of a large fire
that swept through in 1995. Moose were hunted every evening, with hunting trips lasting from five to seven
hours, meaning hunting parties would sometimes return to Larry’s camp past two o’clock in the morning.
Normally, two to three hunting parties were formed every evening, comprised of Larry, his sons and sonsin-law, and other visitors. One group was comprised of Larry’s cousin and two other men who borrowed a
boat from Larry to travel down the Keeper River looking for moose. Whenever moose were not found after a
few days, fishing nets and rabbit snares were set, as in the spring.
(adapted from Deutsch 2013 and Davidson-Hunt et al. 2012)

Canada Lambert Conformal Conic

24  

 Resources in the boreal forest are highly dispersed, with especially
favoured resources often found in specific and small patches or places.
Akiiwi-gikendamowining, the land-based knowledge of Anishinaabeg, is
especially important in locating these patches. Box 2.3 provides an
illustration of a highly localized and difficult-to-find medicinal plant
harvesting site on Pinesewapikung Sagaigan (Weaver Lake), upstream
from the Poplar River community.

Skinning a beaver (N. Deutsch 2007)

Box 2.3 Medicinal plant harvesting site on Pinesewapikung Sagaigan (Weaver Lake)
There are certain medicines that are hard to find, and sometimes we have to travel far to pick them. A few
years ago, maybe eight or nine years ... our late friend Howard Bruce started to suffer, he was having a hard
time breathing. One of our elders told us to make some medicine for him, he told us to get two types of
plants. One of them is called mitigomishiin [Scrub Oak]. Somebody remembered that there was some close
by, but we didn’t know exactly where it was.
Some of us went out by boat right away to look along the shore [of Pinesewapikung Sagaigan] for the
mitigomishiin. One of our elders offered tobacco before we left to help us find the medicine. We left our
camp on the bay of the lake, close to Kitche Assin (“Big Rock”). We travelled east and followed the shoreline
around to the north side and around Muskegomoosagaaning (“the bay where the muskeg comes down to
the lakeshore”). We stopped several times to look around for the medicine and we were gone most of the
day. We passed Paagitinigewening (the prayer offering place) and then Gookooko’oo saagasaweningminitik
(an island which is named after an old lady whose name was Owl and where people used to smoke tobacco
for ceremonies). When we got to Sagatowipowitik (the last rapids upstream on the Poplar River before
Weaver Lake) we found the medicine. An elder offered tobacco to the medicine first and then we picked the
medicine and took it back to our camp.
There are only a few places around here where this mitigomishiin [Scrub Oak] grows and we were happy to
find it that time.
Elder Abel Bruce (November 5, 2014)
(continued)

2 Description   25

 Canada Lambert Conformal Conic

Moreover, the locations of preferred resource patches shift over time in response to ecological change, especially
following forest fires. Wildfire is a key driver of change and continuity in the boreal forest, affecting the availability
of preferred plant and animal resources. The location of trapping and hunting sites shifts over time in response to
the movement of animals and changes in habitat associated with ecological succession. Because of these shifts
in location, effective hunting and trapping requires access to harvesting sites across the entire nominated area.
When desired animals become more scarce in one area, people join friends and relatives in other areas where
those animals are more abundant. In this way, animals and their habitats under stress are able to recover in those
areas as hunting is shifted to other areas. When populations are again healthy, harvesting efforts can move back
to those areas that have been rested.
This shifting of harvest locations in response to ecological change is enabled through the sharing of land, a
reflection of the principle of ji-gichi-inenimidiyang (maintaining respectful relationships with other people), as
described below under Trapline Areas.
26  

 The landscape of the nominated area reflects this shifting or rotational use of harvest sites—an adaptation to the
highly uneven distribution of resources in the boreal forest—through the widespread distribution of these sites
throughout the nominated area.
By way of illustration, the distribution of moose-harvesting sites within the nominated area is a reflection of
a long-standing and well-developed akiiwi-gikendamowining (land-based knowledge) of moose behaviour and
habitat. Moose are hunted through most of the year, except mid-summer when the meat is less tasty. The shorter,
cooler days of autumn and the leafless fall forests provide ideal conditions to hunt moose as they concentrate
along the rivers, lakes, and forest openings to mate. During this rutting season when bull moose are in search of
females, Anishinaabeg mimic the bull’s call and draw the animals into an open area. In winter, when Anishinaabeg
track moose in the snow, a successful hunt depends on correctly interpreting animal movement. Knowledge of
resource availability following fire is critical to determining the location of successful moose-hunting sites. Figure
2.3, developed from interviews with elders, shows the shifting availability of moose habitat over time following fire,
with the availability of preferred moose browse declining through time following fire (Miller 2010).

Fire consumes
organic soil.

Old forests
(kitaymitigook) are
not good food areas.

Moose and hares eat
“smoked” leaves in newly
burned areas (nogoomekay
ahkeesakeytek).
Blueberries flourish on
thin, mineral soil.

Balsam fir grow in
deepening black soil
(okataywikamik).

FIRE
Yr
100 / 0

Jack pine grow where
soil is sandy (mitawunk)
or thin. Poplar grows in
clay soils (wahbeegoon).

Caribou graze
lichen in winter.

Yr 75

Yr 25

Ground lichen
(wahpuhkahmik)
grows in rocky
openings.

Moose feed on
poplar in winter good hunting.

Yr 50
Marten, lynx and fisher
come from old growth
denning sites to hunt
abundant hares.

Feather moss
(ahsahkamik)
covering ground.
Poplar no longer
reproducing moose decline.

Burnt snags
(ayasayweeseg)
present from last
fire. Owls (kokokoo)
nest in cavities.

Moose still
abundant but
hard to see.
Jack pine limbs
become harder for
hares to reach.
Hares begin to
decline.

Figure 2.3 Anishinabe knowledge of resource availability following forest fire
2 Description   27

 “When fire comes to a rocky area, blueberries come after the fire and feed a lot of animals.”
Elder Whitehead Moose (in translation, July 20, 2006)

Figure 2.3 also shows knowledge of productive
blueberry patches that can be found three to
10 years after a fire. Some elders say they have
travelled half a day by foot from camp sites in order
to harvest berries at prime collecting areas that had
burned several years earlier. Many animals that are
hunted and trapped frequent these berry patches,
including bears, game birds and foxes (Miller 2010).
Another type of harvesting site includes those
places that are used more regularly over the years,
since their habitat values are less subject to change
over time. For example, places where waterfowl can
be harvested in most years include rapids where
migrating waterfowl concentrate at the open water
in the early spring, before the ice has melted from
the lakes and rivers. As summer approaches,
waterfowl nest in the shoreline vegetation along the
lakes. There are also well-known resting spots for
waterfowl migrating south in the autumn. These are
all known as good places to hunt waterfowl.

Harvesting blueberries (R. Pengely 2009)

Spring and autumn spawning sites for fish are also
well known and provide reliable harvesting sites for
brief periods each year. Important spring-spawning
fish include lake sturgeon, suckers, and walleye.
Fall-spawning species include whitefish and lake
trout. Anishinaabeg fish on all of the larger lakes
and rivers in Pimachiowin Aki. Gill nets are used
on lakes, including under the ice in winter using a
specially designed jig for pulling the net under the
ice. Fishing with a hook and line is also common in
Pimachiowin Aki.

Fishing with a gill net (© H. Otake 2010)

Some harvesting sites in Pimachiowin Aki have been intentionally managed to increase the local abundance of
desired plants and animals. One of the most impressive examples of culturally modified harvest sites are the
manoomin (northern wild rice) harvest areas that are found across the nominated area. Archaeological evidence
in Pimachiowin Aki, on Rowdy Lake and the Bloodvein River, indicates that Anishinaabeg were cooking wild rice in
pots at least 1,200 years ago (Boyd and Surette 2010).

28  

 “We know the names of our ancestors who brought manoomin into our country to nurture more ducks and
muskrats.”
Alex Peters (February 18, 2003)

“All those rice areas that you see [on Goose Lake], my father planted all those; in Suckerfish Bay, the south
arm of Goose Lake; also north, there’s a river; all those areas there, that’s where he planted until he ran
out.... I was given two bags of wild rice to plant, east of here; they call it File Lake. So, I planted those two
bags of rice that I was given and I went back the following year, in the fall.... I was amazed at the amount of
rice that grew, lots of rice that grew. There were a lot waterfowl.”
Elder Charlie Peters (in translation, September 1, 2010)

Elders of some communities in Pimachiowin Aki have explained how wild rice stands were planted and tended as
part of customary livelihood practices. Elder George K. Strang, for instance, explained how he planted manoomin
on Mallet Lake, on the Keeper River system: “We planted rice there, maybe ten years ago, and last time I checked
there was a lot of rice there” (in translation, February 4, 2005). Anishinaabeg plant manoomin by carefully
selecting locations with the correct water depth, clarity and bottom conditions, and then either sow pre-soaked,
specially selected seeds, or place them in mud balls so they sink to the bottom of the water.
Manoomin stands planted by Anishinaabeg are
under the stewardship of the person or family who
did the planting. Harvesting is under that person’s
or that family’s guidance. Manoominikewin (tending
of wild rice stands) can also include trapping
beaver, which alter desired water levels by building
dams, and clearing out competing vegetation such
as water lilies (Davidson-Hunt et al. 2012: 119).
Manoomin is a culturally important food and
medicine for Anishinaabeg, and an important
part of ceremonial feasts. Manoomin is also an
important source of food and shelter for a variety
of animals that Anishinaabeg harvest, including
beaver, muskrat, ducks, and geese. Wild rice stands Manoomin (wild rice) ready to harvest (© H. Otake 2012)
provide important habitat for “millions of migratory
and resident birds that permanently and temporarily live in the boreal” (Dohan and Voora 2010a). The shallower
margins of manoomin stands are often habitat for wiikenzh, or sweet flag (Acorus americanus), an important
medicinal plant for Anishinaabeg. Manoomin stands are significant for their role in supporting the biodiversity of
the boreal forest, providing a source of food, medicine, and shelter for other animals.
Figure 2.4 provides a detailed view of some of the wild rice stands in the Pikangikum First Nation area.

2 Description   29

  

2.5 

man-mer

Ma nun min Mild Ricel I

 

. 
Azimth MEI degrees 
1 l?1 2 3 I


Inn?. i 
IT. 

r?
2?

 

Pikangikum
First Natinn

 

 

was?

Canada Lambert nformal Conic

Wild rice stahds-seeded in he Pikaggikum area “[Anishinaabe fire] occurred in the early spring while the ice was still on the lake. I learned the practice from
my father. It was intended to bring new growth to small creeks and marshes.... These burned areas tend to
grow much faster and more plentiful ... these areas would be very good homes to many little animals. There
would be lots of birds like red-winged blackbirds and sandpipers. Muskrats became plentiful in those areas.
Also frogs; you could hear them singing in those places.... We did this as we were traveling only when the ice
was still on the lake; wherever we were traveling and we saw that it would be useful to the land if we burned.”
Elder Charlie Peters (in translation, October 5, 2007)

A second form of culturally modified harvest sites are places,
known as bashkosigewining, where Anishinaabeg use the
customary controlled burning of shoreline wetlands to enhance
productivity and habitat for animals that are in turn hunted,
particularly muskrats and ducks. Burning of wetlands improves
duck and waterfowl habitat by providing greater abundance of
okaadaak (a wild carrot eaten by waterfowl) and by promoting
earlier and more vigorous re-growth of grasses and reeds that
provide protective cover for nests (Davidson-Hunt et al. 2012:
102).
The use of controlled fire—Anishinaabe ishkote—to create
bashkosigewining is practiced during the early spring, when the
lakes are still covered by clear ice with no snow. These fires
only burn the dead material from the previous year and do not
spread because the ground is still frozen or wet. Spring fires
are also used to keep trails open, and protect cabin and camp
sites from wild fire by cleaning up dead grasses and other
combustible material.
A third form of culturally modified harvest site is the birch
grove from which birch bark is harvested. Culturally modified
birch trees have had portions of their bark removed but the tree
remains alive. These trees are found among the larger stands
of paper birch that grow along the main rivers of the nominated
area. Birch bark harvested from culturally modified trees is
used for making baskets, horns for calling moose in the autumn
hunt, and historically, as a material for covering wigwams and
for building canoes.

Pishashkooseewuhseekaag (Spring burning of the
marshes) (artist: Mario Peters 2007)

2 Description   31

 Trees which have had their bark removed are left with a distinctive
dark scar (A. Chapeski 2002)

If done properly removing the bark does not kill the tree
(C. Burlando 2007)

Each type of culturally-modified harvesting site—wild rice stands, shoreline wetlands that are burned, and birch
bark harvest sites—demonstrates the subtle influences Anishinaabeg have within the landscape, altering natural
conditions to promote particular plants and animals that are harvested by Anishinaabeg. Culturally modified
harvest sites attest to the ways in which Anishinaabeg promote the natural diversity of the boreal forest and
demonstrate the importance of Anishinaabe knowledge and oral history in explaining human influences that might
go unnoticed by a casual observer.

“The medicines have kept us alive and helped to cure sickness. The bush is our drug store and we are grateful
for all those plants that are happy to give up their lives to help us. We need to honour those plants and to
make sure they are looked after.”
Elders Abel Bruce and Albert Bittern (November 5 to 15, 2013)

In summary, harvesting sites in Pimachiowin Aki illustrate how Anishinaabe harvesting practices and their
associated knowledge express an intimate understanding of the land, including locations of site-specific
resources, animal behaviour, and ecological processes, enabling effective adaptation to the highly localized and
shifting availability of resources. These sites reflect the cultural tradition of Ji-ganawendamang Gidakiiminaan by
expressing the principle of honouring the Creator’s gifts through continued harvesting that sustains and enhances
the natural diversity of the boreal forest. Harvesting sites are places on the landscape at which Anishinaabeg
demonstrate their respect for the gift of life that is Pimachiowin Aki.

HABITATION AND PROCESSING SITES
Until the very recent past, Anishinaabeg dispersed across the whole of Pimachiowin Aki during the winter. During
the spring and autumn, people camped near seasonal resources to work together in collecting and processing
storable food. During the summer months people gathered in larger settlements on lakes with productive fishing
resources that supported multiple extended families and their sled dogs. Shelters were usually tents and other
temporary shelters such as wigwams (Hamilton 2010). Five of these traditional summer gathering sites are now
the First Nation communities of Pimachiowin Aki, where seasonal use has been replaced by year-round habitation
in modern houses.

32  

 “I watched my grandfather and grandmother prepare the rice, after it was picked.... They would roast the rice
over the fire, meanwhile my grandfather would dig a hole about a foot deep and lay a cloth in the hole. After
the roasting was done, they would pour the roasted rice into the hole. The rice has to be roasted in such a way
it had to be crisp. After it was poured in the hole, my grandfather covered the rice and started stepping on
the covered rice inside the hole for a few minutes and would take it out again. If there was a slight breeze, he
would take the rice and pour into the small pail, all the chaff would blow away and the kernel would drop into
the small pail.”
Elder Charlie Peters (in translation, September 1, 2010)

Outside of the contemporary First Nation communities, habitation
and food processing sites are found throughout the nominated
area, and especially along waterways. Many of these sites have
spruce-log cabins, drying racks, and smoke houses made of
spruce poles and covered with birch bark or tarps. Others are
simply cleared areas, or easily cleared areas, where people erect
temporary shelters. At camp sites established near manoomin
stands, there are often pits in the ground that were used to
separate the chaff from the kernel, as described by Elder Charlie
Peters above. Spring and fall camps are made near fish-spawning
areas, waterfowl-gathering sites, and good hunting areas.
Anishinaabeg used these camps for only a few weeks to harvest
limited, seasonal resources (Davidson-Hunt and O’Flaherty 2010).
In the winter, when hunting and trapping is focused on more
dispersed and elusive prey, family groups may spend several
months at well-established cabins or clusters of cabins. Such
winter cabin sites generally have satellite camps within a day’s
journey of the main camp.
More than 700 cabin and camp sites have been recorded to date
within the nominated area (see Figure 2.5). Figure 2.6 illustrates
some of the cabins and seasonal camp sites recorded by Little
Grand Rapids First Nation, and the trails that link these sites with
the community.

Meat smoking rack (A. Miller 2007)

2 Description   33

 Figure 2.5 Anishinaabe cabin and camp sites in Pimachiowin Aki

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 Figure 2.6 Cabins and seasonal camp sites in the Little Grand Rapids area

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The shifting use of the landscape in response to ongoing changes in resource availability is expressed on the
land in the way habitation and processing sites are abandoned and re-used across the generations. For example,
in 2007, Timmy K. Strang pointed out a cabin site that was well used for more than a decade but was not used
recently so the cabin roofs had collapsed. Timmy explained that he was using a different cabin site located in a
different part of his trapline area, where there are better opportunities for hunting and trapping (Deutsch 2013:
117).

2 Description   35

 Although most habitation and processing sites are
used seasonally and may be left unused for long
periods, these sites are many generations old and
their locations have been established based on
proximity to resources, ease of access, good
drainage, shelter from elements, and safety from
wild fire. Even where these sites are not currently in
use, they remain important in providing a home
base for future harvesting, when resource
availability and personal circumstances allow for
greater use of the area. Moreover, unused
habitation sites are important in oral traditions,
acting as physical markers of personal and
collective histories, including claims to resources
(discussed further under Named Places). Therefore,
whatever the current state of repair of specific
structures such as cabins, habitation sites remain
culturally important because of their association
with both historic and future use; that is, these sites
retain an active social role in contemporary society.

Trappers cabin built from logs harvested nearby (N. Deutsch 2007)

Collaborative research with archaeologists since
2003 has helped to identify sites used within living
memory for habitation and harvesting activities.
Such sites include summer gathering places,
spring and autumn camp sites, cabin sites,
graveyards, food-processing sites for cleaning and
smoking fish or other meat, fish traps, and potato
gardens. Historic and contemporary habitation
and processing sites are also often associated with
evidence of much more ancient occupation, thereby
demonstrating the continuity of Anishinaabe land
use over many centuries (Taylor-Hollings 2014).
Habitation sites retain their significance no matter the current
Box 2.4 provides an example of archaeological
condition of structures on the sites (C. Burlando 2007)
evidence demonstrating continuous use over
millennia of habitation sites on Artery Lake.
Archaeological evidence in the nominated area indicates “ancient and historical campsites were located at
productive fisheries. This tradition has continued to the present and many cabins are located on or near the
ancient campsites” (PRFN 2010: 29). For example, elders showed archaeologists a seasonal camp site on
Kirkness Lake where a log cabin dating from the first half of the 20th century is located and test-pit sampling
revealed a rare hearth (fire pit) feature from the Late Woodland period (1,300–300 ya) overlaying another hearth
from the Middle Woodland period (2,200–1,300 ya) (Hamilton et al. 2007; Taylor-Hollings 2014). As archaeologist
Virginia Petch has stated, “The sites that have been positively identified to date provide evidence of a longstanding relationship with the land over the millennia. That many of these same areas continue to be used by
the Anishinaabeg is testimony to the value of the land in sustaining a people not only for subsistence but also
culturally and spiritually” (2010: 39).

36  

 Box 2.4 Evidence of ancient Anishinaabe occupation on Artery Lake
Derek Moar, son of Elder Fred Moar, has a cabin and trapline on Artery Lake along the Bloodvein River.
An archaeological survey on Fred and Derek’s cabin site uncovered pottery from the Middle Woodland
period (see Section 2.b, History and Development) as well as evidence that people camped there about 700
years ago. The Moar family also had a cabin on a nearby island where a single test pit uncovered a small
arrowhead demonstrating occupation of the site some 1,000 years ago.
These cabin sites are located near three significant pictograph sites, including the bison pictograph shown
in the photo under Sacred and Ceremonial Sites. Also documented in the immediate area are a number of
rare pre-contact quartz quarry locations at which stone material was collected to make tools.
Numerous ancient camp sites, including one associated with a quartz tool, have been found on Artery Lake
along with longstanding trails and portages.
(Based on Taylor-Hollings 2015, in preparation)

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In summary, while habitation and processing sites in Pimachiowin Aki are occupied and used for generations, and
even for millennia, these sites are not permanently modified; they blend in seamlessly with the forest. When these
sites are abandoned, they retain a significant footprint in oral traditions. Habitation and processing sites reflect
the cultural tradition of Ji-ganawendamang Gidakiiminaan in two ways. First, the development and use of these
sites contributes to the continuity of all life on the land. Second, these sites support the shifting use of the land
for akiing ondaaji’idizowin (customary livelihood practices); these sites express the principle in Ji-ganawendamang
Gidakiiminaan that Anishinaabeg must continue to honour the Creator’s gifts. Through oral traditions and
2 Description   37

 archaeology, habitation and processing sites demonstrate the antiquity and continuity of the cultural tradition
within the nominated area.
The extent of archaeological investigation in Pimachiowin Aki, including research on pictographs (discussed below
under Sacred and Ceremonial Sites), has been increasing in recent years as part of land management planning
processes by Pimachiowin Aki partners. Some 325 archaeological sites, including pictograph sites, have been
documented within the nominated area (Figure 2.7).

Figure 2.7 Documented archaeological sites in the nominated area

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 Viewing pictographs (© H. Otake 2007)

First Nation community members participate in archaeological
research (© H. Otake 2000)

TRAVEL ROUTES
Travel routes, and waterway travel routes in particular, are essential for supporting the shifting use of a broad
landscape in response to changing and uneven distribution of valued resources. Waterway travel routes are also
important for facilitating travel and communication between communities, upholding the sharing and cooperation
that maintain harmonious relations among Anishinaabeg of Pimachiowin Aki. Moreover, travel routes, including
portages that are used and maintained across the generations, reflect the principle in Ji-ganawendamang
Gidakiiminaan of respecting the Creator’s gifts by not significantly modifying the landscape.
Each of the five First Nation communities is
located on one of four gete bimishkaawin (cultural
waterways), which are the main travel routes
that link the communities to one another and to
seasonal land use camps found throughout the
landscape (see Figure 2.8). Branching out from
the cultural waterways is an extensive network
of summer and winter travel routes that connect
harvesting and habitation sites across the entire
nominated area (see Figure 2.9 for a closer view of
one part of this network of waterway travel routes).

Waterway travel routes have been used for generations by
Anishinaabeg (Pimachiowin Aki Corp. 2009)

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 Figure 2.8 Anishinaabe gete bimishkaawin (cultural waterways)

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 Figure 2.9 Waterway travel routes in the Pikangikum-Pauingassi-Little Grand Rapids area

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Waterways are the arteries of Pimachiowin Aki, carrying the lifeblood of the land and people. They are especially
important for providing connectivity across the nominated area, carrying the medicine-bearing waters from
muskeg (peat-forming wetlands) out to the rest of the land. The significance of waterway travel routes is shown in
the way 82 percent of cultural attributes documented to date in Pimachiowin Aki are found along waterways.3

“Norman [Quill] had this teaching [that] ... the way the Creator created the muskeg was for a particular
reason. The muskeg acts as a large filter.... It purifies the water and releases it back into the streams and
rivers. That’s why we see a lot of our lakes have pure water, clean water.... That’s why we have good clean
water.”
Elder Matthew Strang (in translation, November 28, 2011)
3  Calculated using a 100-metre GIS buffer on 1:50,000 National Topographical Database waterways, including “water bodies” and “water courses” but excluding “wetlands”.

2 Description   41

 Figure 2.10 Rapids and other natural barriers/hazards

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Waterway travel routes are used year-round, except in
fall and spring when ice is forming or breaking up and
travel is more dangerous than usual. The highly complex
and unpredictable drainage pattern in Pimachiowin
Aki, coupled with an abundance of rapids and partially
submerged rocks (Figure 2.10), makes travel by water
potentially dangerous at all times.
Anishinaabeg have a detailed knowledge for navigating the
landscape of Pimachiowin Aki and have developed wellestablished travel routes that enable efficient movement
across the entire nominated area. These routes include
portages, created and maintained by Anishinaabeg for
42  

Portaging a canoe over shallow rapids (N. Deutsch 2007)

 centuries to bypass dangerous rapids, chutes and waterfalls. Because heavier, motorized boats are common
today, portages on the main rivers are sometimes lined with debarked logs that boats are rolled over to make
portaging easier. In addition, some waterway channels have been cleared of rocks to make passage easier
and safer during periods of low water. People from outside Pimachiowin Aki who travel by boat on these rivers
today are not likely to know that many formerly narrow
and shallow passages were widened and levelled long
ago by Anishinaabeg, especially for the freighting of furs
and supplies up and down the gete bimishkaawin (cultural
waterways).
Ancient winter trails, previously used and maintained for
use by dog-team sleds, have been adapted more recently for
use by snowmobile. Winter snowmobile trails in the forest
are widely used today for getting out to cabin and camp sites
in winter as well as moving around the land to trap, hunt,
fish, and gather fuelwood. Traditional winter and summer
travel routes in the Pauingassi area, used for generations by
Anishinaabeg, are depicted in Figure 2.11.

A snowmachine (skidoo) trail accessing a trapline camp
(C. Burlando 2007)

On a showshoe trail (©H. Otake 2006)

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 Figure 2.11 Anishinaabe travel routes in the Pauingassi area

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NAMED PLACES
Integral to the network of Anishinaabe travel routes are the named places that act as landmarks that enable
navigation of the Pimachiowin Aki cultural landscape. When travelling through the land, Anishinaabeg tell stories
associated with particular named places they encounter along the way. Anthropologist A.I. Hallowell described
how Anishinaabeg constantly discuss the names for rapids as they travel along their waterway travel routes; in
this way, named places “function as anticipatory signs of the features of the country to be encountered between
them” (1955: 196).

44  

 “There is another place there that is called ‘eating dirt’. There are moose there and they eat dirt there
because they like to eat that [salty] dirt. There is a lake beside there and it is a nice clear lake, kind of like
spring water. No beaver live there; just moose eat the dirt there. A river there is called ‘Paddy Peters spring
camp’. There are a lot of whitefish there; a lot of fish. I love that river because I am able to get my food from
there.”
Elder Norman Quill (in translation, November 23, 2004)

In addition to being landmarks that aid in navigation, named places are associated with customary teachings
on the activities of legendary figures, animal behaviour or habitat, personal or family history, family claims to
harvesting areas, and moral principles. Especially important are oral histories of significant, or memorable,
actions by people, animals, and spirit beings at specific places; such memorable acts are the basis for evocative
storytelling and suggest an intimate knowledge that can only be revealed through oral traditions. The name for
each particular place serves as a kind of verbal reference to larger, shared cultural understanding about the
importance of that place (see Box 2.5). The site itself becomes a reminder of both the story and the particular
lesson being passed on through oral traditions. By linking named places with oral traditions, the landscape
becomes “a social actor, evoking memories and eliciting stories” (Matthews and Roulette 2010b: 17).

Box 2.5 Significance of named places to Anishinaabeg
Our own place names on the landscape are telling stories of the land we recognize as the traditional
territory of our people, the Anishinaabeg of Asatiwisipe Aki (Poplar River land), and all the life that
surrounds us.
Listening to and talking about our place names is like reading a book. They tell stories of the landscape,
the animals, birds, fish, plants and people. These named places ensure that these stories will carry on,
sometimes for thousands of years. When my father and grandfather would come back from the land they
would talk about and describe the places where they had been and tell us the names of those places. They
were teaching us the stories of the land so we would always remember them. Sometimes we would go to
places we had never been before and we were able to recognize where we were and we knew the name of
that place.
When my father was describing where he had been, he would say to us kee’apay namaytoowag, which means
he could still feel the presence of people who had been there before. The stories of our ancestors are
connected to those places and to us by the place names.
Sophia Rabliauskas (November 5, 2014)

2 Description   45

 Figure 2.12 provides a picture of the named places recorded to date for a portion of the nominated area near
Pikangikum First Nation. Figure 2.13 shows a sample of named places recorded by Poplar River First Nation.

Figure 2.12 Sample of named places documented by Pikangikum First Nation

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 Figure 2.13 Sample of named places documented by Poplar River First Nation

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In summary, while some place names simply describe the topography or speak of a productive berry patch or
plant life found in the area, other names document the personal and collective histories of the people who have
travelled through, observed, and made use of the land. These are the types of places that Anishinaabeg are
instructed to memorize at a young age through a memory exercise called mikawiwin, in which children are taught
to fix the image of particular part of the landscape in their mind. They stand in one spot and rotate 360 degrees
while focussing their attention on the sights, sounds, smells and feel of the place (Matthews and Roulette 2010b:
27). Through the commitment of particular sites to memory and through association with stories, sites become
both a known, stable geographic reference point to aid in travel and a mnemonic prompt for shared cultural
understandings. Learning the names of places on the landscape is an integral part of how Anishinaabe learn to
navigate the landscape.

2 Description   47

 The naming of places throughout the nominated area, brings the land within the fold of Anishinaabe culture,
investing the land with the beliefs, values, and knowledge of Ji-ganawendamang Gidakiiminaan. In this way, named
places provide the basis for the nominated area to be tangibly and directly associated with Anishinaabe oral
traditions that carry the cultural tradition of Ji-ganawendamang Gidakiiminaan. Named places also invest the land
with the histories of Anishinaabe occupation and use, reinforcing both personal and collective ties with the land.

SACRED AND CEREMONIAL SITES
Sacred and ceremonial sites are important nodes on the Pimachiowin Aki cultural landscape, serving as places
where Anishinaabeg acknowledge dependence on the Creator and the Creator’s helpers in the pursuit of a good
life. In this way, sacred and ceremonial sites express the importance in Ji-ganawendamang Gidakiiminaan of
observing respectful behaviour toward other beings, and in particular those spirit beings—the Creator’s helpers—
who control, among other things, the abundance and behaviour of animals, the potency of medicines, the weather,
and other natural phenomena.

“There are some places where people go and fast. They fast for four days without water and food. They do this
to ask for help and to pray for those who are suffering. Sometimes they dream of things that will help them.”
Elder Abel Bruce (November 5 to 15, 2013)

Sacred and ceremonial sites are found throughout the nominated area but to protect these very important and
sensitive places, few have been documented by Anishinaabeg. Those sites that have been documented are shown
in Figure 2.18, which presents an aggregated view of all cultural attributes in Pimachiowin Aki. There are many
different kinds of ceremonial sites, including locations set aside for community healing ceremonies that involve
drumming and singing of sacred songs, or the use of special structures such as a sweat lodge or shaking tent, in
order to communicate with powerful spirit beings. There are also special islands and other places where people,
especially youth, go to receive spiritual guidance through visions or dreams. Figure 2.14 shows some of the sites
in the Barton Lake area where healing ceremonies were conducted in the past. Prior to the establishment of the
modern community of Pikangikum First Nation, Barton Lake was an important summer gathering place where
they held community healing ceremonies.

Preparing a sweat lodge (Pimachiowin Aki Corp. 2010)

48  

 Figure 2.14 Ceremonial sites in the Barton Lake area

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“There is a cliff on the shore of a river where shaking tent ceremonies were performed. Rattling sounds
are heard here. Anishinaabeg know this rock is owned [or claimed] by memegwesiwag. Anishinaabeg make
tobacco offerings here.”
Solomon Pascal (in translation, January 2014)

Ceremonial sites, and especially those for healing, must be clean, meaning areas of bare earth and typically
flat, sandy sites that are swept clean. They must also be set aside specifically for ceremonial purposes and have
a direct association with a spirit being that is central in the efficacy of ceremonies. As Mathews and Roulette
explain, ceremonial sites are “claimed by a spirit being on behalf of a clan for a ceremonial institution. The land
is thus designated permanently for ceremonial activity” (2010b: 21). For example, with a Thunderbird acting as
2 Description   49

 his ritual partner, renowned healer Fairwind (Naamiwan) of Pauingassi drew people from other communities to
receive medicinal and spiritual treatments at his drumming site (see Box 2.1, above, for more on Fairwind).

“There are bagidinaasiwin in the rocks at either end of Pinesewapikung Sagaigan. People offer tobacco when
they enter the lake and ask the Thunderbirds to be gentle with them so they can have a safe trip across the
lake. That lake is shallow and gets rough if it is windy.”
Elders Abel Bruce and Albert Bittern (November 5 to 15, 2013)

There are also countless bagidinaasiwin, offering sites
where Anishinaabeg leave gifts for spirit beings, the
Creator’s helpers, in order to receive favour in travelling
or hunting. Offerings include anything of value such as
tobacco, money, bullets, or even matches and lighters.
Such sites may be small depressions in bedrock or round
boulders that have powers to move and affect people’s
lives (known as grandfather stones). Anishinaabeg make
offerings to spirit beings any time demonstration of
respect for the Creator and other beings is called for,
including when encountering potential hazards while
travelling or after harvesting plants and animals.
Grandfather stone (© M. O’Flaherty 2005)

“Before hunters go out they offer tobacco and pray for a successful hunt. ... After the moose is killed they
offer tobacco to the spirit for giving its life. They will cover up what is left, the guts or bones, with the hide or
brush. They will cut the moonzomoode [beard] and hang it in a tree.”
Elder Abel Bruce (November 5 to 15, 2013)

Continued successful harvest of plants and animals requires
gibimi-giiwewatoon; that an offering be made to give back or return
something to the land. In this way, Anishinaabeg show respect for
the Creator’s gift of life and the self-sacrifice of other beings in giving
their life for Anishinaabe survival. For example, to acknowledge and
respect the spirit of harvested animals, a traditional prayer is said
when duck wings and moose beards are hung in trees, and when
beaver and fish bones are returned to the water. Thus, harvesting
sites are, at the same time, sites of ceremonial offering.

Moose’s beard hung in a willow after a successful
hunt in order to demonstrate respect for the
moose’s sacrifice (Davidson-Hunt et al. 2011)

“The tobacco plant we burn represents zaagi’iwewin (kindness), because plants are kind by letting us pick
them. They teach us to be kind to each other.”
Elder Abel Bruce (November 5 to 15, 2013)

50  

 Tobacco is especially important in communicating with spirit beings. When the smoke from burning tobacco
drifts in the air, Anishinaabeg believe it is passing into the spirit world of existence and is therefore used to
send messages and offer gifts (Matthews and Roulette 2010a). As elders Abel Bruce and Albert Bittern explain,
“Tobacco was the first plant that the Creator made on the earth. That is why when we pray, hunt, fish, pick
medicines, use trees, and for many other reasons, we offer tobacco first, to honour that first gift of life, and to
show our respect. We take a small bit of tobacco in our hand and either burn it in a fire or place it on the earth, or
smoke the tobacco in our pipes” (November 5 to 15, 2013).
Showing respect for the Creator’s helpers is also demonstrated through sanctions or rules on visiting, speaking
about, or pointing at sites associated with those spirit beings. Such places are referred to here as sacred sites
because they are only to be visited by people who have a special relationship with the spirit beings associated with
those sites.

This island is a place “never to be pointed at” so as to avoid
offending memegwesiwag (© H. Otake 2010)

Thunderbird nest (© H. Otake 2010)

One type of sacred site people avoid visiting or disturbing out of respect is Thunderbirds nests. These are shallow
pits encircled with large and medium-sized boulders. At Weaver Lake, Pinesewapikung Sagaigan (Thunderbird
Mountain Lake), near Poplar River First Nation, construction of a telecommunications tower in the late 1960s
destroyed much of the Thunderbird nest found there; later, to no one’s surprise, a lightning strike destroyed that
tower. There are numerous Thunderbird nests in Pimachiowin Aki; however, to protect their cultural sensitivity,
most of these sites have not been documented (Petch 2010).
Another type of sacred site associated with powerful spirit beings are the islands and rock faces where the
memegwesiwag (little rock people) live. People are warned never to point at these places for fear of offending the
memegwesiwag. However, there are particular Anishinaabeg who develop closer relations with these spirit beings.
One story tells of the man who went to visit the memegwesiwag living on Manidoominis (Spirit Island). The man did
not tell his wife where he was going but she watched from the mainland as he paddled his canoe to the face of a
cliff on the island and magically entered the cliff, disappearing from sight (Matthews et al. 2010).

“There are rock paintings at Dog-skin that are sacred because the people of Little Grand Rapids believe that
those paintings were made by the [little] rock people. The rock people were part of creation and were here
from the beginning.”
Joseph Levesque, Sr. (in translation, January 8, 2014)

2 Description   51

 Memegwesiwag are credited with creating certain pictographs, including to beautify their homes within cliff
faces. Figure 2.15 shows a pictograph on Berens Lake that Pikangikum elders have described as being used by
memegwesiwag to travel in an instant to Mikaiami Falls (Davidson-Hunt and O’Flaherty 2010). Some pictograph
sites are used for communicating with memegwesiwag, including through the presentation of offerings to
demonstrate respect and make requests for assistance in travel or hunting (see Box 2.6).

Figure 2.15 Pictograph linked to a distant set of rapids (Mikaiami Falls)

Box 2.6 Memegwesiwag rock paintings and hunting success
Elder Kenneth Owen of Pauingassi First Nation explained the importance of a particular pictograph in
communicating with the memegwesiwag responsible for the painting, in order to seek the assistance of
these spirit beings in securing a successful hunt (in translation, Matthews and Roulette 2007).
There is a cliff-rock-painting of a snapping turtle
[on a certain river]. When someone travels along
over there, they’d cut some tobacco. They would
hope to kill a moose, they would say. Sure enough,
that was exactly what would happen. That person
would get the blessing to kill a moose. This is the
reason they put tobacco in their pipe. They would
say, “I will kill a moose”, as they placed tobacco in
their pipe. That was the purpose of the cliff rockpaintings.

Mii wedi ezhi-ayaamagak mikinaakwaabikinigan
bezhig. Awiya e-bimishkaad wedi, mii
gaa-izhigiishkizhamowaad asemaan. Mii
ezhibagosenimaad nga-awi-nisaa’ moonz gii-ikido.
Debwe dash mayaa gii-izhiseni obagosendamowin.
Ji-gii-miinigoowizid nisaad moonzoon. Mii iweni
gaa-giibiindaakwa’oonaad ini. Nga-awi-nisaa’ moonz
gaa-gii-inaad ini gaa-gii-biindaakwa’oonaad. Mii iwe
gaa-inaabadakin iniweniwan mazinaabikiniganan.

The creation and use of some pictographs are closely associated with the practice of medicine, including
shamanistic ceremonies. Anishinaabeg consider the red ochre used in pictographs to be a powerful medicine.
Ochre is an iron oxide pigment that was crumbled and mixed with the oil from lake sturgeon or other fish (and
perhaps isinglass from lake sturgeon), or perhaps bear fat, to make a painting paste. Pictographs act as a veil,
biindigewin, through which spirit beings and medicine people passed into each other’s worlds. The paintings are
typically found in places associated with powerful spirit beings: next to water, at the intersection of sky, earth,
water, underground, and underwater (Steinbring 2010).
In some cases, pictographs are interpreted by scholars as having been produced by Anishinaabeg, to mark
significant personal events or associations between certain clans and areas used for traditional land use and
ceremony. Figure 2.16 illustrates a pictograph found at Sasaginnigak Lake that shows two kingfishers, one of the
clan emblems for Anishinaabeg in Pimachiowin Aki. This particular pictograph was probably painted in the early
1800s by members of the Kingfisher clan who wintered at Sasaginnigak Lake and used this lake as part of their
family harvesting area (Petch 2010).
52  

 Figure 2.16 Kingfisher representation at Sasaginnigak Lake
(photo courtesy of J. Steinbring; sketch courtesy of G. Rajnovich 1994; see Petch 2010).

Hundreds of pictographs have been documented
at 41 locations across Pimachiowin Aki, with the
Bloodvein River waterway containing the most
numerous and varied collection of pictographs in
Canada (Petch 2010). One set of panels on Artery
Lake is among the largest collections on the
Canadian Shield (Rajnovich 1994), with numerous
paintings of handprints, animals, canoes, snakes,
and other symbols along a spectacular cliff face.
At Sasaginnigak Lake, one pictograph depicts a
frog-like being on a rock face just above a small
set of rapids. Although this painting has not been
scientifically dated, it is the same in form and
material as other pictographs in the Lake-of-theWoods Style, which is associated with the Shield

Pictograph panel at Artery Lake with bison image, see Box.2.4.
(© H. Otake 2010)

Archaic period (see History and Development). If the Sasaginnigak
frog is as old as others of this period, “it is among the oldest
rock paintings in Canada (and very possibly in North America)”
(Steinbring 2010).
Anishinaabe pictographs in the nominated area provide a tangible
connection between the present—in which Anishinaabeg can
recall and interpret the use of pictographic symbols—and an
ancient past associated with Shield Archaic traditions dating back
several thousand years. In fact, “no area of North America more
perfectly demonstrates such continuity from early times down
to the contemporary residents of the Central Canadian Shield”
(Steinbring 2010).
The influence of ancient pictograph designs on contemporary
Anishinaabe culture is evident in the Anishinaabe Woodland Art
tradition (see Box 2.7).

Associated with ancient pictographs, Woodland Art
continues to be a source of pride and income for
Anishinaabe artists (artist: Mario Peters 2007)

2 Description   53

 Box 2.7 Anishinaabe Woodland Art Tradition
The origin of the Woodland Art tradition is most often associated with Anishinaabe artist Norval Morrisseau,
whose style reflected the aesthetics of Anishinaabe pictographs and sacred scrolls: heavy black outline,
interior segmentation of shapes revealing interior forms (the so-called “X-Ray” style), and “power lines”
linking the spirits of different beings in an image.
The Woodland style is integral to contemporary expressive culture in Pimachiowin Aki and continues to
resonate in young Anishinaabe artists. While originally motivated by ancient teachings, the Woodland
Art tradition is used today to convey “sacred teachings, express colonial ills, and offer a commentary
on issues facing Indigenous peoples today” (Robertson 2010). The Woodland Art tradition expresses a
unique Anishinaabe relationship to land and is indicative of the continuity of Anishinaabe cultural values in
Pimachiowin Aki.

TRAPLINE AREAS
“Before the Government of Manitoba set up registered traplines each family would have a traditional
area where they would live and trap and look after.... There were no lines on a map showing the area, but
everyone knew where it was. The head of the family would make the decisions in regards to the land. If there
was a shortage of beaver or muskrat for example they would leave that area alone for awhile, until these
populations increased. They did this to ensure future use of these resources.”
Ed Hudson (September 2013)

Trapline areas within Pimachiowin Aki are important for coordinating Anishinaabe use of the land across the
nominated area in a way that reflects the cultural tradition of Ji-ganawendamang Gidakiiminaan, and in particular
the principle of ji-gichi-inenimidiyang (maintaining respectful relationships with other people).
There is a general practice among Anishinaabeg that specific family groups are associated with the stewardship
of specific areas, and these areas have boundaries that are known both within the group and among their
neighbours. These family harvesting areas consist of the area in which an extended family has an ongoing history
of trapping, hunting, and fishing (Deutsch 2010; Quill 2006). Although the extent of such areas may change over
time, Anishinaabeg can trace out their approximate boundaries.
Today, these family harvesting areas continue to be important to how Anishinaabeg make use of the land, and
are confirmed within a larger system of provincial government-registered trapline (or fur-harvesting) areas
which were delineated in consultation with and under the guidance of Anishinaabeg. As Dunning (1959: 27) noted,
“Government registration of the trappers and territories was based on the 1947 grouping of trappers and their
own definition of existing trapping areas.” The current trapline areas held by members of the five First Nations in
Pimachiowin Aki are shown in Figure 2.17.

54  

 Figure 2.17 Trapline areas within Pimachiowin Aki

Canada Lambert Conformal Conic

While the registered trapline areas were created by the provinces to regulate only the harvest and commercial
sale of wild furs, for Anishinaabeg these trapline areas continue to express their ancient roles in land tenure
and customary governance. Trapline areas, and different portions of larger trapline areas, are associated with
specific extended families that have a long history in those areas. Permission from the head trapper within one of
these extended families is required for anyone else to make use of that family’s area. Respect for head trappers
continues to be the cornerstone of customary governance of traplines in Pimachiowin Aki.

2 Description   55

 “Who are the keepers of our lands, the ones with authority to protect them? Those of our people who know
them best, the ones who were born and raised on them; those of our people who have been responsible for
caring for them, the ones who have been custodians of them; those of our people who know the teachings of
our ancestors about each place on the land on how to take care of these places.”
Alex Peters (PFN and OMNR 2006)

“Teachings are shared through drumming, singing, community gatherings, offerings. For as long as we
remember, the elder that has the most knowledge and wisdom is the community leader. This elder would
perform traditional drum songs and provide traditional medicine for healing.”
Solomon Pascal (in translation, January 2014)

Customary governance in Pimachiowin Aki is based on respect for those with the greatest experience and success
in hunting, trapping, trade, and healing ceremonies; while these are primarily head trappers, they also include
respected elders with long and productive lives on the land. These people are regarded as the most important
keepers of the land; the people with wisdom and experience who are responsible for ensuring aadizookewin (the
teachings) of Ji-ganawendamang Gidakiiminaan guide use of the land and relations between each other in respect
of the land.
Claims to authority over trapline areas are demonstrated through knowledge of the locations of sacred sites and
the ability to recount oral traditions of named places and the memorable actions of people at those places (as
discussed above under Named Places). Such knowledge confirms the historical relationships between specific
extended families and specific areas.

“Being the leader of a certain area was an important position. The families in that area would look up to that
individual, which was mainly an elder man. That person did all the planning for the group living in that area....
That person would not just lead the trapping and hunting, but provide spiritual guidance and advice, including
medicinal knowledge.
Kahohkiimahwich [head trapper] had all these responsibilities.... His was a very important position. If
trappers from other areas wanted to come into his area he would be the one to approve their requests.”
Elder Alec Suggashie (in translation, October 21, 2005)

Although the role of head trapper is generally transferred from father to son, authority to lead decision-making
is not hereditary but is achieved through demonstrated success in stewardship of land and people. As Elder
Norman Quill explained, invoking the principle of ji-gichi-inenimidiyang (maintaining respectful relations with
other people), customary leaders are highly esteemed for enabling people to achieve bimaadiziwin (the good life),
not because they hold a position of authority: “When I meet a person, I will respect them, even if I have my own
ideas or feelings about them. Ji-gichi-inenimidiyang does not mean that I will respect someone because they hold
some power over me as an ‘authority figure’. I will respect someone because of their true value” (in translation,
December 15, 2005).

56  

 The principle of ji-gichi-inenimidiyang within the
cultural tradition of Ji-ganawendamang
Gidakiiminaan guides how traplines in the
nominated area are used by Anishinaabeg. For
Anishinaabeg, maintaining respectful relations with
one another while using the land requires a
cooperative approach.
For example, not all livelihood activities are
confined to family trapping areas. Hunting, fishing,
and gathering of plants (especially medicines)
requires travel over a larger and more diverse range
of lands than those contained solely within a single
family harvesting area or trapline. Anishinaabeg will
therefore harvest resources while travelling through
other peoples’ trapline areas. It is customary to
seek permission from or inform the head trapper
Harvesting wiikezh (sweet flag) to make medicine (C. Burlando 2007)
before travelling through their area and harvesting
resources. In most cases such requests are granted and in this way the strong personal and family influence over
trapping is balanced with the broader collective needs and interests in other resources.
Moreover, while commercial trapping activities are conducted within the confines of registered trapline areas,
individuals and families can trap in different trapline areas, working under the head trappers of those areas. This
is both a means for learning the skills required of a successful trapper, as well as a way to focus trapping in areas
with more productive fur-bearer resources. Therefore, rather than being zones of exclusive resource use, trapline
areas are the basis for enabling Anishinaabeg to shift their harvesting activities across a broad landscape in
response to changing plant and animal populations.

“Walter King asked my father Daniel Peters and myself to come to Walter King’s area. The reason why Walter
asked my father to come to his area was because there were a lot of beaver in that area; he wanted Daniel and
me to come help him harvest the beaver which were plentiful in that area.”
Elder Charlie Peters (in translation, September 1, 2010)

In summary, trapline areas reflect the cultural tradition of Ji-ganawendamang Gidakiiminaan in the way they are
a framework for Anishinaabeg akiing ondaaji’idizowin (customary livelihood practices) in the nominated area.
Working on principles of mutual respect and cooperation, Anishinaabe customary governance of trapline areas
enables people to join friends and relatives in the pursuit of seasonal livelihood activities on widely separated
portions of the landscape (Deutsch 2013). Customary governance of trapline areas promotes respectful relations
between people through shared use of land and respect for the leading role of people with the greatest experience
in decision-making about the use of a trapline area.
Because the First Nations of Pimachiowin Aki have long histories of inter-marriage, cooperation, and good
relationships, the coordinating role of customary governance also applies to resource use between the traditional
land use areas of each of the five Anishinaabe communities within Pimachiowin Aki. It is this shared history and
the continuing importance of customary governance in maintaining respectful relations between people that are
the basis for ongoing collaboration among these First Nations in the Pimachiowin Aki nomination process.

2 Description   57

 Conclusion: A Complete Representation of Ji-ganawendamang Gidakiiminaan
The nominated area provides a complete representation of how the living cultural tradition of Ji-ganawendamang
Gidakiiminaan (Keeping the Land) guides Anishinaabe perception and use of the Pimachiowin Aki cultural
landscape. The tangible evidence of the Anishinaabe cultural tradition within Pimachiowin Aki includes resource
harvesting places, cabin and seasonal camp sites, harvest processing sites, traditional travel routes, named
places, sacred and ceremonial sites, pictographs and other sites of archaeological significance, and trapline
areas. All of the attributes documented to date within Pimachiowin Aki are combined in Figure 2.18, which gives
an overview of the geographic distribution of cultural attributes (traplines are not shown because they cover the
entire nominated area).

Figure 2.18 Composite map of cultural attributes (excluding traplines)

Canada Lambert Conformal Conic

The interconnectedness of attributes and associations that express the cultural tradition of Ji-ganawendamang
Gidakiiminaan is well illustrated by a description of a trapping party travelling to their trapping areas (see Box 2.8).

58  

 Box 2.8 Woodland caribou hunt – Abel and Norman Bruce
Norman: In the winter we travelled together, my dad the late Sandy Bruce, his brother the late Jim Bruce
and Abel and his brother Albert, to our traditional trapping area, which is called Mukwastigwaan [Bear
Head]. There is a lake there shaped like a bear’s head. We almost always see caribou along the way.
Abel: Our friend the late Victor Bruce came with us too. We shared that area, me and my brothers and
Norman’s family. It was good to work together like that when you wanted to do something.
To get to the Mukwastigwaan area we have to travel through two other traplines. Out of respect for those
guys we ask them or let them know we are going to go through their traplines. We don’t trap there, but they
don’t mind if we hunt as we travel. If we kill a caribou or moose there, we will bring them some meat if we
can.
Norman: We left right from here that time travelling north on the open muskeg by snowshoes. We pulled
small sleighs and we had a dog pulling a sleigh with some of our stuff. Before dark we tracked caribou
heading west toward some high bluffs. We used to see them over that way on the bluffs digging in the
snow looking for that black moss [rock tripe] that grows on the rocks, which they like to eat. We call it
asiniiwakwaanag. We like to use it to make soup.
Abel: We made camp soon after we saw the tracks. There is a good place there where we always stop,
which is about half ways to our main cabins on the Mukatewisipi [Black River]. We had a good camp; we
slept in our tents, which had small stoves. We planned to look for those caribou the next day. Before we
went out in the morning we had a ceremony, we smudged, prayed and offered tobacco to the Creator and to
the spirits of the caribou so that we would have a good hunt.
Norman: We killed three male caribou that time and all of us were happy.
Abel: After we finished skinning and cutting up the caribou we covered up what was left over, we pray again
and offer tobacco to give thanks to the Creator and to the spirits of the caribou for giving up their lives for
us. We have to show respect for those caribou so that we can have a good hunt again. We kept going the
next day. It wasn’t far after we passed Kamashkosiwagamak, which means marshy lake. Then we came to
Mukatewisipi [Black River], named because the water looks dark. We hit the river at Kagoniakwisipeens
which is a creek named after a small point on the river, and traveled east from there along the river.
Me and my brother Albert stopped at our cabin, which we still use today, just after the Kapetachewanagin,
which means there is a cluster of seven rapids, one after another. In the spring when the river opens, we
have to use a long portage road to get past those rapids.
Norman: The rest of us continued travelling along the main river and passed Otagoonswiningwipowitik,
a rapids named after something sitting on a tree branch. After that we passed the Sasagiwipowitik, the
rapids named after a pelican, Mukwastigwaanpowtikoons and Mukwastigwaanwipowitik, which are the Little
and the Big Bear Head Rapids. Then we went past Sigaakositwipowik, which is the rapids named after
a skunk’s foot. It was near the end of the day when we finally passed the last rapids before our cabin at
Mukwastigwaanwisipeens, or Bearhead Creek.
That was a good trip, we spent the rest of the winter trapping there and travelling around. We had a good
cabin and you can still see parts of it today. (continued)

2 Description   59

 Canada Lambert Conformal Conic

The cultural attributes and associations that reflect the meaning and significance of Ji-ganawendamang
Gidakiiminaan form a coherent whole. The nominated area contains a complete, interconnected network of
cultural sites that are linked to one another by waterway travel routes and set within a framework of trapline
areas that are the basis for cooperative land management. Named places serve as guideposts for navigating the
landscape both physically and culturally by expressing shared understandings of the nature and significance of
the nominated area. The complete network of attributes and associations in the nominated area thereby enables
Anishinaabeg to effectively adapt to the patchy and shifting nature of the boreal forest in a way that demonstrates
respect for creation.
Anishinaabeg have protected and sustained Pimachiowin Aki’s natural environment as a sacred trust with the
Creator while living on this land and harvesting its resources for millennia. The beliefs, values, knowledge, and
practices of Ji-ganawendamang Gidakiiminaan have helped ensure that Pimachiowin Aki’s ecosystems are healthy,
intact and functioning naturally.
60  

 2.a(ii) The Boreal Shield and Pimachiowin Aki Ecosystems
The preceding section describing the cultural tradition of Ji-ganawendamang Gidakiiminaan vividly illustrates
the relationship between Anishinaabeg and the boreal shield environment. Based on knowledge passed down
from generation to generation over millennia, Ji-ganawendamang Gidakiiminaan guides Anishinaabe actions and
decisions to ensure the long term health and sustainability of nature and of the Anishinaabe communities in
Pimachiowin Aki. This knowledge helps in understanding Pimachiowin Aki’s significant natural values within the
boreal biome.
The largest biome on Earth, the boreal biome, is a circumpolar region defined by a cold climate, lying between
tundra to the north and temperate forests and plains to the south. The North American portion of the global
boreal biome is subdivided into distinct ecological zones based on significant variations in climate, surface
materials, vegetation, and wildlife: boreal shield, boreal plains, taiga shield, taiga plains, boreal cordillera, and
taiga cordillera (Ecological Stratification Working Group 1996). The North American boreal shield is the largest
of these six ecological zones with an extent of 1.5 million square kilometres. Pimachiowin Aki is situated entirely
within the North American boreal shield (Figure 2.19).

Figure 2.19 North American boreal shield, North American boreal biome, and the global
boreal biome

The World From Space (Orthographic)

2 Description   61

 The boreal shield is very distinctive from the other ecological zones within the North American boreal biome.
Underlain by ancient Precambrian granitic bedrock, it has a hummocky knob and ridge terrain. It is a mixture of
exposed bedrock and thin glaciomoraine, fluvioglacial, and colluvial surface materials, with numerous eskers
(Ecological Stratification Working Group 1996). The boreal forest cover is dense and extensive.
Just as the North American boreal biome comprises different ecological zones, the boreal shield comprises
distinctive large-area ecosystems (e.g., wetland, rockland, needleleaf forest). These large-area ecosystems exhibit
distinctly different vegetation, soils and surface water patterns. For instance, wetland large-area ecosystems are
a mosaic dominated by bogs, fens, swamps, riparian zones, and lakes, interspersed with small upland patches.
Large-area ecosystems range from about 2,000 to 10,000 square kilometres and support large-scale ecological
processes such as seasonal migration of woodland caribou and distinctive wildfire regimes.
Pimachiowin Aki’s representation of multiple large-area ecosystems is outstanding. The description of these
ecosystems below follows a description of the key features and processes that create and maintain ecosystem and
species diversity in the boreal biome, including Pimachiowin Aki.

Drivers of Boreal Ecosystem and Species Diversity
The ecosystem and species diversity in the boreal
biome are created and maintained by various
drivers (features and processes) interacting with
one another. These key drivers are climate, bedrock
geology, landforms, topography, surface materials,
soils, hydrography, hydrology, and wildfire. Some
of these drivers are extremely slow or lengthy in
duration, such as the erosion of the hard, granitic
boreal shield bedrock extending over four billion
years, or continental glaciations that are separated
by millions of years. At the other extreme, some
drivers operate rapidly. Wildfire occurs almost every
year within the nominated area.

CLIMATE

Winter is the dominant season and snow is a principal feature that

shapes the boreal ecosystem (© H. Otake 2006)
The confluence of two boreal climatic regions in
Pimachiowin Aki (Environment Canada 1998), a long
north-south extent, as well as Lake Winnipeg’s influences on temperature and precipitation over the western part
of the nominated area, contribute to climatic variability that sustains ecosystem and species diversity within the
nominated area.

Pimachiowin Aki’s sub-humid, mid-boreal, continental climate exhibits great temperature extremes, as is the
case for the entire boreal biome (Bonan and Shugart 1989). Temperatures during the long cold winter average
-17.8 degrees Celsius and during the short, warm summers average 16.5 degrees Celsius. The average annual
temperature is only around 0 degrees Celsius (Environment Canada 2014) and frost can occur in any month. The
mean annual precipitation is 621 millimetres, with over 25 percent falling as snow, another dominant feature of
the boreal shield.
The significant climate gradients and strong seasonality in Pimachiowin Aki imply that many species function at or
near their physiological limits, constraining their distribution and favouring diversification of life history strategies
(e.g., migration, hibernation, seasonal changes in habitat selection). For example, in winter, insect-eating birds
are no longer present and large mammals such as moose become more concentrated in areas of dense forest

62  

 cover. The effects of climate gradients and seasonality on species presence and abundance have contributed to
the high level of biodiversity maintained in the nominated area. This strong seasonality influences Anishinaabe
livelihood strategies as well. In the colder months Anishinaabeg disperse widely across the nominated area to
hunt and trap, travelling long distances on frozen waterways and wetlands.

BEDROCK GEOLOGY, LANDFORMS, AND TOPOGRAPHY
Pimachiowin Aki displays the complete geomorphological evolution of the North American boreal shield, from
the ancient beginnings of the Precambrian bedrock, to continental glaciations, to the formation and retreat of
Lake Agassiz (the largest glacial lake on Earth), to the creation of vast organic deposits by plants.4 Vast expanses
of four-billion-year old bedrock lie exposed in the central portion of the nominated area due to glacial scouring
and subsequent wave-washing by Lake Agassiz. Greenstone belts, the most ancient features in this bedrock, are
separated by large areas of younger granitic rock.
Multiple glaciations over the last few million years have modified the character of the exposed bedrock, and left
many remarkable rock features and landforms. Following the last glaciation, water from melting glaciers formed
Lake Agassiz, which further modified the landscape. Previously deposited glacial or glaciolacustrine sediments
were washed and winnowed, exposing the Precambrian bedrock. Pimachiowin Aki demonstrates the major
features that Lake Agassiz left on the boreal shield, the most distinctive of these features is the wave-washed
bedrock (Cowell and Blackburn, 2010). Wave action in Lake Agassiz created boulder pavements, in which finer
sediments were washed away from till sheets on the lake floor. Wave action also created shoreline terraces and
beaches.
The complete geomorphological evolution of the North American boreal shield found in Pimachiowin Aki is a
fundamental driver for the ecosystem diversity that has developed and is maintained within the nominated area.
The topography is complex and diverse. Undulating elevated terrain in the east (approximately 420 meters above
sea level) transitions to low-lying, flat plains in the west (217 meters above sea level). However, the transition is
not gradual; the terrain in the central area is relatively rugged, creating elevation changes over short distances.
Boulder pavements and ancient shoreline terraces and beaches add landform and topographic diversity
throughout the nominated area.
This diversity of landforms and topography profoundly affects drainage conditions and thus creates the patterns
of wetlands, lakes, and water flow. It also has an impact on local soil chemistry and geochemical cycling through
the landscape. All these factors contribute to the establishment and maintenance of a complex mosaic of diverse
ecosystems across the nominated area.

SURFACE MATERIALS AND SOILS
Multiple glaciations, Lake Agassiz and topography produced a rare juxtaposition of characteristic boreal shield
surface materials in Pimachiowin Aki. These materials include vast expanses of glacial till deposits, exposed
bedrock, and organic and glacial lake mineral deposits (Figure 2.20). Glacial tills dominate in the southeast
portion and the eastern waterways of Pimachiowin Aki. Exposed bedrock dominates the central area. Expanses
of organic and glacial lake mineral deposits dominate the western portion of the nominated area. These large
surface material zones determine, in part, the distribution of ecosystems and associated processes such as
wildfire regimes and woodland caribou seasonal migrations.

4  See Section 2.b History and Development.

2 Description   63

 Figure 2.20 Dominant surface materials change from glacial tills in the east, to wave-washed
exposed bedrock in the central areas, to organic and glacial lake mineral deposits in the west

Canada Lambert Conformal Conic

The distribution of soil types in Pimachiowin Aki reflects the surface materials, topography, and cold climate.
The more productive mineral soils dominate the eastern portions of the nominated area, while a mixture of
less productive, arid, very thin soils and areas with exposed bedrock dominate the central portions. Peatlands
and peaty-phase mineral soils dominate the northwest and western portions. Organic soils are dominant in the
organic and glacial lake mineral deposit surface material zones and are also found in the bottom of bedrock
depressions throughout the rest of Pimachiowin Aki. Small areas of more productive mineral soils also occur in
the organic and glacial lake mineral deposit surface material zones, predominantly along the major rivers, where
deeper, fine, well-drained lake deposits are more common. Permafrost is present in some peatlands, mostly in
the north of the nominated area.
The arrangement of typical boreal shield surface materials, together with the distribution of major soil types are
further drivers for the establishment and maintenance of the mosaic of ecosystems found in Pimachiowin Aki.

64  

 HYDROGRAPHY AND HYDROLOGY
“Water is sacred. It is the source of life and should therefore be respected and protected. The waterways
are like the arteries of Mother Earth and flow along, receiving and depositing nourishment for all plants and
animals.”
Pauingassi Lands Management Plan (Pauingassi FN and Manitoba 2012: 11)

“The water represents life to the Anishinaabe people. The creator gave the responsibility to women to create
life and to care for the health of the water. Life begins by being surrounded by water in our mother’s womb.
In our ceremonies it is the women’s responsibility to carry that water and share it with others. In our stories
and teachings it has always been the grandmothers who watch over the water and they are still carrying
out that sacred responsibility today. We were also taught that the water is very spiritual and that we need to
acknowledge that spirit in our prayers each day.”
Sophia Rabliauskas, December 15, 2011

The nominated area includes more than 5,600 lakes
larger than 8 hectares, 8,000 smaller permanent
freshwater marshes and pools, and nearly 41,000
kilometres of shoreline wetlands (Marshall 2010).
The multitude of interconnected rivers, streams,
and lakes accentuate the landscape. The rivers
flowing through the nominated area provide
ecological connectivity across the landscape,
supporting the movement of nutrients, plants
and animals, and enabling gene flow. The rivers
and interconnected lakes are also the main travel
routes of Anishinaabeg, essential to sustaining
the Anishinaabe way of life in Pimachiowin Aki, as
earlier described in Section 2.a(i).
Four major rivers with numerous fall and rapids flow across the
nominated area (Pimachiowin Aki Corp. 2012)

The four largest rivers in the nominated area are the Poplar, Berens, Pigeon, and Bloodvein. They range from 165
to more than 500 kilometres in length. Bloodvein River is entirely within Pimachiowin Aki. The other three are
located largely within the nominated area.
There are three distinct drainage patterns that contribute to the hydrological complexity and aquatic ecosystem
diversity of the nominated area (Figure 2.21). More common dendritic and parallel drainage patterns occur in the
organic and glacial lake mineral deposit surface material zones and western portions of the exposed bedrock
surface material zone (see Figure 2.20). An uncommon, deranged drainage pattern is also found in the nominated
area. Melting glaciers left a landscape with many irregularities of elevation, and an enormous volume of water
that collected in the low points. The resulting drainage system is very complex, since there are numerous
water courses, lakes, and swamps, some interconnected and some in small, local drainage basins of their own.
Pimachiowin Aki features the most extensive deranged drainage pattern unaltered by dams, diversions, or bridges
in the North American boreal shield.

2 Description   65

 Figure 2.21 Drainage systems follow
a deranged pattern in the eastern and
central areas, and dendritic or parallel
patterns in the west

Canada Lambert Conformal Conic

66  

 Figure 2.22 Three adjacent third-order watersheds overlap Pimachiowin Aki

Canada Lambert Conformal Conic

In summary, Pimachiowin Aki exhibits remarkable
hydrological complexity and connectivity because it
overlaps several adjacent third-order watersheds
(Figure 2.22), with different broad drainage and surface
water patterns (Figure 2.21). Hydrological complexity
arises from the variable topography and surface
deposits, which strongly influence and channel water
flow. Hydrological complexity and connectivity in turn
contribute to wetland and other types of freshwater
aquatic ecosystem diversity and integrity.

Extensive shoreline peatlands (L. Gerrish 2011)

2 Description   67

 WILDFIRE
“The Creator has a match and that match is the Thunderbird. He brings that match to the land when the forest
gets too old and can’t grow anymore.... After the forest is burned, new growth starts. Animals get tired of
eating old food. Just like you and me. The Creator knows that animals need new food. The fire there brings
fresh food to eat. As an example, rabbit [snowshoe hare] favours a new growth area.... Fox, lynx, marten all
depend on rabbit. The Creator has to care for all animals so he sends Thunderbird to earth to make food for
rabbit. We like to eat rabbit too. So he burns for us too.”
Elder Whitehead Moose (in translation, June 10, 2006)

Wildfire is the keystone ecological driver for change and renewal in the boreal shield (Bonan and Shugart 1989;
Weber and Flannigan 1997). Two different fire regimes occur in Pimachiowin Aki, and this strongly contributes to
the diversity of ecosystems and species.
Wildfire plays a major role in regulating ecological
processes such as nutrient cycling and energy flow
in the boreal shield (Ehnes 1998). Wildfire is critical
for restoring soil fertility in the boreal forest. It
strongly contributes to the pattern of vegetation
types and age classes across the nominated area
(Figure 2.23). This diversity of terrestrial vegetation
types and age classes, as well as the standing wood
left after a fire, contribute to the broad diversity
of habitats required by boreal plants and animals.
For example, the abundance of herbs and young
shrubs promoted by fire provides plentiful food for
More frequent and extensive wildfires occur in the central and easterly
portions of the nominated area (Ontario Ministry of Natural Resources
moose and other animals. Within 10 years after
and Forestry 2009)
fire, trees form a canopy and either eliminate or
greatly reduce many of the plant communities that establish soon after fire. Fire intolerant species such as ground
lichens, become increasingly abundant as the plant community ages.

Figure 2.23 Vegetation and habitat diversity after a fire, by time since fire

Wildfire is also important for maintaining aquatic ecosystem productivity throughout Pimachiowin Aki and
especially in the rocky terrain and poor soil cover of the exposed bedrock surface material zone, as evidenced by
the diversity of fish species in the lakes (Science Team 2002). A significant amount of the carbon released by fires
enters water bodies and is carried downstream to the western portion of the nominated area, increasing nutrient
availability and productivity of the waters there.
The influence of fire on terrestrial ecosystems is well understood by Anishinaabeg (see Figure 2.3). Anishinaabeg
use fire in localized areas to enhance wildlife habitat or manage vegetation, as discussed in Section 2.a(i).
68  

 The nature of boreal wildfires varies greatly across different landscape types, from year to year, and even within a
single fire. Fire frequency, intensity (i.e. proportion of the above-ground plant cover killed by the fire), and severity
(i.e. proportion of the surface organic material burned off by the fire) are key parameters to understand the
ecological effects of fire. They are the basis for distinguishing between fire regimes in a given area. Fire regimes
in the boreal shield are influenced primarily by climate, surface materials, and the distribution of large water
bodies (Bergeron 1991; Hellberg et al. 2004; Larson 1997; Suffling et al. 1988; Zhang and Chen 2007).
Pimachiowin Aki represents two different fire regimes. In the central and easterly portions of the nominated area,
where bedrock outcrop and till surface materials are predominant, nearly 600 fires burned almost 20,000 square
kilometres from 1977 to 2008. This pattern of frequent and extensive wildfire represents one of Pimachiowin Aki’s
fire regimes. A different fire regime is found in the western part of the nominated area, where about 350 fires
burned less than 3,000 square kilometres during the same period. Expansive wetlands and Lake Winnipeg limit
the number of large fires that occur in the organic and mineral lake deposit surface material zone, leading to the
lower average annual area burned and a longer period between major fires.
Between 1977 and 2008, wildfires in the nominated area burned about 23,000 square kilometres, or the equivalent
of two-thirds of Pimachiowin Aki’s total area, with some areas burned over several times during that period.
Figure 2.24 shows the most recent year when an area burned, since 1970, in ten-year age classes.

Figure 2.24 Fire history (showing decade when last fire occurred)

Canada Lambert Conformal Conic

2 Description   69

 Ecosystem Diversity
Four large-area ecosystems are found in Pimachiowin Aki: Wetland, Rockland, Needleleaf Forest and Mixed
Wetland-Rockland (Figure 2.25). As discussed earlier, large-area ecosystems are characterized by different
vegetation, soils, and surface water patterns and support distinctive large-scale ecological processes such as
seasonal migration of woodland caribou and wildfire regimes. The presence of four distinct large-area, boreal
shield ecosystems in Pimachiowin Aki is exceptional and strongly contributes to the proposed Outstanding
Universal Value of Pimachiowin Aki.

Figure 2.25 Large-area ecosystems

70  

Canada Lambert Conformal Conic

 WETLAND
“Our elders have explained the important role wetlands play in keeping waterways clean and healthy.
Wetlands act like giant sponges, holding water and purifying that water before it is released slowly back out
onto the land and waterways. Wetlands are made up of a lot of veins, like the veins in a body, that go out into
the land, helping to produce a good land; that is why the land is always moist and why trees grow well there.
Wetlands are also special because they are places where many medicines (mashkiki) can be found growing.
The small streams and veins that lead out from wetlands carry the life giving and healing powers of those
medicines to the rest of the land.”
Pikangikum Land Management Plan (PFN and OMNR 2006)

Pimachiowin Aki includes two separate occurrences
of the Wetland large-area ecosystem; a northern
6,800 square kilometre area, and a southern 2,700
square kilometre area. There are few lakes and
most of them are small. Groundwater is near the
surface throughout much of the area. Surface
and ground water drain into rivers and into Lake
Winnipeg. Dendritic and coordinated drainage
patterns prevail (Figure 2.21). The rivers and
streams that meander through these lowlands are
generally slow-moving and warmer than elsewhere
in the nominated area.
Fluctuating ground and surface water levels and
flows, variations in groundwater nutrient availability
and peat-forming processes are the key drivers
of soil and vegetation complexes. The nearly level
Aerial view of the Wetland Ecosystem (© J. Ehnes 2012)
terrain, shallow water table, and localized areas
of nutrient-rich groundwater have produced extensive and diverse wetland complexes in which poorly drained
organic soils dominate. Local areas of poorly developed mineral soils also occur. Large wildfires are uncommon
due to the large expanses of waterlogged ground and the shielding effect of Lake Winnipeg to the west.
Vegetation reflects the presence of waterlogged, organic soils: diverse mosaics of sedge fen, sphagnum bog,
and sparsely treed peatlands dotted with scattered exposed bedrock outcrops and raised mineral sites. Fen
and swamp are more prevalent than elsewhere in the nominated area because there is more mineral-rich
groundwater. Black spruce, tamarack, wetland shrubs, sedges and sphagnum mosses are the dominant plant
species. Some vegetation stands are old because large wildfires are uncommon.

ROCKLAND
It is noteworthy that Pimachiowin Aki is sufficiently large to exemplify the ecological and evolutionary processes of
the Rockland ecosystem, a rarely occurring ecosystem type within the global boreal biome (see Section 3.2.b).
The Rockland large-area ecosystem (10,400 square kilometres) has a high density of small- and medium-sized
lakes, few large or very large lakes, and numerous rivers of varying size in a deranged drainage pattern (Figure
2.21). Streams flowing down the steep and rocky slopes have high rates of flow and clear, cool water. Land areas
are characterized by a mixture of exposed granitic bedrock, poorly developed mineral soils, and small or narrow
peatlands. The better-developed and more productive mineral soils typically occur in the deeper glaciolacustrine
2 Description   71

 deposits found along the major rivers. Large wildfires are very frequent due to the high proportion of relatively dry
uplands.

Aerial view of the Rockland Ecosystem (© H. Otake 2010)

Rock lichen/feathermoss communities and jack
pine/black spruce woodlands dominate the
vegetation cover. Ground lichens and dry-ground
haircap mosses dominate the very patchy plant
cover, while small clumps of mosses, grasses,
herbs, and/or jack pine and black spruce occur on
the thin mineral soils found in bedrock crevices and
depressions (Figure 2.26). The woodland understory
is typically sparse except for feathermoss/reindeer
lichen ground cover. Trembling aspen, white spruce
and balsam fir stands tend to occur on the pockets
of deeper, fine-textured soils, especially along
rivers and lakes; however, white spruce and balsam
fir are scarce because they are not adapted to
regenerate quickly after fire.

Vegetation occurs in highly diverse patterns due to soil and hydrological processes and fire disturbance. Large
patches of vegetation undergoing post-fire succession range widely in age but are young on average, due to the
frequent large wildfires. Woodland caribou use the less common older burned areas in the winter, feeding on the
ground lichens that are their primary winter food.

Figure 2.26 Vegetation and habitat diversity in the Rockland ecosystem

72  

 NEEDLELEAF FOREST
The Needleleaf Forest large-area ecosystem
(4,100 square kilometres) has a high density of
various-sized lakes and numerous large to small
rivers in a deranged drainage pattern (see Figure
2.21). It is characterized by less exposed bedrock
and considerably more areas of mineral soil than
the Rockland ecosystem. Better-developed and
productive soils are much more common. Large
wildfires are frequent due to the high proportion of
uplands.
Forest dominates the vegetation cover, with jack
pine and/or black spruce feathermoss forest being
Aerial view of the Needleleaf Forest Ecosystem (© H. Otake 2010)
the most common type. Trembling aspen stands are
more abundant than elsewhere in the nominated
area. White spruce and balsam fir are scarce because they are not adapted to regenerate quickly after frequent
large wildfires.
While the dominant drivers for vegetation patterns are the same as for the Rockland ecosystem, the regeneration
and growth patterns they produce are different because mineral soils are deeper and more widespread.

MIXED WETLAND-ROCKLAND
The Mixed Wetland-Rockland large-area ecosystem (6,400 square kilometres) includes a water body density that
is considerably lower than in the Rockland and Needleleaf Forest large-area ecosystems. Drainage patterns are
diverse, shifting from deranged in the south and east to a mixture of dendritic and parallel in the northwest. This
ecosystem is characterized by a highly variegated patchwork of wetlands and exposed bedrock outcrops that
range widely in size.
Woodlands dominate the vegetation cover, with jack pine and/or black spruce-rock lichen/feathermoss upland
and sparsely treed black spruce bog being the most common vegetation types. The proportion of sparsely treed
peatland cover is considerably higher than in the Rockland and Needleleaf Forest large-area ecosystems, and
broadleaf and mixedwood forest cover is lower than elsewhere in the nominated area. Compared with the Wetland
large-area ecosystems, sedge fens are much less common and surface water is much more abundant. Compared
with the Rockland large-scale ecosystem, there is a considerably higher proportion of sparsely treed peatland in
the Mixed Wetland-Rockland large-area ecosystem.
While the dominant drivers for vegetation patterns are the same as for the Wetland and Rockland large-area
ecosystems, the patterns they produce are different because the surface material and topography are highly
variegated.

SPECIES DIVERSITY
The exceptional diversity of large-area ecosystems found in Pimachiowin Aki contributes to the presence of a
wide diversity of representative boreal plants and animals for the boreal shield.
Pimachiowin Aki supports a high proportion of the North American boreal shield species, including characteristic
and iconic species as well as more than 20 species of conservation concern (COSEWIC 2014). In Pimachiowin Aki
there are more than 700 vascular plant species, approximately 400 mammal, bird, amphibian, reptile and fish
species, and thousands of invertebrate, bacterial, and fungal species (see Appendix G.2.8, Species Lists). The
remoteness and vastness of the nominated area have precluded detailed floral and faunal surveys, so numbers of
2 Description   73

 species presented below are estimates calculated using available studies and authoritative range sources (e.g.,
Banfield 1974; Bird Studies Canada 2014; Cadman et al. 2007; Dobbyn 1994; Manitoba Museum Herbarium 2014;
NatureNorth 2014; Science Team Report 2002).

FLORAL DIVERSITY
The 700 vascular plant species in Pimachiowin Aki, belonging to more than 110 families, provide an excellent
representation of plant diversity in the boreal shield. Figure 2.27 provides Anishinaabe names for some of the
plants that are important to Anishinaabeg in Pimachiowin Aki.
Figure 2.27 Sample of Anishinaabe plant names (adapted from Davidson-Hunt et al. 2012)
Syllabics

Roman Orthography

Common Name

Latin Name

.jH

Ookeehg

Jack pine

Pinus banksiana

bjyfH

Auhkeemuhdehg

Black Ash

Fraxinus nigra

fVjP

Muhnuhsuhday

Balsam Poplar

Populus balsamifera

b0f

Auhsuhday

Trembling Aspen

Populus tremuloides

mnhn0fH

Weekwuhsuhdehg

Birch

Betula papyrifera

uRnBUy

Kuhwunduhg

Black spruce

Picea mariana

y6j;bnfH

Mushkeekoowahdek

Tamarack

Larix laricina

m90,ntpU

Eeseesuhwaymeenuhn

Choke cherry

Prunus virginiana

boxtpgH

Auhneepeemeenuhduhg

Highbush cranberry

Viburnum trilobum

e7tpU

Moosoomeenuhn

Mooseberry

Viburnum edule

t6;tpU

Meskoomeenuhn

Raspberry

Rubus idaeus

tpU

Meenuhn

Blueberry

Vaccinium myrtilloides & V. angustifolium

y;9tpU

Muhkooseemeenuhn

Lingonberry

Vaccinium vitis-idaea

9jx6jbn;U

Seekeepeeskeewushkoon

Fireweed

Epilobium angustifolium

yTj;c;U

Mushkeekoopuhkoohn

Labrador tea

Ledum groenlandicum

fHoifFH

Mushkeekoomuhchaash

Pitcher plant

Sarracenia purpurea

EHpPriB

Ooshkeydaypuhgoohn

Yellow pond lily

Nuphar variegatum

c8hpH

Puhsaykuhnuhg

Common cattail

Typha latifloia

yutU

Muhnoomeehn

Wild Rice

Zizania palustris

WnpH

Weekaynsh

Sweet flag

Acorus calamus

bn;pH

Waahkoonaak

Rock tripe

Umbilicaria spp.

t6;tpU

Meskoomeenuhn

Raspberry

Rubus idaeus

74  

 Latitudinal and zonal differences in plant distribution
and abundance within Pimachiowin Aki reflect
variation in climate topography, soil, and other
ecological drivers. For example, tamarack is
widespread throughout the nominated area but is
considerably more abundant in the Wetland
ecosystem. Studies indicate that more than 90
native plant species have either a northern or
southern range limit in the nominated area.

Tamarack trees showing fall colours (D. Sullivan 2007)

“We greatly value the poplar tree as an important food source for beaver and rabbits [snowshoe hare] that we
have depended on for food, for the making of snares from poplar saplings, and for medicinal use of the bark.
We use white spruce for building because it doesn’t crack and break and the boughs have been important for
bedding in winter camps. We use red-osier dogwood for medicines, basket making and tobacco, and we know
the importance of this shrub to moose. We eat the wild strawberries and the bunchberries.”
Poplar River Land Management Plan (PRFN 2010: 13)

Manoomin (wild rice) grows extensively throughout Pimachiowin Aki
(L . Gerrish 2011)

As described in Section 2.a(i), Anishinaabeg of
Pimachiowin Aki use many of the plants found in
the nominated area for food, medicine, and other
purposes. Manoomin (northern wild rice) is the
only cereal native to North America. An annual
aquatic grass, it grows in clear, shallow streams
and lake margins whose bottoms are muddy due
to high organic material content. Wild rice has
special cultural significance to Anishinaabeg of
Pimachiowin Aki, where it grows in abundance
due in part to the practice of manoominikewin
(customary tending of wild rice). By sowing new wild
rice stands, Anishinaabeg enhance an important
food source not only for Anishinaabeg, but also for
many types of ducks, and other birds and animals,
including muskrats. Manoomin can be seen as
nourishing the broader community of life where it
grows. Pimachiowin Aki is one of the few places
in North America that supports manoomin in its
traditional range, growing in free-flowing waters.

VERTEBRATE DIVERSITY
The North American boreal shield animal assemblage consists of approximately 400 vertebrate species, including
some 55 mammals, 235 birds, 90 fishes, 8 amphibians, and 14 reptiles. Pimachiowin Aki provides remarkable
representation of the vertebrate diversity found in the North American boreal shield. The nominated area overlaps
the ranges of more than 80 percent of the boreal shield’s vertebrate species, including characteristic and iconic
species such as wolf, lynx, moose, woodland caribou, common loon, and great grey owl.
All mammal, fish, amphibian, and reptile species, except for some bats, are year-round residents. These species
have a variety of adaptations to survive Pimachiowin Aki’s long, cold winters (e.g., hibernation by bears; metabolic
changes in amphibians). The long, cold winters limit the number of bird species that remain in the North
American boreal shield all year long.
2 Description   75

 Large portions of the North American boreal shield have been altered by industrialized development, as shown
by the “cumulative human footprint” in Figure 2.28. Figure 2.29 shows that Pimachiowin Aki conserves a very
large habitat block within the remaining intact portion of the boreal shield that supports the highest number of
vertebrate species.

Figure 2.28 Cumulative human footprint (Lee and Hanneman 2010)

76  

North America Equidistant Conic

 Figure 2.29 Total number of mammal, birds, reptiles and amphibians in the intact portion of the
North America boreal shield (compiled from Freemark et al. 1999 and Lee and Hanneman 2010)

North America Equidistant Conic

2 Description   77

 Mammals
Forty-three mammal species, or 80 percent of the approximately 55 species occurring within the North American
boreal shield, are known or thought to occur in Pimachiowin Aki. Figure 2.30 provides Anishinaabe names for
some of the mammals that are important to them.
Figure 2.30 Sample of Anishinaabe mammal names (adapted from Davidson-Hunt et al. 2012)
Syllabics

Roman Orthography

Common Name

Latin Name

dh

Moos

Moose

Alces alces

bfH

Atik

Caribou

Rangifer tarandus

RnRnHpL

Wawashkayshee

Whitetail Deer

Odocoileus virginianus

yhn

Muhkwa

Black Bear

Ursus americanus

Rnwho fWBuB

Wuhbeeshkeemuheekuhn

Grey Wolf

Canis lupus

yhdymhU

Muhkuhdamuheekuhn

Black Wolf

Canis lupus

wLN

Bishiew

Lynx

Lynx canadensis

jnhn.l

Kweekwuhuhkay

Wolverine

Gulo gulo

Rnw:L

Wabishayshee

Marten

Martes americana

.vH

Oojeek

Fisher

Martes pennanti

bvge

Aachitamoo

Red Squirrel

Tamiasciurus hudsonicus

Rneh

Waboose

Snowshoe hare

Lepus americanus

btH

Amik

Beaver

Castor canadensis

RnJhy

Washushk

Muskrat

Ondatra zibethicus

Xoy

Neegeek

Otter

Lontra cabadensis

The majority of mammals are rodents including mice
and voles, squirrels, muskrat, and beaver.
Carnivores, which comprise the majority of the
fur-bearers, include fisher, lynx, mink, pine marten,
red fox, river otter, weasel, wolf, and wolverine.
Mammal species of national conservation concern
include woodland caribou, wolverine, little brown
bat, and northern bat.

Pine Marten (© H. Otake 2012)

78  

 “Anishinaabeg hunters know when and where they are most
likely to find moose over the course of the year. ... Hunters
know that when the seed pods of fire weed (Epilobium
angustifolium, zhingobiinsiwashkoon) are fully developed
in July and August, the moose will be fat from a summer
of feeding on aquatic plants. Windy days in the fall are said
to have moonzooyaaniman, ‘moose wind’ and are ideal for
hunting as the sounds of branches moving in the wind hide
the sound of an approaching hunter’s feet from keen eared
moose.”
(Davidson-Hunt et al. 2012)

Moos (Moose) are a favoured source of meat for
Anishinaabeg (© H. Otake 2011)

The two large ungulates found in Pimachiowin Aki are the moose and woodland caribou. Moose, the largest
member of the deer family, is an iconic species of the boreal forest. Moose are highly valued and significant to
Anishinaabeg as a favoured source of meat and hides. Woodland caribou (atik), also an iconic species, lends its
name to the two large provincial parks forming part of the nominated area: Woodland Caribou Provincial Park in
Ontario and Atikaki Provincial Park in Manitoba (atikaki is Ojibwe for land of the caribou).
The woodland caribou is an umbrella species, a species with a large home range and a high sensitivity to
development (Lee and Hanneman 2010). Protecting a landscape that meets the needs of an umbrella species
provides for the needs of many other species. Very large, diverse landscapes are required to meet the specialized
habitat requirements of woodland caribou and to allow for their natural migration and seasonal movement
patterns.

Pimachiowin Aki provides a range of woodland caribou habitat (© H. Otake 2012)

The Committee on the Status of Endangered Wildlife in Canada (COSEWIC) lists woodland caribou (boreal
population) as Threatened. Their range in North America has been steadily shrinking due to encroachment
of industrial activities. Figure 2.28 shows the cumulative human footprint in the southern boreal shield,
demonstrating Pimachiowin Aki’s importance as caribou habitat and underscoring the significant contribution
Pimachiowin Aki can make in conservation efforts for this Threatened species. The nominated area provides
extensive areas of summer and winter range, and critical calving and rearing habitat (Figure 2.31), used by at least
three distinct herds of woodland caribou (Foster and Harris 2010).
2 Description   79

 Figure 2.31 Documented woodland caribou habitat in Pimachiowin Aki

80  

Canada Lambert Conformal Conic

 “I have witnessed caribou and where they live. They are on islands during the summer, not on the mainland,
because of the wolves. On Moar Lake there is an island called Caribou Island; this is where they made their
home. There is also another island to the west that is home to the caribou. They also breed there on those
islands. They are smart; they know how to survive. I witnessed that, for a fact that they live and breed on the
islands. They make their home there for the summer, to avoid being disturbed by wolves.”
Elder Whitehead Moose (in translation, April 21, 2005)

“I know that caribou calve on the mainland, mainly the muskeg areas.”
Elder Jake Kejick (in translation, October 13, 2006)

In addition to Anishinaabe hunters, wide-ranging wolves are the principal predator of both moose and woodland
caribou. Pimachiowin Aki clearly exhibits the highly evolved interrelationships among wolves, caribou, and moose
(Bergerud 1992; Seip 1992). In natural areas, a high moose density typically supports a relatively high wolf density.
To minimize contact with wolves, woodland caribou prefer areas where moose densities are low, such as very wet
peatlands with rock-outcrop islands and treed islands on large lakes, both of which provide poor moose habitat
(Boreal Caribou ATK Reports 2011; Carr et al. 2007; Stuart-Smith et al. 1997; WFMC 2006). Rock outcrop islands
in the very wet peatlands provide refuge from predators in the winter and islands on large lakes provide refuge in
summer. Both types of areas are abundant in the nominated area.
Fur-bearing mammals have formed the basis for the long-established Anishinaabe trapping tradition. Fur-bearer
population data are not systematically collected over the nominated area, but given the abundance of aquatic,
riparian, and upland habitats, and the dispersed Anishinaabe harvesting that occurs, fur-bearer populations are
considered healthy and within ranges of natural variability. Beaver, fisher, fox, lynx, and marten, are all important
fur-bearers sought by Anishinaabe trappers.
During the winter, snowshoe hare are an important source of food and fur for Anishinaabeg, who learn from
an early age how to spot tracks in the snow and set snares to catch the animal. The snowshoe hare is also an
important prey animal for most fur-bearing predators. Anishinaabe trappers carefully observe areas where there
are abundant tracks of snowshoe hare as these are places where fur-bearing predators, especially lynx, will
frequent. By watching snowshoe hare populations, trappers gain food and fur as well as the opportunity to trap
fur-bearing predators (Davidson-Hunt et al. 2012).
The cyclical predator-prey relationship between lynx and snowshoe hare is well-demonstrated throughout the
nominated area. Lynx will feed on other species such as meadow vole and grouse, or moose and caribou carrion
left by wolves, but more than 70 percent of their diet is snowshoe hare. Snowshoe hare populations are known to
follow a cycle of about 10 years and when the snowshoe hare population declines, so too does the lynx population
(Krebs et al. 2001). Anishinaabeg storytelling speaks to the close relationship between the lynx and snowshoe
hare.

2 Description   81

 One day Hare [snowshoe hare] asked a couple of lynx cubs to scratch his back and soon he was torn to pieces.
The cubs started to roast Hare. The grease could be smelt for a long distance and soon two older lynx smelled
it. They crept up to the wigwam and one lynx said to the other, “Something smells greasy, our kids must have
killed something.” They looked into the wigwam and sure enough, there was Hare on a roasting stick with
grease dripping.
“We’ll take the thing away from them and eat it ourselves,” said one of the lynx. So they jumped into the
wigwam and tried to grab the roast hare but the young ones wanted their share so they grabbed the hot hare
too. It was so hot they burned their faces. That is why the lynx have the expression on their faces that they
have today.
(adapted from Hallowell and Brown 1992: 173)

Lynx and snowshoe hare (© H. Otake 2013)

Birds
The 220 native bird species known or thought to occur in Pimachiowin Aki comprise more than 90 percent of all
bird species regularly found within the North American boreal shield. Remarkably, this includes 179 of the 180
widely distributed boreal shield bird species (Ehnes 2014). About 12 percent of the approximately 175 bird species
that breed within Pimachiowin Aki are resident year-round. Figure 2.32 provides Anishinaabe names for some of
the birds species that are important to Anishinaabeg of Pimachiowin Aki.
Figure 2.32 Sample of Anishinaabe bird names (adapted from Davidson-Hunt et al. 2012)
Syllabics

Roman Orthography

Common Name

Latin Name

dHuEl

Mooskuhoosee

Great blue heron

Ardea herodias

EjWn EdHuEl

Oosuhweemooskuhoosee

American bittern

Botaurus lentiginosus

fBy

Muhng

Common loon

Gavina immer

hhj4C

kuhkuhkeesheep

Double-crested
Cormorant

Phalacrocorax auritus

moo4C

Eeneeneesheep

Mallard

Anas platyrhynchos

jnjn44C

kwiikwiishisheep

American coot

Fulica americana

oh

neekuh

Canada goose

Branta canadensis

82  

 Syllabics

Roman Orthography

Common Name

Latin Name

JJy

shashaak

American White Pelican

Pelecanus erythrorhynchos

tj9

Meekeesee

Bald eagle

Haliaeetus leucocephalus

oXN

kiniwii

Golden Eagle

Aquil chrysaetos

bn4 ;;;.

washi-kokoko-o

Great grey owl

Strix nebulosa

bnx ;;;.

waapi-kokoko-o

Snowy owl

Nyctea scandiaca

jnjn4

Kweekweeshee

Gray jay

Perisoreus canadensis

Ruhy

Auhkuhsg

Sharp tailed grouse

Tympanuchus phasianellus

xi

Peenay

Spruce grouse

Falcipennis canadensis

.vDH

Oocheechuhg

Sandhill crane

Grus canadensis

jvhi4Z

Keecheekuhnaysheesh

Black-capped chickadee

Poecile atricapillus

.0mnxi4Z

O-sawipinayshish

Yellow warbler

Dendroica petechia

.jZjyo9

Oohkeeshkeemuhneesay

Belted kingfisher

Ceryle alcyon

Waterfowl, passerine birds, and neotropical migrants are prominent, given Pimachiowin Aki’s central continental
position, the diversity of aquatic and terrestrial habitats, proximity to Lake Winnipeg, and the presence of some
mixed forest in the nominated area (Foster and Harris 2010). The nominated area lies within the Mississippi
and Central flyways for migratory waterfowl in North America. Each spring, Pimachiowin Aki’s lakes, rivers,
and wetlands attract large numbers of waterfowl. They arrive here to make seasonal use of Pimachiowin Aki’s
extensive breeding habitats or as a resting place while travelling farther north to the Hudson Bay coast and
beyond. Waterfowl are a particularly important food source in the spring and fall, providing both meat and eggs.
Cape May Warbler

American Redstart

Whip-poor-will

Rusty Blackbird

Evening Grosbeak

Canada Warbler

Bird species photographed during a 2011 field survey in Pimachiowin Aki (© C. Artuso 2011)

2 Description   83

 At least 14 bird species of conservation concern have large and diverse habitats in Pimachiowin Aki, with potential
to sustain breeding populations. Examples include the Canada warbler, common nighthawk, whip-poor-will,
olive-sided flycatcher, short-eared owl, and rusty blackbird (Bird Studies Canada 2014). Having declined by more
than 75 percent in recent decades, these species depend heavily on the intact boreal forest (Jeff Wells, personal
communication). Trumpeter swan, a species formerly listed as extirpated in Manitoba, was recently found
breeding in Pimachiowin Aki (Christian Artuso, personal communication).

Amphibians and Reptiles
All of the eight North American boreal shield amphibian species occur in Pimachiowin Aki as well as three boreal
shield reptile species.
Some of the common amphibians and reptiles are the spring peeper, leopard frog, western painted turtle, and
the red-sided garter snake. Wood frogs also live in the nominated area. Species of national conservation concern
found in the nominated area include northern leopard frog and common snapping turtle (Cook 1984; NatureNorth
2014; Ontario Nature 2014).

Fish
“Fish have always played an important role in the subsistence economy of the Anishinabek. The
archaeological record indicates that ancient and historical campsites were located at productive fisheries.
This tradition has continued to the present and many cabins are located on or near the ancient campsites.”
Poplar River Land Management Plan (PRFN 2010: 29)

Sixty-two of the 92 North American boreal shield fish species occur within Pimachiowin Aki. Species of national
conservation concern include lake sturgeon, shortjaw cisco, and silver lamprey (Scott and Crossman 1973;
Stewart and Watkinson 2004; Holm et al. 2009), and possibly blackfin cisco (COSEWIC 2007). Figure 2.33 provides
Anishinaabe names for some of the fish species that are important to Anishinaabeg in Pimachiowin Aki.
Figure 2.33 Sample of Anishinaabe fish names (adapted from Davidson-Hunt et al. 2012)
Syllabics

Roman Orthography

Common Name

Latin Name

Eu;

Oohkuhseh

Walleye/Pickerel

Sander vitreus

EJuHuVdp

Oohshuhkuhshkuhnuhmookeyh

Sauger

Sander canadensis

jvju36

Keecheekeenohshayseh

Northern Pike

Esox lucius

.fhrH

Auhteekuhmayg

Lake Whitefish

Coregonus clupeaformis

.sox

Oodoonepe

Cisco/Tullibee

Coregonis artedi

pr;Z

Nuhmaykoos

Lake Trout

Salvelinus namaycush

.sox

Oodoonepe

Cisco/Tullibee

Coregonis artedi

shiVSuZl

Meeskoonuhcheekuhnayseeh

Redfin Sucker

Moxostoma spp.

Sjb

Meesuheh

Burbot/Mariah

Lota lota

pr

Nuhmay

Lake Sturgeon

Acipenser fulvescens

84  

 The lower reaches of Pimachiowin Aki’s rivers and streams offer significant fish habitat, both for year-round
resident fish species and for spawning runs of Lake Winnipeg fish populations. The ecological connection to Lake
Winnipeg adds to the diversity and abundance of fish species present in the Wetland ecosystem of Pimachiowin
Aki. Rivers and streams meandering through the two blocks of Wetland large-area ecosystem are generally slow
moving, turbid and relatively warm, while lakes, ponds, and creeks are smaller, shallower, and more intermittent
than elsewhere in the nominated area.

“Lake sturgeon, known to Pikangikum people as nuhmay, are important to Pikangikum people both culturally
and economically. The lake sturgeon is a totem animal for Pikangikum people. As elder Norman Quill
explained (August 3, 2006), in the past there were three very important families living at Barton Lake that
were all part of the sturgeon clan; these families were led by elders Okaans, Ozawaachi, and Wigwasahtik.”
Pikangikum Land Management Plan (PFN and OMNR 2006: 4)

Lake sturgeon is the largest fish within Pimachiowin Aki. An adult
sturgeon can be 2.5 meters long and may weigh as much as 140
kilograms (Matthews and Roulette 2011). Some regional lake sturgeon
populations in Canada are listed as Endangered by COSEWIC, largely due
to harvest early in 20th century by commercial parties from beyond the
nominated area. The many undammed riffle and rapid habitats that are
critical spawning areas for lake sturgeon are protected in the nominated
area (Figure 2.10).
Fish have always been an important resource for Anishinaabeg, who use
a variety of fishing methods including spears, bagidediwewin (nets) and
gwashkwaybijeegaywin (hook and line), depending on the species sought
and the time of year. Fish are also the subject of innumerable stories
and are portrayed in Anishinaabe pictographs in the nominated area.
Sturgeon is an important clan emblem in Pimachiowin Aki and one of the
more common Anishinaabe family surnames is Shagashki, or Suggashie,
which refers to the sturgeon and its way of feeding on the bottom of the
shallow tributaries of the Berens River (Matthews and Roulette 2011).
Lake sturgeon are highly important to
Anishinaabeg (artist: Mario Peters 2007)

Conclusion: A Remarkably Complete Example of the North American Boreal Shield
Pimachiowin Aki is a vast area that provides a remarkable example of the North American boreal shield’s
evolution, ecological processes, and ecosystem and species diversity.
Pimachiowin Aki is highly intact ecologically, in contrast to much of the North American boreal shield. This is
partly due to the nominated area’s remoteness, beyond the mainstream of Canada’s modern cities, towns, and
services. Equally important, Anishinaabeg have long occupied the land and used its many animals and plants to
sustain their communities and way of life, and have done so without disrupting the ongoing ecological processes
that are characteristic of the boreal shield. As described above and in Section 2.a(i), based on long experience
and accumulated knowledge, Anishinaabeg have continuously adapted their use of the ecosystem, taking account
of seasonal and cyclical changes in resource availability to maintain an essential balance. Through their cultural
tradition of Ji-ganawendamang Gidakiiminaan (Keeping the Land) Anishinaabeg have upheld a sacred trust with the
Creator to care for aki, which continues to be healthy and whole.
2 Description   85

 2.b History and Development
After the Creator finished making everything on the
earth—the land, water, plants, animals, fish, birds,
everything—he decided to create human beings. He took
pieces of mud from the four directions and made them
into the shape of a man. Then he took a miigis [cowrie]
shell, blew his breath into it and placed it in the man he
had made. The man came to life. The Creator gently took
this man in his hands and lowered him onto the earth
and said, “I lower you down onto the earth. This is my
beautiful garden and I am asking you to take care of it.”

Gaa-ishkwaa giizhitooj gakina gegoon gaa-dibenjigej
o’omaa akiing; o’owe aki, nibi, gaa-nitaawigigin,
awesiwag, giigoowag, bineshiishag, gakina gegoon,
mii gii-inendam ji-ozhi’aaj bemaadizinij. Ogiiodaapinaan azhishki endaso-inaamaninig onji gaa-izhiozhijiishkiwaginaaj anishinaaben. Miigisan gaa-izhiboodaanaaj, biinjiya’ii gaa-izhi-asaaj ini bemaadizinij.
Mii gaa-izhi-bimaadizinij. Mii gaa-izhi-zaginikenaaj ini
bemaadizinij niniisina ayaabe ogii-inaan. Ningitigaanim
o’owe gaa-onizhishing, ginandawenimin ji-naagajitooyan.

Elders Abel Bruce and Albert Bittern, November 5, 2013

“Every living thing, including the smallest insect, was given a job to do, to make sure the life our Creator
made will always be there.”
Elders Abel Bruce and Albert Bittern (November 5 to 15, 2013)

Anishinaabe stories provide aadizookewin (teachings) about the landscape, animal behaviour, and Anishinaabe
cultural practices, including the cultural tradition of Ji-ganawendamang Gidakiiminaan (Keeping the Land). For
example, Anishinaabe stories often remind listeners that even the smallest of creatures has a role to play in
creation and should therefore be respected. The importance of observing respectful behaviour toward other
beings, and all life on aki, is illustrated in the story of how the trickster-transformer known as Wiisakejaak
created the land on which Anishinaabeg live. Stories about Wiisakejaak, set in ancient times when people and
animals understood one another’s language, describe the actions (often comical), misfortune, and shrewdness of
Wiisakejaak.
In one part of a very long story, Wiisakejaak must survive a great flood that covers all of the land, even the high
hills. Wiisakejaak gathers the animals on a raft and decides to dive down in the water to get some mud from
the bottom to use in re-creating the land for the animals to live on. But the water is too deep and Wiisakejaak is
unable to reach the bottom. Several of the animals volunteer to try but, like Wiisakejaak, each is unable to reach
the bottom. Finally, the tiny muskrat tries, only to float dead to the surface after a time below much longer than
any of the others. While mourning their dead friend, Wiisakejaak notices muskrat is clutching something in his
tiny hand: some mud from the land far below. Wiisakejaak blows into the little ball of mud and it begins to grow,
expanding into a vast island on which Anishinaabeg and other indigenous peoples live today.
While Anishinaabe stories from Pimachiowin Aki speak of the formation of land from a giant flood, and a time
when there were no trees on the land, no stories speak about the land being covered in great sheets of ice.

Continental Glaciation (30,000–11,800 ya)
The most recent ice age in North America produced the Laurentide Ice Sheet some 30,000 ya. The impact of
glaciation largely obliterated the signs of past geologic forces, except where expanses of exposed boreal shield
reveal Precambrian bedrock formed some 2–3 billion ya, and led to the prevailing landforms found within
Pimachiowin Aki today. This geological history is also important because it influenced the manner in which the
nominated area was occupied by the early ancestors of Anishinaabeg.

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 Approximately 13,000 ya, glacial ice had reached its maximum southerly extent into present-day Minnesota
and Wisconsin in the United States of America. At this time, Pimachiowin Aki was completely covered by ice.
Evidence of the impact of glaciation can be seen throughout the nominated area. Most common are extensive,
scoured bedrock surfaces heavily striated by boulders and other large debris carried at the base of the ice. For
Anishinaabeg, these features are evidence of where Wiisakejaak has travelled, pulling along his odaabaagan
(toboggan) and scouring aki (the earth) while it was still young.
Although the glaciers did not leave deep or extensive sediments on the bedrock of Pimachiowin Aki, common
surface material features include veneers of glacial till, fans of sand and gravel, and various types of moraines.
Fans of sand and gravel can be found in pockets, often in depressions, or on the downstream side of rock hills
where water flowed from the ice front into a glacial lake. Thick moraine deposits have been identified near Indian
House Lake (Eagle Finlayson moraine) and in the eastern portion of Pimachiowin Aki (Lac Seul and Hartman
moraines). Smaller, less conspicuous DeGeer moraines, sequences of linear ridges containing mostly coarse
material, are also found in Pimachiowin Aki.

Glacial Lake Agassiz (11,800–7,800 ya)
About 11,800 ya the continental ice sheet began to melt faster than it was expanding and began a gradual retreat
to the northeast. Meltwater and surface runoff from an area that eventually exceeded 2 million square kilometres
collected along the front of the ice sheet. An extensive glacial lake formed between the ice front and higher land
to the south, within the depression of the Earth’s crust created by the weight of two-kilometre-thick glacial ice. By
about 11,000 ya, all of the Pimachiowin Aki nominated area was free of glacial ice but completely covered by the
waters of the glacial lake that we now refer to as Lake Agassiz.
Lake Agassiz was present between about 11,800 and 7,800 ya and at its greatest extent covered more than 800,000
square kilometres (Marshall 2010). Pimachiowin Aki is located in what would have been the centre of Lake Agassiz
(see Figure 2.34). The features left behind by this lake and the impact of these features on ecosystems are evident
in Pimachiowin Aki.

2 Description   87

 Figure 2.34 Maximum extent of Lake Agassiz (Marshall 2010)

North America Equidistant Conic

Glacial lake deposits cover up to 20 percent of Pimachiowin Aki (see Figure 2.20, Surficial Materials). Fine-grained
deposits that were formed in deep waters are quite extensive in the northwestern portion of Pimachiowin Aki,
along the drainage basins of cultural waterways that flow into Lake Winnipeg. Former glacial lake basins are now
occupied by lakes and wetlands. Former glacial lake shorelines, which mark temporary pauses in the overall
lowering of Lake Agassiz, have also been recognized in Pimachiowin Aki. Waves and ice carved out shorelines in
higher land areas.
Boulder pavements and exposed, wave-washed bedrock surfaces are by far the most characteristic landscape
features left by Lake Agassiz in Pimachiowin Aki. Ice-rafted boulders, deposited on the former lake floor by
retreating icebergs, are also present.

88  

 “They are talking about these [Thunder]birds, these prehistoric birds, and all these rocks, these big boulders
... There are some on Tom Quill Sr.’s trapline, those rocks that were dropped by these birds. There are usually
single boulders ... They must have been huge beasts as the rocks they used for their nests are also huge.
I believe that the Thunderbirds build their own nests. You can see all these nests or remnants of the nests. I
don’t think these are natural. My belief is strengthened when I see these big boulders here and there, circles
of rocks, all that. There are a lot of nests in our trapping area we have found, these thunderbird nests. After
the fire came through is when we find these. These nests were on top of hills, I guess they were keeping an
eye on everything around them.”
Elder Matthew Strang (in translation, November 14, 2014)

Ice-rafted boulder (© H. Otake, 2006)

Ice-scoured, wave-washed bedrock (© H. Otake, 2010)

“Many years ago, when it was the early times of the world, Wiisakejaak was walking along one of the rivers
and saw it was straight as an arrow.... So he went (with his hand) back and forth like this [waves] and that’s
how the rivers are the way they are today, always winding.”
Elder Matthew Strang (in translation, November 14, 2014)

An example of Wiisakejaak’s handiwork (© H. Otake, 2012)

In its final phase (ca. 8,000 ya), Lake Agassiz drained
west across the bedrock surface towards presentday Lake Winnipeg, leaving rock basins filled with
residual water. As fresh snowmelt and rainfall
replenished these early lakes, they overflowed
and created stream and river segments. These
were generally poorly coordinated and often with
short basin-to-basin connections that formed
local drainage systems. Smaller basins, not
connected to the newly developing drainage system
became closed peatland basins. Taken together,
these features form Pimachiowin Aki’s deranged
drainage pattern (Figure 2.21), which exhibits no
coherent arrangement of rivers and lakes given the
watersheds are still young and continuing to evolve.

2 Description   89

 Pollen core and related studies of southern Manitoba and adjacent parts of northwestern Ontario reveal how
vegetation recolonized newly exposed lands, including Pimachiowin Aki, following glaciation (Shay 1984). About
11,500 ya, spruce forests grew along the southern margins of the glacier and the newly formed Lake Agassiz. By
about 10,000 ya, as the climate warmed and changed rapidly, Pimachiowin Aki was still covered by glacial lake
water but these waters were gradually receding from east to west. Prairie grassland communities grew along
the southern and western margins of the lake and spruce forests spreading from the east may have begun to
develop on the eastern margins of Pimachiowin Aki (Shay 1984). These vegetated areas expanding on the margins
of a retreating Lake Agassiz would have been productive places for people to access food sources (Pettipas 2011;
Taylor-Hollings 2015, in preparation).

Early Culture History (9,000–300 ya)
“I heard some stories about the time before trees. The elders that I lived with, the old timers that I lived with,
I heard them talk about how the land was many years ago: there was no growth; it was flat. At that time there
were already lakes, different lakes that were already made by our Creator, our Manidoo.”
Elder Matthew Strang (in translation, November 14, 2014)

Contemporary oral traditions in Pimachiowin Aki include stories about a time when there were no trees on the
land (PFN and OMNR 2006: 88), which may date from the time after the retreat of Lake Agassiz.
The origins of human occupation in Pimachiowin Aki can be dated to the Late Palaeo Plano cultures (ca. 9,000–
7,000 ya), which are a precursor or distant relative to the Anishinaabeg of Pimachiowin Aki (Petch 2010). Between
9,000 and 5,100 ya, central North America experienced a marked climatic warming and drying trend during which
the Pimachiowin Aki area became more habitable. Late Palaeo cultures are associated with hunters of smaller
herd animals, such as bison and caribou, that inhabited prairie grassland and tundra communities along the south
and west margins of Lake Agassiz.
Figure 2.35 presents a simplified chronology of the sequence of cultural occupations relevant to Pimachiowin
Aki. The nominated area contains archaeological evidence of Late Paleo Plano cultures, Shield Archaic cultures,
and most recent, the Algonquian Woodland Tradition. An Agate Basin-type spear point found at Rowdy Lake,
within Woodland Caribou Provincial Park (McLeod 2004), and dated some 7,000 to 9,000 ya to the Palaeo period
(Petch 2010), provides archaeological evidence for the earliest indigenous occupancy in Pimachiowin Aki (see also
Steinbring 2010; Taylor-Hollings 2015, in preparation).
Figure 2.35 Simplified sequence of cultural traditions
9,000 years ago (ya)

Late Paleo cultures
Lake Agassiz

7,000 ya

2,200 ya

Shield Archaic cultures
Algonquian Peoples

300 ya

Woodland cultures
Anishinaabeg

Climate warming contributed to the diversification of vegetation and animals, which resulted in new technology
and subsistence patterns that define the Shield Archaic period (ca. 7,000 to 2,200 ya). In the Shield Archaic period,
some livelihood activities become more noticeable in the archaeological record; for example, elaboration of fishing
technology suggests an increase in the importance of fish as a dietary resource. Shield Archaic cultures are
considered ancestral to present-day Anishinaabeg, and were characterized by a common set of tools, subsistence
90  

 and settlement patterns, and cosmology. These early inhabitants are credited with introducing the practice of
painting pictographs (Petch 2010). Pictographs in Pimachiowin Aki are therefore “a highly significant vestige of
these [Shield Archaic] traditions” (Steinbring 2010).
Shield Archaic sites confirmed in Pimachiowin Aki include the following: Sasaginnigak Lake, where an Oxbow
projectile point was found; Weaver Lake, where a bifacially worked grey quartz projectile point and a rare
trihedral adze blade were found (Petch 2010); Paishk Lake, where a resident of Pikangikum found a quartz Oxbow
projectile point (Taylor-Hollings 2015 in preparation); six sites along the Bloodvein River (Taylor-Hollings 2015,
in preparation), one Shield Archaic site on the Berens River (Reid 1980); three sites on the Gammon River (Reid
1980); and one Shield Archaic site at Sydney Lake (Reid 1980).
By 7,800 ya, Lake Agassiz had disappeared, leaving a network of rivers, streams, and lakes that gradually
transformed into the present aquatic network. This network was soon populated by a variety of fish species from
southern refugia (Marshall 2010). Spruce forests likely covered all but the southwest extremities of Pimachiowin
Aki, where a mixed deciduous-coniferous forest was present for some time. Fur-bearing mammals, members
of the deer family, and a variety of bird populations gradually colonized the stabilizing environment. By at least
3,000 ya, the boreal forest of Pimachiowin Aki was a well-established patchwork landscape, as illustrated in Figure
2.36.

Figure 2.36 Evolution of forest cover (11,000 ya)

North America Equidistant Conic

2 Description   91

 92  

Figure 2.36 Evolution of forest cover (9,000 ya)

North America Equidistant Conic

Figure 2.36 Evolution of forest cover (6,000 ya)

North America Equidistant Conic

 By 2,200 ya, a generalized subsistence pattern emerged in which people dispersed during winter for hunting
and trapping, and came together in larger groups at productive fisheries in the spring, summer, and fall; that is,
the outlines of a hunting-gathering-fishing way of life that persists into the present (Petch 2010). This period is
identified with Algonquian Woodland cultures, for which evidence has been found throughout Pimachiowin Aki.
Middle Woodland cultures are associated with the
introduction of hand-formed ceramics and a new
set of technologies that were clearly different from
the preceding Shield Archaic period (Petch 2010:
24). Bow and arrow technology was developed
during this period, as were finely crafted stone tools
made from non-local (traded) materials and animal
products such as bone, antler, claw, teeth, and shell
(Petch 2010). Middle Woodland cultures are also
associated with the widespread use of seine nets,
gaff hooks, and spears for fishing sturgeon,
suckers, and catfish during the spring spawn as
well as hooks and line for fishing all species
throughout the year. Because the making and use of
seine nets requires a fairly large number of people
working cooperatively, this technological innovation
corresponds with the formation of expanded
seasonal communities at summer gathering sites
(Matthews and Roulette 2011: 7) and a more
complex social organization (Cleland 1982).

Summer fishing settlement showing a cluster of different dwelling
types (A.I. Hallowell Collection, 1930s, American Philosophical Society)

The Late Woodland period (1,300–300 ya) is associated with few changes in tools, suggesting a stable subsistence
economy that continued into the historic Anishinaabeg period. One notable innovation is the gill net, which
permitted intensive exploitation of the brief fall spawning period for whitefish and lake trout. “Like the spring
fishery, the fall fishery was a labor-intensive operation and undoubtedly a community enterprise” (Cleland 1982:
775). The gill net is associated with an increased and more reliable fall and winter food supply that enabled an
increase in the population of the region. The contemporary Anishinaabe culture in the nominated area is firmly
and tangibly rooted in the Late Woodland period (Petch 2010; Taylor-Hollings 2015, in preparation).

Historical Period (300 ya – present)
Adoption of new technologies and ideas has been part of Anishinaabe culture from ancient times. Anishinaabeg
adopted trade goods when they were affordable and easy to integrate into a seasonal and mobile way of life
(Hamilton 2010).
When European trade goods arrived in Pimachiowin Aki in the early 17th century, they were traded through longestablished indigenous trade networks (Petch 2010). With the arrival of the fur trade in Pimachiowin Aki in the
mid-18th century, Anishinaabeg capitalized on new opportunities to exchange the products of their customary
livelihoods for new trade items and new technology such as steel traps, guns, and snare wire.
The area that now includes Pimachiowin Aki was known to fur traders in the early 19th century as the East
Winnipeg Country, covering the watersheds of those rivers flowing westward into Lake Winnipeg (Lytwyn 1986).
The East Winnipeg Country formed the western portion of what was known as Le Petit Nord (the Little North). It
stretched from the boreal shield country north and west of Lake Superior, ending at the shores of Lake Winnipeg
in the west and at the Hudson Bay Lowlands in the north (Figure 2.37).

2 Description   93

 Figure 2.37 Le Petit Nord

The headwaters region separating the East Winnipeg
Country of Le Petit Nord from the watersheds flowing into
Hudson Bay—where the earliest and largest trading posts
were located—consisted of myriad twisting and turning
waterways separated by ridges and swamps. Here, an
inexperienced traveller could easily become lost. This
deranged drainage pattern (see Section 2.a(ii)) provided a
geographic buffer that limited the expansion of fur trading
networks into the nominated area (Lytwyn 1986; Petch 2010).
As a consequence of their isolation, lasting up to the late 18th
century, “Anishinaabeg could decide how much fur they would
harvest and where they would take it for trade” (Lytwyn 2010).
Anishinaabeg were able to hunt, fish, gather, and socialize as
they moved across the land, which meant that long journeys
did not hinder trading.

North America Equidistant Conic

Pimachiowin Aki’s drainage pattern limited the expansion
of fur-trade networks (A.I. Hallowell Collection, 1930’s
American Philosophical Society)

Between 1796 and 1821 increased competition for furs led to the expansion of trade routes up the Poplar, Berens
and Bloodvein rivers. Trading posts were built on the major lakes and rivers in the region, and traders were sent
to the winter hunting lodges of Anishinaabeg families in order to secure every available pelt (Lytwyn 2010). This
period of intense trading activity saw a marked increase in the presence and settlement of Euro-Canadians
(Lytwyn 2010). Equally important, the frenzy of harvesting and trading, coupled with disease, led to rapidly
declining harvests, especially in beaver, in the first decade of the 19th century (Hamilton 2010; Lytwyn 2010). After
94  

 1821, the competitive frenzy in fur trading ended, the beaver population was decimated, and incentives for
Anishinaabeg to participate in the fur trade declined markedly.
At this time, in the mid-19th century, referred to
as “the fish and hare period,” Anishinaabeg in the
nominated area relied strongly on fishing and snaring
of small prey species for domestic consumption
(Hamilton 2010). Fishing has been a central feature
of Anishinaabe use of the land for millennia. As
Cleland notes, the significance of indigenous
fisheries in the region has been overshadowed by the
“popular and scholarly attention both historians and
anthropologists have given to the dramatics of the fur
trade” (Cleland 1982: 776).
In the late 19th century, a lucrative commercial
lake sturgeon fishery on Lake Winnipeg (outside
the nominated area) was developed under nonA deadfall trap for catching beaver (A.I. Hallowell Collection, 1930’s
indigenous control and largely for export to Europe.
American Philosophical Society)
In the early days of this fishery, lake sturgeon was
not being sold for its flesh but for its oil, used locally in machinery, and as a source of isinglass, which was used
in Europe for making jellies and aspics, as a finishing agent for beers and wines, and as a glue. This export fishery
resulted in such substantial harvests that, by 1891, some observers recognized the serious threats posed by
overfishing (Matthews and Roulette 2011).
As lake sturgeon yields declined in Lake Winnipeg, some commercial harvesting shifted into parts of the
nominated area, but this early, interior sturgeon fishery was not well documented at the time. There was, for
example, commercial fishing of lake sturgeon on the Berens River, which started in the 1930s and was dominated
by non-resident, non-indigenous interests. In the 1930s and 1940s, the inland commercial sturgeon fishery was
part of a largely unregulated resource frontier (WFMC 2008). To make matters worse for local lake sturgeon
populations, fishing was concentrated in the spring, during spawning time, which had a significant impact on
the ability of lake sturgeon populations to withstand the level of harvesting being done (WFMC 2008). Like the
collapse of the fur trade in the mid-19th century, the lake sturgeon fisheries on Lake Winnipeg and the Berens
River followed a pattern of rapid resource exploitation to meet international demand, leading to a sharp decline
in populations. The status of lake sturgeon populations in the region continues to be a conservation concern (see
Section 2.a(ii), Fish).

RELATIONS WITH GOVERNMENT
Formal relations between the First Nations of Pimachiowin Aki and the Canadian government began with the
signing of Treaty 5 in 1875 by the Chief of Berens River on the eastern shore of Lake Winnipeg. Under the Treaty,
the federal government drafted band membership lists, established a new system of elected chiefs and, years
later, designated tracts of land as Indian Reserves for the settlement of Aboriginal people and delivery of federally
funded services. Although creation of Reserves was provided for in Treaties, the actual delineation of Reserve
communities and subsequent settlement by Anishinaabeg in those communities was a highly uneven and difficult
process. As a result, settlement in Reserves occurred much later, as late as the early 1940s for the inland
communities of Pimachiowin Aki. Reserves were located at important historic summer gathering places (Section
2.a(i), Habitation and Processing Sites).
In Canada, provincial control of resources is derived from the federal Constitution Act, 1867 and the Natural
Resources Transfer Acts (1930), but it was not until after World War II that the provinces were able to assert
effective power over natural resources in Pimachiowin Aki. This change was due in large part to improved
2 Description   95

 transportation networks as the resource frontier was expanded northward. Prior to the mid-1940s, trapping
activities were “supervised” through the local Hudson’s Bay Company trader (Dunning 1959). After the mid-1940s,
Ontario and Manitoba imposed quotas on beaver harvests and established a trapline registry which assigned to
registered trappers the exclusive right to harvest fur-bearing animals within defined trapline areas (Section 2.a(i),
Trapline Areas). Creation of a registered trapline system was understood by Anishinaabeg to be akin to a treatymaking process, in which lands were being set aside for the exclusive use of Anishinaabeg (Berezanski 2004), and
a confirmation of their customary stewardship responsibilities toward all resources on their traplines, not just fur
resources.
The period following the mid-1940s was a highly significant period of change for the Anishinaabeg of Pimachiowin
Aki. Government agencies “exerted steadily growing influence upon local Ojibwe communities, in large measure
because of step-wise dependence upon external services and resources gradually introduced into the local
economy” (Hamilton 2010). The emergence of more permanent settlement, and corresponding decline in time
spent on the land, is particularly associated with centralized (Reserve-based) provision of health care and
compulsory education, which requires women and children to remain on Reserve while the men go out on the
land. Perhaps most influential, however, has been the provision of state subsidies.
Provision of relief supplies to qualified recipients began in the early Treaty period but was greatly expanded in
1946 when the federal government authorized the Hudson’s Bay Company to distribute relief directly and bill the
costs back to the federal government. Also in 1946, Aboriginal families with young children became eligible for
Family Allowance payments, providing their children were sent to Reserve schools. In 1966 additional subsidies
were made available to First Nation members through the Canada Pension program.
Beginning in the late 1970s, there began a significant “push” (off of the land) that acted in concert with the “pull”
to full-time Reserve settlement: a decline in prices and/or markets for commercially traded goods such as fish
and fur. In spite of continued, substantial outside control of markets, commercial fishing remained an important
livelihood activity between the 1950s and 1970s. In part, this was the result of the growth of more affordable air
traffic, as well as marketing support from the federal Department of Indian Affairs.
For Anishinaabeg in Pimachiowin Aki, this was a time when the balance of harvesting efforts shifted to fishing.
Local Indian Affairs Superintendent, Clifford Swartman, remarked: “In recent years commercial fishing has
replaced trapping as their major source of income” (1959, cited in Nikischer 2008). However, in the late 1970s,
commercial fishing opportunities declined dramatically in the face of rising costs of transportation, conservation
concerns, unstable markets, and concerns for elevated natural mercury levels. In addition, during the 1980s,
international markets for fur went into steep decline as a result of international anti-fur campaigns (Berezanski
2004; Chapeskie et al. 2005; Hamilton 2010).

School in Pauingassi (© H. Neufeld 1958)

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Opening of Omishoosh School in Pauingassi (© M. Matthews 2005)

 Declining opportunities for income generation from fishing and trapping has to this day greatly diminished
access to independent incomes among Anishinaabeg of Pimachiowin Aki. This loss of income opportunities was
a significant catalyst for Pimachiowin Aki First Nations’ efforts to make land use planning decisions for their
respective traditional territories over the past 20 years. This in turn spurred a new set of cooperative relations
between First Nations and the provinces of Manitoba and Ontario to reach shared goals of safeguarding the future
of the land on which Anishinaabeg depend for their material and cultural survival.

RECENT CONSERVATION EFFORTS
For millennia, Anishinaabeg have conserved the boreal forest of Pimachiowin Aki as a part of their customary
stewardship responsibilities. In more recent history, Anishinaabeg have contributed to ecological restoration
following over-exploitation of specific resources (i.e. beaver and lake sturgeon) by external (non-indigenous)
commercial interests.
In the early decades of the 20th century, Ontario and Manitoba established recreational hunting and fishing
regulations and, in the 1940s, registered trapline systems for conservation of fur-bearer populations that are
commercially trapped. Environmental assessment and review legislation has been developed in Canada since the
1970s and fully applies to the nominated area. The two provincial parks in Pimachiowin Aki, Woodland Caribou
in Ontario and Atikaki in Manitoba, were officially established in 1983 and 1985 respectively. Management plans
have been completed for both parks. The Eagle–Snowshoe Conservation Reserve was established in May 2003.
Additional details on the history of the establishment of these protected areas are provided in Appendix G.2.7.

Atikaki Provincial Park entrance sign (Manitoba Conservation and
Water Stewardship 2010)

Signing the First Nations Accord (A. Chapeskie June 10, 2002)

In 2002, the five First Nations of Pimachiowin Aki committed to the establishment of protected areas in their
planning areas and inclusion of these protected areas in a proposed World Heritage site through their Protected
Areas and First Nation Resource Stewardship: A Cooperative Relationship Accord. This accord, which has since come
to be known as the First Nations Accord (see Appendix L.20), opens with a pledge:
In this Accord, our First Nations are joining together in the spirit of cooperation and mutual
respect. We are joining together so that we may support each other and work together in our
shared vision of protecting the ancestral lands and resources of our respective First Nations...
We hereby commit to cooperatively and collectively pursue the shared objective of creating an
internationally recognized and designated network of linked protected areas on our ancestral
lands (PRFN et al. 2002).
2 Description   97

 In 2004, the Accord First Nations joined with their provincial planning partners, the Ontario Ministry of Natural
Resources and Forestry and Manitoba Conservation and Water Stewardship, to submit a joint proposal to the
federal government for inclusion of their combined planning areas on Canada’s Tentative List of sites to be
considered for inscription on the World Heritage List. This partnership between First Nation and provincial
governments was essentially an extension of the principles of the First Nations Accord to include the existing
adjacent protected areas: Woodland Caribou Provincial Park and the Eagle–Snowshoe Conservation Reserve in
Ontario and Atikaki Provincial Park in Manitoba.
In 2006, the partnership of all seven parties was affirmed through the establishment of the Pimachiowin Aki
Corporation, a non-profit, incorporated body with the goal of establishing a World Heritage Site. The Corporation
is the official local institution accountable to conserve, protect, and present the proposed Outstanding Universal
Value of Pimachiowin Aki. In keeping with the spirit of partnership that underpins Pimachiowin Aki, the Provinces
of Manitoba and Ontario concluded, in 2013, a Memorandum of Understanding respecting Transboundary Protection
and Management of the Proposed Pimachiowin Aki World Heritage Site. This Memorandum of Understanding
describes means by which the provinces, as members of Pimachiowin Aki Corporation, will coordinate and strive
for consistency in the protection and management of Pimachiowin Aki and will do so in a way that will meet or
exceed World Heritage standards.
Both provinces have enacted legislation to enable a leading role for First Nations in developing land management
plans for their traditional use areas and to provide these areas with protection from development: the East
Side Traditional Lands Planning and Special Protected Areas Act, by Manitoba in 2009, and the Far North Act, by
Ontario in 2010. Pursuant to this legislation, each of the five Pimachiowin Aki First Nations have completed land
management plans for their traditional use areas.
These plans identify protected areas which are now included as part of the nominated area. First Nation land
management plans and the protected areas created through those plans have been given legal force and effect
under the relevant provincial laws, ensuring the continued preservation of the proposed Outstanding Universal
Value of the nominated area. To guide implementation of these plans, the First Nations and the provinces created
specific planning teams through a series of bilateral agreements. First Nations and provincial governments are
represented equally on the planning teams; many members of the planning teams are directors of or advisors to
the Pimachiowin Aki Corporation. The mandates of the planning teams include safeguarding Pimachiowin Aki’s
proposed Outstanding Universal Value, ensuring sustainable resource use within the planning area, education,
training, and monitoring.
Additional details about these land management
plans, their establishment of protected areas, and
implementation of the plans is provided in Section 5.
The Pimachiowin Aki initiative is significant for the
extent of cooperation between First Nation and
provincial governments. Decision-making through
consensus building and cross-cultural understanding
has enabled First Nations to advance their vision
of their ancestral lands as an Anishinaabe cultural
landscape of international importance. The values of
protection that were the impetus for the First Nations
Accord are not focused merely on the maintenance
of a healthy, functioning boreal ecosystem but more
Cooperation and cross-cultural understandings are hallmarks of the
particularly on sustaining a living Anishinaabe
Pimachiowin Aki initiative (Pimachiowin Aki Corp. 2010)
cultural landscape in which effective First Nation-led
stewardship is important to the continuity of natural and cultural values as an integrated whole.
98  

 PRESENT EXTENT OF NATURAL RESOURCE USE
Principal natural resource uses at this time are those
of the Anishinaabeg and those of tourism. Hunting,
trapping, fishing and gathering have been practiced
for millennia by Anishinaabeg following the cultural
tradition of Ji-ganawendamang Gidakiiminaan. For
most of this long, sustained period of use, these
activities were carried out on foot, with snow sleds
and dog-teams, and by canoe. With the advent
of mass-produced, gasoline-powered engines,
particularly for boats and snowmobiles, Anishinaabeg
adopted these technologies to support customary
land-based activities, which continue to reflect and
sustain the cultural principles of Keeping the Land.
For 250 years, until the 1970s, trapping was the
primary source of income for most people in
Pimachiowin Aki, and the bulk of this income was
earned in winter. Although current, low fur prices provide little incentive to trap, Anishinaabeg continue to trap
beaver, marten, and snowshoe hare (hare being used primarily for domestic uses and as bait in pine marten
traps). The pine marten is currently the most economically important fur-bearing species, contributing 50 to 70
percent of all fur harvested within Pimachiowin Aki (Dohan et al. 2010).

Making a hare-skin blanket (A.I. Hallowell Collection, 1930s American
Philosophical Society)

Although commercial fishing was important in the past, currently there is no commercial fishing within the
nominated area (Dohan et al. 2010). However, both Poplar River First Nation and Bloodvein River First Nation have
viable commercial fishing operations on Lake Winnipeg, adjacent to the nominated area.
Manoominikewin, customary cultivation and harvesting of wild rice, is a long-established Anishinaabe practice for
both domestic consumption and trade, including sale (Dohan et al. 2010). In the later part of the 20th century,
commercial wild rice leases were developed under regulation on provincial Crown lands. There are commercial
wild rice leases in both Woodland Caribou Provincial Park and Atikaki Provincial Park but no new licences are
being issued in these parks.
With the advent of light aircraft, remote fly-in fishing
lodges and hunting camps have developed on a
number of the lakes and rivers in the nominated area
since the 1950s. These operations are licensed by
the provinces of Ontario and Manitoba. To date, most
tourism in Pimachiowin Aki has occurred in Atikaki
and Woodland Caribou provincial parks. The principal
activities in the parks include backcountry adventure
travel on the whitewater rivers, fly-in fishing, and
hunting (Dohan et al. 2010). The Bloodvein Canadian
Heritage River is a major attraction (see Section 6.c,
Results of Previous Reporting Exercises). Existing
tourism facilities, outcamps, and trapping or wild
“Bush planes” are still an important mode of transportation in
rice cabins are permitted in the parks, but there are
Pimachiowin Aki (Pimachiowin Aki Corp. 2010)
restrictions on new lodges and outcamps. No new
private cabins or boat caches are allowed in Atikaki Provincial Park. New tourism facilities may be considered in
Woodland Caribou Provincial Park but only if they are consistent with wilderness park policies and objectives.

2 Description   99

 Overnight accommodation within the nominated area is provided by 20 main lodges and more than 70 outpost
camps, which consist of one or more cabins (Figure 2.38). There are also 10 canoe outfitting operators based
outside of the nominated area that offer guided canoe tours within the area.

Figure 2.38 Lodges and outpost camps

100  

Canada Lambert Conformal Conic

 The provincial parks welcome 5,000 visitors annually,
including 3,000 visitors to tourist lodges and camps
and 2,000 river paddlers. Tourism facilities in the
nominated area that are outside of the two provincial
parks accommodate approximately 2,000 additional
visitors annually. Remoteness, seasonality and the
challenging nature of activities are reasons for the
relatively low levels of use by visitors to the
nominated area (Dohan et al. 2010).

Camp site overlooking rapids on the Bloodvein River (E. Lindberg 2008)

2.c  Reflections on the History and Development of Pimachiowin Aki
The development of ecosystems and the chronology of early human occupation within the nominated area were
shaped strongly by environmental factors, especially the recession of glacial flood waters that covered all of
Pimachiowin Aki more than 7,800 ya. Anishinaabe oral traditions, in conjunction with knowledge brought forward
by non-Anishinaabe partners, tell a story of a people on aki (the land), surviving environmental and cultural
change.

“Keeping the Land is a process. The whole life of Anishinaabeg is intertwined with everything, the way we
lived, our life skills, for being able to live on the land. This is how our ancestors survived; it is all of our wellbeing. If you know something is good, you have to keep it. The process of keeping the land has kept us, and it
will continue to keep them [future generations].... It is all based on the teachings that are passed down from
the elders – father, grandfather, great grandfather. I speak today based on what I learned from the past. I
have an understanding that it is my responsibility to pass on this knowledge too.”
Elder Norman Quill (in translation, December 15, 2005)

Anishinaabeg of Pimachiowin Aki have enjoyed a long history of remoteness, but not isolation, from the
main currents of commercial development that have redefined the Canadian landscape and fuelled the
growth of Canada as a nation. Such developments have largely had a negative impact on indigenous cultural
traditions in Canada but Anishinaabeg in Pimachiowin Aki have been able to maintain the cultural tradition of
Ji-ganawendamang Gidakiiminaan because they have continued to make use of the land.

“It is the way of life, for the survival of Anishinaabeg people. The elders have spoken; everything is there for
us to understand. We have lived on this land for generations. When we are finished we will return to the land.
This is why we are keeping the land.… It is a continuous process.”
Elder Oliver Hill (PFN and OMNR 2006: 6)

Use of the nominated area for harvesting, habitation, travel, and ceremony is what ensures continuity of the
beliefs, values, knowledge, and practices that make up Ji-ganawendamang Gidakiiminaan, including the oral
traditions through which the cultural tradition is expressed and transmitted across the generations. This is what
Elder Tom Quill, Sr. explained when he remarked, “The young people, when they go out on the land, they come
back with their language” (in translation, October 15, 2013). Under the guidance of their elders, Anishinaabeg have
2 Description   101

 retained their language, oral traditions, and knowledge through which the cultural tradition of Ji-ganawendamang
Gidakiiminaan (Keeping the Land) is carried down through the generations.

“Most people think about a landscape as a physical and natural backdrop for life, a sort of stage upon which
life happens. But in the Ojibwe way of thinking, the landscape is alive; it is full of human and non-human
beings that engage with the people who know a certain place thoroughly.”
Pauingassi Lands Management Plan (Pauingassi FN 2010)

“Our Ahneesheenahbay ohtahkeem [ancestral land] is not merely a landscape modified by human activity but
a way of relating to the land, a way of being (on the land).”
Pikangikum Land Management Plan (PFN and OMNR 2006)

The Pimachiowin Aki cultural landscape is the living embodiment of how Anishinaabeg live on the land through
the cultural tradition of Ji-ganawendamang Gidakiiminaan; how they use and keep the land; how they imagine
the land. From time immemorial, protection and management of resources in the nominated area have been
the responsibility of Anishinaabeg as part of their sacred trust with the Creator to ensure all life on the land is
respected. Upholding this sacred trust through Ji-ganawendamang Gidakiiminaan, Anishinaabeg have lived on the
land without fundamentally altering the boreal forest of Pimachiowin Aki.
Anishinaabe customary stewardship responsibilities
that flow from Ji-ganawendamang Gidakiiminaan are
today supported by the provinces of Manitoba and
Ontario to ensure the cultural and natural heritage
of the nominated area will be preserved into the
future. By supporting the continued importance
of Ji-ganawendamang Gidakiiminaan, including the
central role of elders and other senior keepers of
the land in upholding the cultural tradition, the
Pimachiowin Aki partners support the continued
integration of land and culture in the nominated area.

Aki, the land, is the source of bimaadiziwin or pimachiowin, the good life
(© H. Otake 2010)

102  

  

aDescription 103

 

 



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3
Justification for Inscription
3.1  Justification for Inscription
3.1.a  Brief Synthesis
Pimachiowin Aki (the Land that Gives Life) is a 33,400-square-kilometre
cultural landscape of Anishinaabeg (Ojibwe people). Through the cultural
tradition of Ji-ganawendamang Gidakiiminaan (Keeping the Land),
Anishinaabeg have for millennia lived intimately with this special place in
the heart of the North American boreal shield.
Ji-ganawendamang Gidakiiminaan consists of the beliefs, values,
knowledge, and practices that guide Anishinaabeg in their interaction
with aki (the land and all its life) and with each other in ways that
are respectful and express a reverence for all creation. The cultural
tradition is given tangible manifestation in harvesting sites, habitation
and processing sites, traplines, travel routes, named places, ceremonial
sites, and sacred places such as pictographs associated with powerful
spirit beings. These attributes are dispersed widely across a large
landscape and concentrated along waterways, which are an essential
source of livelihood resources and a means of transportation.
Anishinaabe customary governance and oral traditions ensure continuity
of the cultural tradition across generations.
Pimachiowin Aki is a vast area of healthy boreal forest and wetlands,
exposed bedrock, myriad lakes, and long free-flowing rivers. Waterways
provide ecological connectivity across the entire landscape. Wildfire,
Pictographs are associated with powerful spirit
nutrient flow, species movements, and predator-prey relationships
beings (© H. Otake 2010)
are key, naturally functioning ecological processes that maintain an
impressive mosaic of ecosystems. The nominated area supports an outstanding diversity of boreal plants and
animals, including iconic species such as wolf, moose, woodland caribou, and loon.
Pimachiowin Aki is the most complete and therefore exceptional example of a landscape within the North
American Subarctic geo-cultural area that provides testimony to the cultural tradition of Ji-ganawendamang
Gidakiiminaan. This could not be without Pimachiowin Aki also being an exceptional example of a large, healthy
and diverse mosaic of the typical North American boreal shield ecosystems. Anishinaabeg are an integral part
of the boreal ecosystem in Pimachiowin Aki, which are the foundation for their survival as a people. The beliefs,
values, knowledge, and practices that reflect this intimate adaptation have preserved the boreal forest of
Pimachiowin Aki. In this way, Pimachiowin Aki exemplifies the indissoluble bonds between culture and nature.
An innovative and collaborative, cross-cultural partnership has been formed between five Anishinaabe First
Nations and two provincial governments with the shared vision of sustaining this living cultural landscape. The
cultural tradition of Ji-ganawendamang Gidakiiminaan will sustain this outstanding cultural landscape into the
future.

106  

 3.1.b  Criteria under which Inscription is Proposed
Pimachiowin Aki is nominated for inscription under criteria (iii), (vi), and (ix) for the way in which it provides
testimony to an indigenous cultural tradition of holistic and sustainable relations with the North American boreal
shield and because it is an outstanding example of healthy and diverse boreal ecosystems.

JUSTIFICATION FOR CRITERION (iii)
Pimachiowin Aki provides exceptional testimony to the continuing Anishinaabe cultural tradition of
Ji-ganawendamang Gidakiiminaan (Keeping the Land). Keeping the Land guides relations between Anishinaabeg
(Ojibwe people) and the land; it is the framework through which the cultural landscape of Pimachiowin Aki is
formed, given meaning, and maintained across the generations. Ji-ganawendamang Gidakiiminaan reflects the
intimate interconnectedness between Anishinaabeg and their boreal forest environment; a way of life on the land
in which nature and culture are inextricably intertwined.
Anishinaabeg of Pimachiowin Aki have lived intimately with the boreal shield environment of the nominated area
over several millennia. The environment of the nominated area is characterized by a subarctic climate with long,
cold winters and by a patchy and constantly changing boreal ecosystem driven especially by wildfire. As a result,
Anishinaabe livelihood practices of hunting, trapping, fishing, and gathering require travel across a vast landscape
and an intimate knowledge of complex waterways, in order to access season- and patch-specific resources.
The key attributes providing testimony to Ji-ganawendamang Gidakiiminaan are harvesting sites that support
hunting, trapping, fishing, and gathering of boreal species; cabin and camp sites that support seasonal habitation;
processing sites; travel routes, including portages and cleared-out channels; named places; sacred and
ceremonial sites; and trapline areas. These attributes are dispersed widely across the landscape and, at the same
time, are situated in specific places, reflecting a consistent rationale based on proximity to resources, ease of
access, shelter from elements, and fire safety. The consistent functions provided by sites over time is
demonstrated by the way newer sites overlay much older archaeological evidence for occupation and use. The
rationale for establishing habitation, livelihood, and ceremonial sites is
strongly tied to the role of waterways both as a source of resources and
as a means of transportation. Waterway travel routes are vital for their
role in providing cultural connectivity across the landscape.
The Pimachiowin Aki cultural landscape bears exceptional testimony to
the cultural tradition of Ji-ganawendamang Gidakiiminaan. No other site
in the North American Subarctic contains a comparable testimony to
the complete suite of attributes that manifest Keeping the Land and the
distribution of these attributes across a wide landscape interconnected
by waterway travel routes.

JUSTIFICATION FOR CRITERION (vi)
Pimachiowin Aki is directly and tangibly associated with the living
tradition and beliefs of Anishinaabeg, who understand they were placed
on the land by the Creator and given all they need to survive. Having
received the gift of life that is Pimachiowin Aki, Anishinaabeg are bound
by a sacred trust to “keep” the land; that is, to care for all life in a way
that honours creation and enables Anishinaabeg to achieve health and
prosperity, or bimaadiziwin (a good life). Anishinaabe uphold this sacred
responsibility to care for the land through their cultural tradition of
Ji-ganawendamang Gidakiiminaans (Keeping the Land).

Ceremonies include the sharing of stories and
sacred songs (© H. Otake 2011)

3 Justification for Inscription   107

 The beliefs that underpin this cultural tradition direct people to adopt appropriate forms of respectful behaviour
in all of their interactions with the land, to ensure harmonious relations with the other beings with whom
Anishinaabeg share the land. These other beings include the plants and animals harvested by Anishinaabeg as
well as the Creator’s helpers—spirit beings that are responsible for carrying out the Creator’s plan for a healthy
and productive life on the land. In the Anishinaabe world view, respect for other beings and for other people is
essential to ensure the continued vitality of aki (the land and all its life). These beliefs are linked to the landscape
through sacred and ceremonial sites, customary governance, and oral traditions.
Respectful behaviour toward other beings, and in particular the Creator’s helpers, is tangibly associated with
sacred and ceremonial sites. Examples of these sites include: offering sites such as grandfather stones and
hollows in exposed bedrock where objects of value or tobacco are left for spirit beings; ceremonial sites used to
communicate with and pay respect to other beings through drumming, dancing, and visions; and sacred places
such as pictograph sites, Thunderbird nests, and places where memegwesiwag (little rock people) dwell.
Respectful behaviour toward other people, or ji-gichi-inenimidiyang (maintaining respectful relationships with
other people), is directly associated with trapline areas, which are the framework for Anishinaabe customary
governance in Pimachiowin Aki. Customary governance of trapline areas is based on respect for the established
interests of family groups with ties to defined harvesting areas and the role of senior family members in making
decisions about the use of those areas.
The beliefs and values that make up Ji-ganawendamang Gidakiiminaan are carried down through the generations
by means of a vibrant oral tradition in the Ojibwe language. Oral traditions, including legends, stories, and songs,
are central to the authentic intergenerational transmission of the cultural tradition. Oral traditions are tangibly
associated with the nominated area through named places, which serve as mnemonic prompts for intimate
knowledge of the land, including locations of resources, travel routes, and the history of Anishinaabe occupation
and use.
The Pimachiowin Aki cultural landscape bears exceptional testimony to the cultural tradition of Ji-ganawendamang
Gidakiiminaan through its association with the beliefs, values, knowledge, and practices that make up the cultural
tradition. These associations are tangibly expressed through sacred and ceremonial sites, traplines, and named
places. No other site in the North American Subarctic provides as complete a representation of the role of
customary governance in coordinating use of the land for livelihood purposes, including between neighbouring
communities with shared histories of overlapping and negotiated resource use.

JUSTIFICATION FOR CRITERION (ix)
Pimachiowin Aki is the largest, most ecologically
complete and best example of the North American
boreal shield ecosystem, including its characteristic
biodiversity and ecological processes. An ancient
geology moulded by glacial processes created a
landscape that continues to be shaped by the forces
of climate, water, and fire. Pimachiowin Aki contains
an exceptional diversity of terrestrial and aquatic
ecosystems. Vast expanses of needleleaf forest,
exposed bedrock, and peatlands, together with long
free-flowing rivers, myriad lakes and extensive
shoreline wetlands, create a diverse mosaic of
ecosystems. Variations in bedrock geology,
topography, surface material, soil and drainage
patterns are the key drivers of this high diversity of
terrestrial and freshwater aquatic ecosystems.
108  

Woodland caribou trails on a frozen lake (© H. Otake 2006)

 Pimachiowin Aki fully supports wildfire, nutrient flow, species movements, and predator-prey relationships, all
essential ecological processes. Wildfire regimes reflect variations in surface materials and influence both
terrestrial and aquatic ecosystems across the nominated area. The rivers, lakes, and tributaries provide ecological
connectivity across the immense landscape. Variations in drainage patterns contribute to hydrological complexity.
Pimachiowin Aki has more large-area ecosystems and a greater number of vertebrate species than other
protected areas in the North American boreal shield. Pimachiowin Aki’s size, intactness, and ecosystem diversity
support characteristic boreal species as well as species of conservation concern such as woodland caribou,
wolverine, lake sturgeon, leopard frog, and Canada warbler. Predator-prey relationships are sustained among
wolf, moose, and caribou, and lynx and snowshoe hare. Sustainable hunting and trapping by Anishinaabeg are part
of the predator-prey interactions within Pimachiowin Aki.

3.1.c  Statement of Integrity
Integrity is a measure of the wholeness and intactness of cultural and natural heritage and its attributes within
the nominated area. Pimachiowin Aki satisfies the conditions of integrity.

INCLUDES ALL NECESSARY ELEMENTS
Pimachiowin Aki encompasses a functionally whole and intact living indigenous cultural landscape within the
North American boreal shield. The nominated area provides representation of the full range of cultural attributes
and natural features of the landscape, the associated social and ecological processes, and a belief system that
together embody the indissoluble bonds between Anishinaabeg and the boreal forest environment. The nominated
area includes all of the elements that are essential to represent and sustain the distinctive character of the
Pimachiowin Aki cultural landscape.
Following are the elements of the living cultural landscape that reflect the cultural tradition of Ji-ganawendamang
Gidakiiminaan. Each of these elements represents key relations and processes of the cultural landscape, and each
is present and complete within the nominated area:
1.  Seasonal harvest, cabin, camp, and processing sites that support customary livelihood practices of hunting,
trapping, fishing, and gathering of terrestrial and aquatic plants;
2.  Evidence in oral history and archaeology of the cyclical use of well-established habitation and processing
sites over the generations;
3.  Distribution of the above attributes across a large landscape to support shifting use of resources in
response to the patchy and shifting nature of the boreal forest ecosystem;
4.  A network of waterway travel routes that provides connectivity among the above attributes, including
between areas of use and occupation associated with adjacent communities;
5.  Trapline areas and named places that enable customary governance to regulate access to and use of
resources across a wide landscape, including by members of neighbouring communities; and
6.  Sacred and ceremonial sites associated with practices that demonstrate the importance of respectful
behaviour in relations with aki (the land and all its life).

3 Justification for Inscription   109

 From an ecological perspective, landform features, ecosystem and species diversity, and ecological processes are
fully intact and functioning. Pimachiowin Aki includes the elements that reflect the significant ecological
processes in the evolution and development of boreal terrestrial and freshwater ecosystems and communities of
plants and animals; namely:
1.  Evidence of the ancient foundations of the
boreal shield ecosystem in Precambrian
geology and continental glaciation, including
glacial Lake Agassiz;
2.  Vast expanses of the characteristic North
American boreal shield surface materials and
soils, configured in a manner that enhances
ecosystem diversity;
3.  Remarkable hydrological complexity and
connectivity illustrated by watershed
configuration, diverse drainage and surfacewater patterns, and entirely free-flowing
waters;

Night sky in Pimachiowin Aki (© H. Otake 2010)

4.  The presence of more than one wildfire regime, which contributes to greater ecological diversity;
5.  Climatic variations that enhance species diversity and support range shifts in response to climate change;
6.  Characteristic North American boreal shield species diversity; and
7.  Healthy predator-prey dynamics that involve iconic boreal species and sustainable hunting and trapping by
Anishinaabeg.

IS OF ADEQUATE SIZE
Pimachiowin Aki is of sufficient size to represent the totality of the Anishinaabe cultural landscape and to provide
for the long-term conservation of both cultural and natural values. Dedicated protected areas in the First Nation
planning areas, two provincial parks, and a conservation reserve are combined to form the largest contiguous
network of protected areas in the North American boreal shield (see Section 5.b). At 33,400 square kilometres in
extent, Pimachiowin Aki is larger than some countries.
The size of the nominated area is sufficient to reflect the cultural tradition of Ji-ganawendamang Gidakiiminaan,
as it can support seasonal rounds of Anishinaabe land use, including the practice of resource rotation (Berkes
et al. 2000), in which use of harvesting areas and their associated habitation and processing sites is shifted over
time according to resource availability and social need. Resource availability is particularly affected by wildfire,
a keystone ecological driver in the boreal biome. In addition, the size of the nominated area enables exceptional
representation of traditional travel routes, including those that connect the five Anishinaabe communities with
each other. In summary, Pimachiowin Aki is large enough to fully support the continuity of the living indigenous
cultural tradition of Ji-ganawendamang Gidakiiminaan.
From an ecological perspective, the vast size and ecological diversity of the nominated area provides for complete
representation and protection of the significant ecological features and processes that characterize healthy boreal
ecosystems, and especially those processes that occur over large areas. Pimachiowin Aki possesses remarkable
ecosystem diversity, encompassing four different large-area ecosystems with distinct surface materials. Each of
110  

 these large-area ecosystems is of sufficient size to support significant boreal ecological processes. In addition,
Pimachiowin Aki’s landmass is able to represent three third-order watersheds, including approximately 80 percent
of the headwater areas for two of these watersheds and three different drainage and surface water patterns.

“We want to keep, to hold onto, the waterways, especially upstream. We cannot afford to let anybody
do anything upstream. If there is some kind of damage upstream we are going to feel the impacts here
downriver. Even the fish are going to be destroyed.”
Elder Whitehead Moose (in translation, October 5, 2005)

The eastern boundaries of the nominated area extend out to encompass the upper reaches and headwater areas
of the main rivers in order to protect these culturally significant waterways and to contribute to the ecological
integrity of the nominated area by protecting headwaters and supporting ecological connectivity, hydrological and
nutrient cycling, gene flows, and species diversity. These waterways, riparian zones, and headwaters are over 625
kilometres in length and include an area of 1,530 square kilometres. These are not isolated, vulnerable features.
The waterways nest within a surrounding forest matrix, the Whitefeather Forest, managed by Pikangikum First
Nation and the Ontario Ministry of Natural Resources and Forestry (OMNR) who, with the benefit of traditional
ecological knowledge and western science, defined these protected areas through an intensive cross-cultural
dialogue (see Box 3.1). The First Nation and the Province are committed to ensuring the long-term protection
of the natural and cultural values of these waterways. As a component of the nominated area, these waterway
corridors are clearly of both ecological and cultural significance.

Box 3.1 Identifying protected areas in the Sampson Lake area
Elder Norman Quill, who was head trapper for the Sampson Lake area (see Appendix D, Map 5), identified
many important and unique natural values in his trapline area. For instance, Norman explained there
are important peatlands that act like a giant sponge that holds and purifies water. The peatlands are also
important woodland caribou habitat and contain raised “islands” where caribou calve.
According to Norman, the Sampson Lake peatlands are also home to waterfowl, pelicans, sandhill cranes,
and a creature known as Pahngwahshahshk, a large muskrat with fangs. Sampson Lake itself is a singularly
unique, shallow, clearwater lake with an abundance of superb quality whitefish, known for their unusually
large bellies.
Norman’s concern for the protection of this area was confirmed by the OMNR, which identified the area as
being a provincially significant natural landform. Assigning this area to a Dedicated Protected Area achieves
multiple conservation objectives of both Pikangikum First Nation and the Province of Ontario. The manner
in which the area was identified and delineated is an example of the kind of First Nation leadership and
cross-cultural communication that is carried forward into the Pimachiowin Aki nomination process.
(based on OP and PFN 2010; PFN and OMNR 2006: 51)
The vast size of the nominated area provides for ecological resilience in the context of a changing climate.
Resilience is strengthened by the large north–south extent of the nominated area, which spans a large range of
the temperature/climate gradient (see Section 3.2.b, Theme 3: Site Integrity).

3 Justification for Inscription   111

 ABSENCE OF ADVERSE EFFECTS
The nominated area, including its significant cultural attributes and natural features, is almost entirely free from
the adverse effects of development and neglect. The whole of the nominated area has at no time been subject
to commercial resource developments such as forestry, mining, or hydroelectric projects (see Figure 2.28);
commercial resource harvests have been limited to fur-bearing mammals, fish, and a very limited amount of wild
rice, as explained in Section 2.b, History and Development.
The whole of Pimachiowin Aki is devoid of fragmented habitats and commercial resource development. Legislative
protection is in place for the nominated area (see Section 5.b, Protective Designation). Given the absence of
industrial development activities in the nominated area, the cultural attributes that express Ji-ganawendamang
Gidakiiminaan and the connectivity among these attributes have not been disturbed.
Waterways, which are the lifeblood of the land and people, are free of dams or other manufactured obstructions,
providing cultural and ecological connectivity across the landscape. The tending and harvesting of manoomin (wild
rice) in Pimachiowin Aki may be the last remaining example in the world of traditional manoomin aquaculture
on unimpounded waterways (i.e. free of manufactured obstructions such as dams). The Pimachiowin Aki
Management Plan commits to maintaining the free-flowing character of waterways in the nominated area, a
feature that has become increasingly rare across North America.
Pictographs found on the waterways of the nominated area are generally well preserved; however, the rate at
which they are deteriorating due to natural weathering is largely unknown. Lichen encroachment is probably
the most serious threat. As Steinbring notes, “It is extremely difficult to remove lichen without damaging the
paintings, and advanced conservation technologies would be required” (Steinbring 2010: 7). Vandalism of
pictograph sites has occurred, but only to a very limited degree, “likely due to the remoteness of the region, and
the requirement of costly plane charters or canoe travel” (Steinbring 2010: 7–8).
Potential impacts of any deterioration processes are controlled by an effective management regime that includes:
the Anishinaabe traditional protection associated with Ji-ganawendamang Gidakiiminaan and the legislated
protection of First Nation dedicated protected areas, the two contiguous provincial parks and a conservation
reserve, and a governance and management structure focused on the entire nominated area. First Nation and
park management plans are reflected in the Pimachiowin Aki Management Plan. Effective buffering of the
nominated area is provided by lands with legal and planning frameworks that enable safeguarding of the values of
Pimachiowin Aki.
In summary, Pimachiowin Aki exhibits a high state of conservation and will retain these qualities into the future
(see Section 2.c, Reflections on the History and Development of Pimachiowin Aki).

3.1.d  Statement of Authenticity
Cultural values in Pimachiowin Aki are truthfully and credibly expressed through traditional oral testimony,
scientific research, and First Nation-led studies and plans that address the following attributes of authenticity:
traditions, techniques, and management systems; language and other forms of intangible heritage; location and
setting; use and function; and spirit and feelings.

TRADITIONS, TECHNIQUES, AND MANAGEMENT SYSTEMS
Authenticity is demonstrated through the continued importance of Ji-ganawendamang Gidakiiminaan—and
especially the traditional knowledge, ethical and spiritual teachings, and customary governance/leadership
that are part of the cultural tradition—in guiding behaviour in relation to the landscape of the nominated
area. Traditional knowledge is maintained on a range of subjects that provide authentic expression of
Ji-ganawendamang Gidakiiminaan, including: place names, local history, navigation, geography, resource locations,
112  

 ecosystem dynamics, animal behaviour, methods of harvesting and processing natural resources, cosmology,
legends, and teachings that direct appropriate behaviour with respect to the land. A large body of this knowledge
has been recorded in geo-referenced (GIS) data sets, project reports, and professional publications.
Ethical and spiritual teachings continue to direct
specific kinds of behaviour in specific contexts, as
part of an Anishinaabe understanding of how the land
will continue to sustain future generations. For
example, people are taught the importance of taking
only what they need, wasting nothing, and
acknowledging the Creator’s gift of life by giving
something back to the land, such as an offering of
tobacco or a traditional prayer. Sites associated with
powerful spirit beings such as Thunderbirds and
memegwesiwag are not approached or even pointed
at, but appreciated at a respectful distance (Dreidger
2006; Matthews 1995; Matthews and Roulette 2010a).

Setting a fishing net under the ice (N. Deutsch 2009)

In addition, customary processes for determining how people gain access to resources have been maintained
within the context of a government-instituted registered trapline system, itself built upon the traditional
Anishinaabe system of family trapping areas and customary leadership norms. Recognition of customary
governance continues to be centred on respect for those with the greatest experience on the land: head trappers,
who hold the trapping licence for a trapline area, and other respected elders with personal and family ties to
specific family harvesting areas (see Chapeskie 1995; Chapeskie 2001; Davidson-Hunt and O’Flaherty 2007;
Deutsch 2013; O’Flaherty, Davidson-Hunt, and Manseau 2007). Respect for customary leadership has been built
into all of the First Nation land management plans.

LANGUAGE AND OTHER FORMS OF INTANGIBLE HERITAGE
Authenticity is further demonstrated by Anishinaabemowin (RXLVqdWnB), the thriving Anishinaabe language
spoken throughout the nominated area. Anishinaabemowin is the primary means of communication in both
familial and official settings within the five First Nation communities. Within the broad geography historically
inhabited by Ojibwe-speaking peoples—ranging from Manitoba through southern Ontario, northern Minnesota,
and Wisconsin—roughly one quarter of all people who continue to speak Ojibwe as their first language reside in
the communities of Pimachiowin Aki (Matthews et al. 2010). In addition, communication in the Ojibwe language is
conducted in either of two written forms: syllabic script or double-vowel Roman orthography, both of which are
shown in the first sentence of this paragraph.
Oral traditions in the Anishinaabe language are central to the expression and intergenerational transmission of
traditional ecological knowledge, social relations, beliefs, and cultural values associated with Ji-ganawendamang
Gidakiiminaan. For example, recounting stories involving memorable acts at specific sites continues to confirm the
history of family and First Nation claims to stewardship over specific harvesting areas. Therefore, authenticity is
demonstrated by the continued vitality of the Anishinaabe language and oral traditions in articulating the meaning
and significance of the nominated area from an Anishinaabe perspective.

3 Justification for Inscription   113

 LOCATION AND SETTING
“We have lived on this land for generations. When we are finished we will return to the land. This is why we
are keeping the land.... It is a continuous process.”
Elder Oliver Hill (in translation, PFN and OMNR 2006: 6)

Authenticity is further demonstrated by more than 7,000 years of documented indigenous use and occupancy
within the nominated area. The nominated area is within the historic extent of Anishinaabe occupation and is
centred on and incorporates the traditional land use areas of Anishinaabeg of the five member First Nations.
Anishinaabe residents of the five member communities are the sole year-round occupants of the nominated area.
Pimachiowin Aki is an authentic representation of an Anishinaabe cultural landscape associated with this group of
related First Nations who collectively maintain the cultural tradition of Ji-ganawendamang Gidakiiminaan within a
healthy and extensive boreal shield ecosystem.
Historical Anishinaabe occupancy of the nominated area is demonstrated by oral traditions, mapping of
indigenous use and occupancy in GIS format, and by the results of archaeological field work registered with the
Ontario Ministry of Tourism, Culture and Sport and with the Manitoba Department of Tourism, Culture, Heritage,
Sport and Consumer Protection. Information sources on archaeological field work conducted in the nominated
area are presented in Section 2.b, Early Culture History. In addition, the abundance of well-documented
pictographs in the nominated area dating back to at least 2,200 ya (Section 2.a(i), Sacred and Ceremonial Sites)
demonstrates the antiquity of Anishinaabe use and occupation, given “only the Ojibwa [Anishinaabeg] have a wellestablished tradition of pictography in the historic record” (Steinbring 2010: 4).

USE AND FUNCTION
Authenticity is demonstrated through the continued use of Pimachiowin Aki as a lived-in and living cultural
landscape. Through the generations, Anishinaabeg have maintained ancient travel routes on land and water to
gain access to seasonal resource areas for hunting, trapping, fishing, gathering of medicinal and edible plants,
and harvesting of timber to build cabins and provide fuelwood for heating their homes. Anishinaabeg continue
to make use of the nominated area for customary livelihood practices and conducting ceremonies at sacred and
ceremonial sites.
While the material evidence of Ji-ganawendamang Gidakiiminaan may not be immediately apparent to an untrained
observer, a pattern of long-term cyclical use of well-established sites demonstrates the consistent use and
function of these sites through the generations. This pattern is borne out by archaeological surveys that reveal
how contemporary attributes overlay much older evidence of occupation and use (Petch 2010; Taylor-Hollings
2015).

SPIRIT AND FEELING
Authenticity is further demonstrated by the ongoing attachment of Anishinaabeg to their traditional lands that
make up Pimachiowin Aki. As the repository of their personal and collective histories, the nominated area is
the home, the source of identity, and the future of Anishinaabeg in Pimachiowin Aki. The ancient roots of this
attachment to the nominated area are seen in the way pictographs serve as inspiration for the contemporary
Anishinaabe Woodland Art tradition (see Section 2.a(i), Box 2.7). Paintings in this tradition express the spirit of an
ancient Anishinaabe culture in the nominated area.
Furthermore, the importance of the nominated area as a source of pride and dignity for the five First Nations is
shown through the signing of the First Nations Accord, which was the original impetus for seeking World Heritage
inscription, and through the continued work since then by Anishinaabeg, in partnership with the provinces of
114  

 Ontario and Manitoba, to seek World Heritage recognition for Pimachiowin Aki. Anishinaabeg have provided
the name (Pimachiowin Aki, the “Land that Gives Life”) and a sacred song for the nominated area (see Box 3.2),
in recognition that the nominated area is vital to the continued spiritual, emotional, and physical survival of
Anishinaabeg as a people.

Box 3.2 Pimachiowin Aki song
Whey Ha Whey Oh Whey
Whey Ha Whey Oh Whey
Whey Ha Whey Oh Whey
Whey Ha Whey Oh Whey Ya Whey Ya
Whey Ha Whey Oh Whey
Whey Ha Whey Oh Whey Oh Whey Ya Whey Ya
Anishinaabeg dibaajimowin (This is an Ojibwe Story)
Gaagige bimosemagan (It exists and travels through
eternity)
Pimachiowin aki (On the land that gives life)
[The verse is sung four times]

Performing the Pimachiowin Aki song (Pimachiowin Aki
Corp. 2010)

3.1.e  Protection and Management Requirements
FRAMEWORK FOR PROTECTION AND MANAGEMENT
All of Pimachiowin Aki is Crown land within the provinces of Manitoba and Ontario, administered by the
governments of Manitoba and Ontario (see Section 5.a, Ownership). The First Nation and provincial government
partners have entered into cooperative arrangements for protection and management of Pimachiowin Aki, a
reflection of principles inherent in Ji-ganawendamang Gidakiiminaan.
Pimachiowin Aki’s management framework (see Section 5, Figure 5.1) combines a governance structure and a
management plan for the nominated area that integrates various land management plans, laws, and policies in
a mutually supportive way. This management framework provides for a unified decision-making process: at the
local level, through traditional protection and management; by First Nations and provincial governments, through
their respective land management and planning processes; and by all seven partners through the Pimachiowin
Aki Corporation. The management framework ensures the protection of the proposed Outstanding Universal Value
of the nominated area; that is, its cultural and natural values, and the indissoluble links between Anishinaabeg
and the land.
The First Nation land management plans have been developed with extensive First Nation community and public
consultations and are enacted under provincial legislation giving them legal force and effect. Legal protective
designations have been established for those portions of First Nation planning areas and the two provincial parks
and conservation reserve that comprise the nominated area. Land management decisions are made in accordance
with these plans (see Sections 5.c and 5.d) and with plan implementation agreements between First Nations and
the relevant provinces. Land and resource use enforcement activities are conducted according to First Nation
customary practices or by provincial agencies. Daily decisions related to the harvest and use of wildlife by First
Nations is guided by Anishinaabe customary laws and the constitutional rights of First Nations people to hunt,
fish, trap, and gather.
3 Justification for Inscription   115

 Pimachiowin Aki Corporation democratically represents the five First Nations and the governments of Manitoba
and Ontario. As a coordinating management body, the Corporation facilitates the partners working together
across the nominated area and its buffers. The structure and philosophy of the Corporation ensures that decisionmaking is based on good governance principles, is consensual and accountable, and reflects the pluralism of the
partnership. The First Nations and provinces respect the leadership and authority of each community for decisionmaking in natural resources management within their respective planning areas; but together, all partners make
decisions in the interest of protecting the proposed Outstanding Universal Value of the nominated area.

LONG-TERM CHALLENGES FOR PROTECTION AND MANAGEMENT
A proposed all-season road to Pimachiowin Aki is both an opportunity and a potential threat to the Anishinaabe
cultural landscape. This project will reduce the high cost of living in the First Nation communities, provide for
greater flexibility in emergencies, improve community connections, and create job opportunities. Counteracting
potential negative effects on cultural values is the tradition of Ji-ganawendamang Gidakiiminaan and the leadership
of the five First Nations. Anishinaabeg commitment underpins this nomination and is the impetus for actions to
support and sustain the cultural landscape. An essential step in sustaining the Anishinaabe relationship with aki
has already been taken through First Nation-led planning processes and legislated protection.
Specific planning and mitigation measures to protect cultural and natural attributes and features include
selecting the preferred route based on traditional knowledge and community input, protocols for protecting
cultural resources and ecological features, balancing socio-economic factors, and minimizing the human footprint
by aligning the new route closely with the existing winter road.
Potential negative effects of road construction on natural values are also mitigated by application of a high
standard of environmental assessment and review under federal guidelines. The East Side Road Authority (the
Manitoba government agency overseeing construction) is “committed to ensuring that the construction of an
all-weather road is compatible with the proposed World Heritage designation” (East Side Road Authority 2011).
Ongoing planning and actions to minimize threats and optimize benefits will occur over the 40-year timeframe of
this project.

ASSURANCES ABOUT PROTECTION AND MANAGEMENT
The First Nations Accord gives assurance about protection and management of Pimachiowin Aki through a shared
vision “to protect and take care of the land and resources that the Creator has given us for our survival and wellbeing … and to respect the teachings and wisdom of our elders who are able to guide us in taking care of the lands
and resources that we have been given as a sacred trust” (PRFN et al. 2002).
Legislated protection of the nominated area employs The Provincial Parks Act (Manitoba), the Provincial Parks and
Conservation Reserves Act 2006 (Ontario), Manitoba’s East Side Traditional Lands Planning and Special Protected
Areas Act (2009) and Ontario’s Far North Act 2010. Logging, mining, and hydroelectric development are prohibited
in the nominated area by means of this legislation. Management plans developed pursuant to the above legislation
provide assurances with respect to for example: ongoing identification and protection of culturally important
sites, such as pictographs; protection of waterways so they remain free-flowing and undammed; protection of
woodland caribou habitat and populations; continuation of key ecological processes such as wildfire; and ongoing
Anishinaabe use of the forest in a manner that is ecologically and culturally sustainable.
The governments of Manitoba and Ontario, through a Memorandum of Agreement (Appendix L.21) that has been
acknowledged by the First Nations of Pimachiowin Aki and the government of Canada, provide assurances about
protection and management of the nominated area through their commitments to:

116  

 1.  Protect and manage Pimachiowin Aki in a
manner that will meet or exceed the high
standards expected for World Heritage sites;
2.  Protect and manage Pimachiowin Aki,
and manage its buffer zones, in order to
maintain the Outstanding Universal Value of
Pimachiowin Aki, including the conditions of
authenticity and integrity that would justify
inclusion of Pimachiowin Aki on the World
Heritage List;
3.  Coordinate and strive for consistency in
transboundary protection and management
of Pimachiowin Aki with respect to goals,
Community Camp 2009 (© H. Otake 2009)
principles, and mechanisms as described in the
nomination (Section 5) and the Pimachiowin Aki Management Plan; and
4.  Contribute financial and human resources to the Pimachiowin Aki Corporation.
Such assurances mean that Pimachiowin Aki will continue to be managed with a goal to maintain cultural
continuity and an excellent state of conservation in the future.

3.2  Comparative Analysis
A comparative analysis was completed for both cultural and natural values and is presented below in summary
form. Following guidance regarding the classification systems used to define the comparative analyses for
World Heritage nominations (IUCN 2006; UNESCO 2013), the cultural heritage comparative analysis uses an
international and national typological approach, whereas the natural heritage comparative analysis uses a global
and regional typological approach.
The full technical reports are provided in Appendix K,
as follows:
K.1 

Cultural Comparative Analysis in
Support of the Pimachiowin Aki World
Heritage Nomination under World
Heritage Criteria (iii) and (vi);

K.2.1 

Evaluation of Pimachiowin Aki as
an Outstanding Example of Boreal
Ecosystems; and,

K.2.2 

Comparative Analysis of Natural
Values: Gap Analysis and Site Profiles.

Singeing a duck to remove feathers (Manitoba Conservation and Water
Stewardship 2014)

3 Justification for Inscription   117

 3.2.a  Comparative Analysis of Cultural Heritage
GOAL OF THE CULTURAL COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS
The goal of the cultural comparative analysis is to “explain the importance of the nominated property in its
national and international context” (UNESCO 2013: 33, para. 132) by demonstrating there are no other similar
properties already on the World Heritage List or on the Tentative Lists, and no comparable sites currently outside
the World Heritage system that might be nominated in the future. The specific focus of the comparative analysis is
to assess the relative ability of sites to effectively reflect and sustain cultural values that are comparable to those
of the Anishinaabe cultural tradition of Ji-ganawendamang Gidakiiminaan (Keeping the Land).
The cultural comparative analysis concludes there are no properties already on the World Heritage List or on the
Tentative Lists, and no sites outside the World Heritage system that might be nominated in the future, that provide
comparable representation of the cultural tradition of Keeping the Land.
The comparative analysis is organized under four subsections, as follows:
1.  Framing the Basis for Comparison, which outlines the thematic framework developed to reflect the specific
expression of Keeping the Land in the nominated area and which identifies the appropriate geo-cultural
context for comparison;
2.  Selection of Sites for Comparison, which explains the process for determining which sites are selected for
consideration in the comparative analysis;
3.  Comparative Analysis of Site Selected for Comparison, which provides detailed comparisons with sites
identified as being potentially comparable to Pimachiowin Aki; and
4.  The Case for Outstanding Universal Value, which outlines conclusions regarding the exceptional nature of
Pimachiowin Aki within both national and international contexts.

1. FRAMING THE BASIS FOR COMPARISON

Thematic Framework
Ji-ganawendamang Gidakiiminaan is an Anishinaabe cultural tradition that reflects the intimate interconnectedness
between Anishinaabeg and the boreal environment of Pimachiowin Aki—a way of life on the land in which
nature and culture are inextricably intertwined. Ji-ganawendamang Gidakiiminaan is the means through which
Anishinaabeg of Pimachiowin Aki express and maintain their indigenous relationship to the land, and to one
another with respect to activities conducted on the land.
To guide comparison with other sites, a thematic framework has been developed to reflect the main attributes of
the proposed Outstanding Universal Value expressed in the landscape of the nominated area. Following are the six
comparative themes, summarized in Figure 3.1.
THEME 1: SACRED AND CEREMONIAL SITES
Ji-ganawendamang Gidakiiminaan requires that people be on the land, fulfilling their sacred trust with the Creator
to respectfully make use of the gifts that have been provided for Anishinaabe survival. All interactions with the
land/aki are guided by the belief that everything Anishinaabeg need for survival and bimaadiziwin (a “good life”)
has been provided by the Creator and will continue to provide for Anishinaabeg as long as appropriate, respectful
behaviour toward other beings is observed. The landscape of the nominated area provides testimony to these
beliefs and practices through offering sites and ceremonial sites used to communicate with and pay respect to
other beings, and through sacred places associated with powerful spirit beings.
118  

 Assessment of the ability of comparative sites to convey values that are comparable to those of Pimachiowin Aki
requires those comparative sites contain:
1.  Sacred sites that are associated with powerful spirit beings, and especially Creator’s helpers such as
Thunderbirds and memegwesiwag;
2.  Sacred sites associated with avoidance or restriction on activities in order to show respect and/or prevent
misfortune; and
3.  Ceremonial sites that are associated with prayers and offerings used to communicate with and seek favour
from the spirits of animals killed for food and/or Creator’s helpers that exercise stewardship responsibilities
for specific types of plants and animals.
THEME 2: HARVESTING SITES
Anishinaabeg harvesting practices of hunting, trapping, fishing, and gathering in the nominated area demonstrate
the importance of respecting the Creator’s gifts by, among other things, continued harvesting and thanking the
spirits of animals for their sacrifice. In addition, Ji-ganawendamang Gidakiiminaan (Keeping the Land) guides
Anishinaabe harvesting practices to be in harmony with the boreal forest, maintaining the indissoluble bonds
between Anishinaabeg and their environment.
Anishinaabe livelihood practices in Pimachiowin Aki respect creation by maintaining the natural range and
patterning of ecological diversity of the boreal forest. Survival in the boreal forest requires Anishinaabeg to
travel widely, shifting their harvesting activities in response to changes in seasonal availability, succession, and
population movements (especially for animals with large home ranges such as moose and woodland caribou).
Assessment of the ability of comparative sites to convey values comparable to those of Pimachiowin Aki requires
those sites contain harvesting sites characterized by:
1.  Association with hunting, trapping, fishing and collecting activities that reflect the Anishinaabe cultural
value of respectful behaviour toward the animals harvested, the Creator’s helpers responsible for the
stewardship of specific types of plants or animals, and creation more generally; and
2.  Tangible demonstration of livelihood practices that are adapted to and maintain the boreal forest ecosystem.
Distribution of harvesting sites across the landscape is addressed under Themes 4 and 5.
THEME 3: HABITATION AND PROCESSING SITES
Habitation and processing sites within Pimachiowin Aki enable harvesting across a wide landscape throughout
the year, thereby representing a core adaptation to the boreal ecosystem. Structures built at habitation and
processing sites typically include spruce-log cabins, temporary shelters such as tents, and drying racks made
of spruce poles. Although the range of structures found at habitation and processing sites is characteristic
of Anishinaabe material culture, the significance of habitation and processing sites lies in the way the sites
themselves reflect and sustain the cultural tradition of Ji-ganawendamang Gidakiiminaan.
However, even when structures have degraded beyond the point of usability or even visibility, sites remain
culturally important. Families retain their association with those sites, including a prior right to rebuild on the
sites and to reuse them. In addition, habitation and processing sites not currently in use are essential as markers
or mnemonic prompts for oral histories of Anishinaabe use and occupancy in the nominated area.

3 Justification for Inscription   119

 Although most habitation and processing sites are used only seasonally and may be left unused for long periods,
they are generations-old; their locations reflect a consistent rationale based on proximity to resources, ease of
access, shelter from elements, and fire safety. Sites used within living memory for habitation and processing
activities (e.g., cabins, food processing sites for cleaning and smoking fish or other meat) were also used in
historic and, in some instances, ancient times.
Assessment of the ability of comparative sites to convey values that are comparable to those of Pimachiowin Aki
requires those comparative sites contain habitation and processing sites that are characterized by:
1.  The presence, either currently or in the past, of temporary structures such as tents (or similar shelters built
from local materials), tent frames, and drying racks, and/or more long-term shelters such as log cabins;
2.  Their establishment at locations that are chosen for their proximity to resources, their ease of access by way
of waterway travel routes, shelter from the elements, and their relative protection from the risks of forest
fire;
3.  Their association with archaeological and oral history evidence that demonstrates use and occupation over
generations; and
4.  Their association with personal and familial attachment to specific areas.
Distribution of habitation and processing sites across the landscape is addressed under Themes 4 and 5.
THEME 4: WIDESPREAD DISTRIBUTION
As suggested under Themes 2 and 3, the abandonment and reuse of seasonal harvesting, habitation and
processing sites across a large landscape enables Anishinaabeg to adapt to the boreal forest resource base, which
is highly heterogeneous across space and time, especially in response to wildfire. The land-based practices of Jiganawendamang Gidakiiminaan result in a widespread distribution of attributes (Section 2, Figure 2.18), both in use
and not in use, that is characteristic of the cultural tradition.
A comparative site that contains, for example, a few examples each of different kinds of attributes (e.g., hunting
camps, fishing camps, cabin sites, etc.) does not adequately represent the importance of cyclical use of these
kinds of sites over long periods; such a site would represent the attribute types (as per Themes 1–3) but would not
represent well the totality of the cultural landscape that expresses adaptation to a complex and changing boreal
ecosystem.
Therefore, assessment of the ability of comparative sites to convey values that are comparable to those of
Pimachiowin Aki requires those comparative sites contain:
1.  An integrated complex of harvesting sites, habitation and processing sites, and sacred and ceremonial sites
that are both currently in use and not in use;
2.  When not in use, those sites should retain their cultural significance and integrity for current/ongoing social
practices; and
3.  Be distributed over a landscape sufficiently broad to enable adaptation to boreal ecosystem processes such
as wildfire and movement of animals with large home ranges.

120  

 THEME 5: INTERLINKAGE BY WATERWAY TRAVEL ROUTES
Tangible evidence of the cultural tradition of Ji-ganawendamang Gidakiiminaan (Keeping the Land) is concentrated
on the waterways of Pimachiowin Aki (see Section 2, Figure 2.18), providing testimony to the impact of abundant,
interconnected waterways on the landscape expression and patterning of the cultural tradition. Attributes of
Keeping the Land are concentrated along waterways because water is the primary and most effective means by
which Anishinaabeg travel across the landscape.
Changing resource distribution in time and space requires Anishinaabeg to travel widely throughout the
landscape, and the abundance of interconnected waterways provides access to the broad boreal mosaic of
the nominated area. Traditional travel routes on major rivers (gete bimishkaawin, or cultural waterways) are
important for travel over long distances and provide connectivity between communities. Trails across land are also
important, especially in winter when trapping, but frozen waterways also provide important winter travel routes,
whether for dog-teams (in the past) or snow machines.
Named places along waterway travel routes serve as mnemonic prompts for knowledge of features to be
encountered and their associated stories, including personal and collective histories. Named places aid in
navigation of the cultural landscape by providing shared cultural understandings about how and where to travel
across the land, and by reinforcing personal and collective ties with the land.
Therefore, assessment of the ability of comparative sites to convey values that are comparable to those of
Pimachiowin Aki requires those comparative sites contain a network of waterway travel routes that:
1.  Provides access to and connectivity among widely spread attributes (sacred and ceremonial sites,
harvesting sites, and habitation and processing sites);
2.  Joins adjacent communities in shared networks of land use and communication; and
3.  Is associated with named places that serve as waypoints for navigation, explaining the natural features and
resources of an area, and as mnemonic prompts for oral histories that explain the association of specific
areas with certain extended family groups.
THEME 6: CUSTOMARY GOVERNANCE
Assessment of the expression of Ji-ganawendamang Gidakiiminaan as a living cultural tradition is incomplete
without consideration of the role of people, and especially elders, as carriers of tradition. Anishinaabeg consider
possession of leadership skills to be a gift from the Creator, secured through relations with spirit beings and
demonstrated through success in stewardship of land and people.
Anishinaabe customary governance of land entrusts specific family groups with stewardship authority over
specific areas of land that represent historic family harvesting areas; these are today set within a larger system
of registered trapline areas. Respect for the leaders of family harvesting and trapline areas continues to be the
cornerstone of customary decision-making regarding use of the land in Pimachiowin Aki.
Customary governance is central to the coordination of activities across the entire nominated area. For centuries,
before there were Reserve communities, registered traplines, and First Nation land management planning areas,
customary governance enabled coordination of resource use among adjacent peoples. In the present, integration
of customary governance in the management of Pimachiowin Aki will contribute to actively sustaining the
significance of Ji-ganawendamang Gidakiiminaan in mediating relations between people and the land.
Given the importance of customary governance in sustaining relations between Anishinaabeg and the land, sites
will be assessed for their ability to demonstrate its contemporary, on-going significance. Assessment of the ability
3 Justification for Inscription   121

 of comparative sites to convey values that are comparable to those of Pimachiowin Aki requires those comparative
sites provide representation of:
1.  Trapline and/or family harvesting areas, that define stewardship responsibilities of people over specific
areas;
2.  The role of traditional leaders in the regulation of access to and use of the land and its resources, including
the negotiation of shared use by members of neighbouring communities;
3.  The role of head trappers and other senior keepers of the land in guiding observance of respectful
behaviour, and upholding the beliefs and values of Ji-ganawendamang Gidakiiminaan more generally; and
4.  The role of customary governance in contemporary site planning and management.

Summary of Thematic Framework
The six comparative themes (summarized in Figure 3.1) address the cultural attributes of proposed OUV for
Pimachiowin Aki, and the distribution and interrelationship of those attributes on the landscape of the nominated
area. Each of these comparative themes fits together to form a whole that expresses the tangible and intangible
elements of Ji-ganawendamang Gidakiiminaan (Keeping the Land). Together, the comparative themes address
the manner in which Ji-ganawendamang Gidakiiminaan is expressed and maintained on the landscape of the
nominated area.
Figure 3.1 Cultural comparative themes
Comparative Theme

Expression of Keeping the Land

1. Sacred and Ceremonial Sites

Associated with beliefs in spirit beings that affect success of livelihood
practices and well-being more generally, and with ceremonial practices used
to communicate with spirit beings.

2. Harvesting Sites

Associated with harvesting practices that reflect the value of respectful
behaviour, are adapted to the boreal ecosystem, and reflect intimate
knowledge of the boreal ecosystem.

3. Habitation and Processing Sites

Have historic and ancient significance for travel and livelihood practices, and
for personal and familial attachment to specific areas.

4. Widespread Distribution

Habitation and livelihood sites spread widely throughout the landscape,
reflecting the cyclical use of well-established sites.

5. Interlinkage by Waterway Travel Routes

Traditional waterway travel routes providing access to and connectivity among
widely dispersed cultural attributes.

6. Customary Governance

Central to maintenance of beliefs and values of Keeping the Land, and
regulation of access to and use of the land within defined areas, including by
members of neighbouring communities.

Geo-Cultural Framework
To ensure cultural comparisons are meaningful, culturally comparable sites will be identified within a defined
geo-cultural region. However, there exists no Thematic Study for the comparative analysis to draw upon, as
identified by the Operational Guidelines (UNESCO 2013: 38, para. 147) and suggested as important background
information for comparative analysis (UNESCO 2013: 30, para. 122; UNESCO 2010: 12, 114). Each of the elements
that characterizes Ji-ganawendamang Gidakiiminaan (Keeping the Land), as reflected in the Thematic Framework,
has been discussed in the literature, but relatively independently of one another. This subsection explains the
122  

 rationale for selection of the geo-cultural area containing sites that potentially reflect the wholeness or totality of
the proposed Outstanding Universal Value, as identified in the Thematic Framework.
The comparative assessment of sites considers representation of the values and their significance conveyed by
the nominated area, as outlined in the Thematic Framework, not the specific attributes, which will vary from site
to site. Thus, for example, while grandfather stones are an important type of ceremonial site in Pimachiowin Aki,
the comparative significance of grandfather stones is in their role as places where people leave offerings to spirit
beings in order to ensure safe travel and successful hunts. Similarly, the comparative significance of wild rice
cultivation is in demonstrating livelihood practices that are adapted to the boreal ecosystem. Comparative sites
need not contain grandfather stones or wild rice; similar practices can demonstrate a comparable significance on
a different landscape.
There are broad similarities among the cultural traditions of indigenous peoples in North America, including the
honouring of a sacred duty to care for the land and to work with other beings in a respectful way, in a world where
the potential for life and agency is attributed to virtually all aspects of nature. While there are cultural continuities
across North America, and perhaps more broadly, the material attributes that express the interaction of culture
and environment are more clearly defined by their role in adaptation to specific environments. In Pimachiowin Aki,
adaptation to the boreal ecosystem is reflected in Anishinaabe harvesting practices of hunting, trapping, fishing,
and gathering that are well adapted to constantly changing resource availability across a broad and very patchy
boreal forest landscape.
Sites that can provide comparable representations of the specific aspects of the proposed Outstanding Universal
Value of Pimachiowin Aki are best found within the North American Subarctic culture area (see Figure 3.2), which
corresponds largely to the North American boreal biome.1 It is within the North American Subarctic that the
specific indigenous relationship to land and its expression on the landscape through tangible attributes are most
highly comparable to that of Pimachiowin Aki.

1  The culture areas of North American indigenous peoples have been defined, with small modifications, following A.L. Kroeber’s classification (Kroeber 1939) based on the overlapping
groupings of cultural traits and physiographic and vegetation features (DeMallie 2001: 4). See the full technical report (Appendix K.1) for a more detailed discussion.

3 Justification for Inscription   123

 Figure 3.2 Culture areas of North America

World Polyconic

While the North American Subarctic is identified here as containing sites that may exhibit cultural traditions
comparable to Ji-ganawendamang Gidakiiminaan (Keeping the Land), this does not mean there is cultural
homogeneity across this large area. There are other traditions, other bases for nomination within the North
American Subarctic. For example, Canada’s Tentative List site Ivvavik/Vuntut/Herschel Island (Qikiqtaruk) is partly
within the North American Subarctic but the values of the site centre on historic associations with the Porcupine
caribou herd, and in particular the collective hunting of caribou using fences to corral caribou at choke points
on the landscape (Parks Canada 2010). While Vuntut Gwitchin historic associations with caribou were likely
informed by values comparable to those of Keeping the Land, the specific practices and attributes associated with
those values differ; the whole of values being proposed for the Ivvavik/Vuntut/Herschel Island (Qikiqtaruk) site is
demonstrably different from the proposed Outstanding Universal Value of Pimachiowin Aki. In summary, while the
geo-cultural area is the context in which appropriate comparative sites are identified, this nomination does not
seek to represent the cultural diversity of the entire geo-cultural area.
In addition, while the specific values of the nominated area are Anishinaabe cultural values, Pimachiowin Aki
is not being nominated as representative of Anishinaabe people or as a site that is specifically significant to all
Anishinaabe people, in the way that, for example, SGang Gwaay (Canada) is said to represent the Haida people;
Chaco Culture (United States of America), the Pueblo peoples; Tombs of Buganda Kings at Kasubi (Uganda), the
Baganda; or the Laponian Area (Sweden), the Saami. Therefore, comparison is not limited to Anishinaabe sites.

124  

 There are also continuities between peoples of the North American Subarctic and indigenous peoples of northern
Eurasia, including the Eurasian Subarctic, especially in terms of cosmology, beliefs, and values. However, in
subarctic Eurasia, there has been a long history of integration into southern empires and states, and livelihoods
are strongly connected to an ancient and generalized pattern of animal husbandry (Golovnev 2007: 143). In
particular, the expansion of reindeer herding in the 17th century has resulted in the now-characteristic intensive
herding found in the Eurasian and Scandinavian Arctic (e.g., the Laponian Area World Heritage Site, Sweden).
The widespread and characteristic importance of animal husbandry, including the taming of reindeer, directly
or indirectly shapes the cultural traditions of northern Eurasia and represents a significant variation from the
proposed Outstanding Universal Value of Pimachiowin Aki.
Selection of sites for consideration in the comparative analysis will therefore be limited to the geo-cultural area of
the North American Subarctic, as depicted in Figure 3.1. Selection of the North American Subarctic as the geocultural area in which comparison is conducted provides the largest area in which to find sites with combinations
of place and cultural value that are most similar to those of Pimachiowin Aki.

2. SELECTION OF SITES FOR COMPARISON
Initially, it is the geo-cultural framework that establishes the appropriate scope for the comparative analysis. In
addition, comparison is limited to only those sites that currently exhibit indigenous peoples’ use of and association
with those sites. Therefore, the comparative analysis will consider only those sites within the North American
Subarctic that demonstrate a clear continuing presence of its associated indigenous peoples. Furthermore, sites
selected for consideration in the comparative analysis have a formal, legislated protection regime in place or are
in a planning process that is expected to lead to some form of protected area designation.
The initial sources for potential comparative sites were the World Heritage List and the Tentative Lists. Potential
comparative sites were also identified outside the World Heritage system in cases where it was possible that such
sites might be nominated in the future. In total, 34 individual sites (24 in Canada and 10 in the United States) were
initially identified for consideration (Figure 3.3).2
Of the 34 individual sites initially considered, seven were eliminated from further consideration because
preliminary assessment of values indicated these sites were relict or lacked sufficient tangible values to be
comparable to Pimachiowin Aki. A brief assessment of these seven sites is provided in the full comparative
analysis (Appendix K.1).
The remaining 27 sites represent the long-list of sites that exhibit continuity into the present of indigenous
occupation and use in the North American Subarctic, and are expected to potentially share cultural heritage
values comparable to those of Pimachiowin Aki. The long-list contains 17 individual sites from Canada and 10
individual sites from the United States of America.

2  Individual components of compound-sites were enumerated separately where the individual components each required separate and detailed assessment
(e.g., Kluane/Wrangell–St. Elias/Glacier Bay/Tatshenshini–Alsek and Nahanni National Park/Nááts’ihch’oh National Park Reserve.

3 Justification for Inscription   125

 Figure 3.3 All sites identified and initially considered in the comparative analysis

North America Equidistant Conic

3. COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF SITES SELECTED FOR COMPARISON
The purpose of this subsection is to fully establish the comparative significance of each of the 27 sites included on
the long-list of comparative sites (Figure 3.4). In some cases, site names represent clusters of separate sites that
share common values and a management framework and therefore are compared as a group; for this reason, the
27 sites assessed are shown as 21 comparative sites or site-clusters. Each individual site within a site-cluster was
assessed independently, although results are presented in Figure 3.4 for the site-cluster as a whole.
The second column in Figure 3.4 represents the World Heritage status of the site or site-cluster. All long-list sites
were assessed against Themes 1–6 to produce a short-list of sites that demonstrate the greatest comparative
similarity with Pimachiowin Aki. Sites that were selected for the short-list are highlighted in the Figure 3.4 and
shown in Figure 3.5.

126  

 For those long-list sites not included on the short-list, a detailed explanation for their exclusion is provided in the
full comparative analysis (Appendix K.1).
An important limitation in conducting the comparative analysis was gaining access to information on attributes
within comparative sites, especially given material attributes of indigenous occupation and use are, by their
nature, generally impermanent and spread over large areas. Moreover, information on indigenous attributes
typically is held within oral traditions rather than physically documented, and is culturally sensitive. As a result,
complete information needed to make a thorough comparative assessment was not always available but the best
available information was used at all times.
The following codes are used in Figure 3.4:
T1 

Sacred and Ceremonial Sites

T2 

Harvesting Sites

T3 

Habitation and Processing Sites

T4 

Widespread Distribution

T5 

Interlinkage by Waterway Travel Routes

T6 

Customary Governance

4 

The site satisfies the condition of the comparative theme

8 

The site does not satisfy the condition of the comparative theme

? 

There was insufficient information to make a proper evaluation

3 Justification for Inscription   127

 Figure 3.4 Thematic representation among long-list sites
Site name

WH status

T1

T2

T3

T4

T5

T6

Inscribed

?

✓

✗

✗

✓

✗

Nahanni National Park / Nááts’ihch’oh National Park Reserve

Inscribed

?

✓

✓

✗

✗

✓

Wood Buffalo National Park

Inscribed

?

✓

✓

?

✓

✗

Old Crow Flats Special Management Area

Tentative List

✓

✓

✓

✓

✓

✓

Nagwichoonjik National Historic Site

None

✓

✓

✓

✗

✗

✓

Saoyú-ʔehdacho National Historic Site

None

✓

✓

✓

✓

✓

✓

Tr’ochëk National Historic Site

None

✗

✓

?

✗

✗

✓

Mealy Mountains proposed National Park Reserve

None

?

✓

✗

✗

✓

?

Muskwa–Kechika Management Area

None

?

✓

?

?

✓

✗

Natashquan River Valley proposed Biodiversity Reserve

None

?

✓

?

✗

✓

?

Québec – Labrador Complex

None

?

✓

?

✗

✓

✗

Wabakimi/Nipigon

None

✓

✓

✗

?

✓

✗

Albanel-Témiscamie-Otish proposed Biodiversity Reserve

None

✓

✓

?

✓

✓

✓

Cat Lake – Slate Falls First Nations Protected Areas

None

?

✓

?

?

✓

✓

Opasquia Provincial Park

None

?

✓

✓

✗

?

?

Denali National Park and Preserve

None

?

✓

✗

✗

✓

✗

Gates of the Arctic National Park

None

?

✓

✓

✗

✓

✗

Arctic National Wildlife Refuge

None

?

✓

?

✓

✓

✗

Innoko/Kanuti/Koyukuk/Nowitna National Wildlife Refuges

None

?

✓

?

✓

✓

✗

Yukon Flats National Wildlife Refuge

None

?

✓

?

✓

✓

✗

Yukon-Charley Rivers National Preserve

None

?

✓

✗

✗

✗

✗

CANADA-UNITED STATES OF AMERICA
Kluane/Wrangell–St. Elias/Glacier Bay/Tatshenshini–Alsek
CANADA

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA

The Old Crow Flats Special Management Area includes part of the Canada’s Tentative List site Ivvavik/Vuntut/Herschel Island (Qikiqtaruk) but is not itself on the Tentative List.

128  

 Figure 3.5 Map of short-list sites

North America Equidistant Conic

COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF SHORT-LIST SITES
Following are the detailed comparative assessments made for each of the four short-list sites. Details are
provided separately for each of the six comparative themes. A final conclusion addressing representation of all
themes together is made to consider each short-list site as a whole.
OLD CROW FLATS SPECIAL MANAGEMENT AREA
The site-cluster adopted here includes all of the protected areas within the Old Crow Flats Special Management
Area, which includes Vuntut National Park (see Figure 3.6). The site-cluster is within the traditional territories of
Vuntut Gwitchin.
Vuntut National Park is part of Canada’s Tentative List site Ivvavik/Vuntut/Herschel Island (Qikiqtaruk), proposed
to be nominated under criteria (iv) and (v). At this time, the suggested Outstanding Universal Value of the Tentative
3 Justification for Inscription   129

 List site centres on historic associations with the Porcupine caribou herd, a related but different set of values
than those proposed for Pimachiowin Aki. In addition, both Ivvavik National Park and Herschel Island–Qikiqtaruk
Territorial Park are associated with Inuvialuit (Inuit peoples) of the Arctic and therefore these components of the
Tentative List site are outside the geo-cultural area under consideration for the Pimachiowin Aki nomination.
The 2003 IUCN Boreal Workshop Report proposed bringing together Vuntut National Park, Ivvavik National Park,
and the Arctic National Wildlife Reserve in Alaska (IUCN 2004: 9) under one World Heritage nomination. This
proposed site-cluster may also provide good representation of historic collective hunting of barren-ground caribou
but the grouping is not especially relevant to the comparative analysis for the reasons already given. The southern
half of the Arctic National Wildlife Reserve is within the geo-cultural area under consideration here so this site is
assessed on its own, separately from Old Crow Flats.
Both Vuntut National Park and the Old Crow Flats Special Management Area (SMA) were established in 1995 as
part of the Vuntut Gwitchin First Nation Final Agreement (Canada 1993, ch. 10). Among the objectives identified
for the Park are: to recognize Vuntut Gwitchin history and culture, to protect the traditional and current use of
the Park by Vuntut Gwitchin, and to recognize that oral history is a relevant form of research for establishing the
historical significance of heritage values in the Park (Canada 1993, ch. 10, sch. A). The Old Crow Flats SMA was
established, in part, “to recognize and protect the traditional and current use of the Area by Vuntut Gwitchin, while
recognizing the changing values and priorities of Vuntut Gwitchin in contemporary Canadian society” (Canada
1993, ch. 10, sch. C).
The Vuntut Gwitchin Government owns the surface and subsurface rights in two tracts of land within the Old Crow
Flats SMA, “although currently there is neither a lands and resources act nor a land designation system in place”
(Yukon Department of Environment and Vuntut Gwitchin Government 2006: 16). Two other tracts were established
in 2009, pursuant to the Yukon Wildlife Act, as Habitat Protection Areas (Order-in-Council 2012/84). Under this
designation a portion of one tract is permanently withdrawn from resource development; the remainder is
withdrawn for a period of twenty years. Forthcoming legislation of the Vuntut Gwitchin Government will develop a
form of protected area designation and protection regulations that are compatible with Vuntut National Park and
the Habitat Protection Areas, providing permanent protection for Vuntut Gwitchin Settlement Lands in the Old
Crow SMA (Yukon Department of Environment and Vuntut Gwitchin Government 2006: ii).
The entire Old Crow Flats SMA is 12,116 square kilometres. Vuntut National Park is 4,345 square kilometres.

130  

 Figure 3.6 Old Crow Flats Special Management Area and Vuntut National Park

Alaska Albers

Vuntut National Park is currently improving its management tools. A Cultural Resource Values Statement is
in development and was scheduled for completion by the end of 2014. This document, together with a Cultural
Resource Management Strategy (which is currently not complete), will address “intangible cultural resources and
palaeontological resources [and] would lead to more effective management of these resources” (Parks Canada
2010: 12). The Vuntut Park Management Plan makes no reference to tangible attributes of current Gwitchin
occupation and use within the park, only to intangible and palaeontological values. According to the 2009 State of
the Park Report, cultural resources that have been documented for Vuntut National Park include archaeological
sites and oral history (Alexander et al. 2009: 35–36).
Theme 1: Sacred and Ceremonial Sites
A rich collection of oral traditions published by Vuntut Gwitchin First Nation remarks, “Elders remember some
Gwich’in beliefs before missionaries brought news of God” (Vuntut Gwitchin First Nation and Smith 2009: 137).
The collection contains stories of powerful spirit beings but no mention of sites where such beings continue to
3 Justification for Inscription   131

 be found and respected by Vuntut Gwitchin. No other sources provide information on sacred and ceremonial
sites; however, documentation on other attributes suggests the Old Crow Flats site-cluster is likely to contain
undocumented sacred and ceremonial sites.
Theme 2: Harvesting Sites
The Old Crow Flats Management Plan (Yukon Department of Environment and Vuntut Gwitchin Government 2006:
49) provides a map of cultural values for the Old Crow Flats SMA, showing areas of “high cultural significance,”
based at least partly on the presence of harvesting sites. The wetland complex at the centre of Old Crow Flats SMA
is referred to by Gwitchin as “Van Tat” (Van Tat K’atr’anahtii, or Old Crow Flats) and is cited as an important source
of food, and especially muskrat, fish, waterfowl, and berries (Fafard 2001; Vuntut Gwitchin First Nation and Smith
2009: 97). Documented family use areas shown in the Old Crow Flats Management Plan (discussed under Theme 6
Customary Governance) are concentrated on Old Crow Flats core wetland area, or Van Tat (Figure 3.6).
Ancient and historic harvest sites include the caribou fence complexes, which were abandoned in the late 19th and
early 20th centuries and have been the focus of most of the archaeological survey work done to date in the site;
documented oral history also relates especially to the caribou fence complexes (Alexander et al. 2009: 35–36). An
ancient summer fish camp (Dechyoo Njik), used also for hunting waterfowl and muskrat, has been excavated and
its use documented for the Late Prehistoric Period (ca. 700 AD to contact) and again in the Historic Period, likely
around 1880 (Fafard 2001). The Vuntut Gwitchin First Nation Final Agreement makes special provision for “heritage
routes and sites” in Vuntut Gwitchin traditional territory, which is much larger than the Old Crow Flats Special
Management Area; these sites are ancient caribou fences and “fishing holes.”
Theme 3: Habitation and Processing Sites
While neither the Vuntut National Park Management Plan nor the Vuntut State of the Park Report provide any
details on the presence of cabins and campsites within the Park, these attributes are shown in the Old Crow Flats
Management Plan (Yukon Department of Environment and Vuntut Gwitchin Government 2006: 49). The Vuntut
National Park Management Plan states, “Most families have access to a cabin or camp outside of town that they
visit on a regular basis. A number of families consider it important to take their children to Van Tat in the spring to
experience the centrality of the place and life on the land for Vuntut Gwitchin” (Parks Canada 2010: 6).
Archaeological documentation of historic and ancient seasonal camp sites is shown in the Old Crow Flats
Management Plan (Yukon Department of Environment and Vuntut Gwitchin Government 2006: 49). Included are
the remains of an ancient, semi-subterranean house with a central hearth (Yukon Department of Environment
and Vuntut Gwitchin Government 2006: 19–20) and a winter camp site where Gwitchin gathered (Marvin 2013). In
addition, the Vuntut Gwitchin Government maintains a database of Gwitchin place names and interviews (Parks
Canada 2010: 8).
Theme 4. Widespread Distribution
Mapping in the Old Crow Flats Management Plan (Yukon Department of Environment and Vuntut Gwitchin
Government 2006: 49) shows the suite of attributes identified under Themes 1–3 are widely dispersed. However,
contemporary attributes are centred on the specific and unique geography of the Old Crow Flats wetlands. The
distribution of contemporary harvesting areas across a variety of physically different and separate landscape types
is evident in the Gwitchin traditional territory as a whole (see North Yukon Planning Commission 2009: Appendix
1, Map 41), but not within the specific geography of Old Crow Flats Special Management Area. Therefore, the site
does not demonstrate well the diverse and complete landscape needed to fully represent an integrated complex of
cultural attributes that enables adaptation to variation in the boreal forest landscape over space and time.

132  

 Theme 5. Interlinkage by Waterway Travel Routes
As mentioned earlier, the Vuntut Gwitchin First Nation Final Agreement makes special provision for “heritage routes
and sites” in Vuntut Gwitchin traditional territory. Two of the 10 named routes pass through Old Crow Flats (North
Yukon Planning Commission 2009: 5–20). In addition, the Regional Land Use Plan shows four traditional trails,
three currently used, running north from Old Crow through Old Crow Flats (North Yukon Planning Commission
2009: Appendix 1, Map 3). The Heritage Branch of the Vuntut Gwitchin Government has conducted research on
the importance of travel routes in providing connectivity between seasonal camps, villages, hunting and trapping
areas, fishing sites, trading networks, and other Gwitchin and non-Gwitchin settlements, “all important parts of
life on the land and cultural continuity” (Smith 2013: 2).
Travel routes documented in the above sources are largely land-based but there are stretches that follow rivers
(e.g., Timber Creek in Vuntut National Park). The Vuntut Gwitchin explain their ethnonym means “People of
the Lakes”. One of seven Gwitchin First Nations in Canada, the Vuntut Gwitchin are now largely settled in the
community of Old Crow, south of the park, at the confluence of the Crow and Porcupine rivers. The many lakes in
the area are particularly important sites of muskrat trapping in the summer (Vuntut Gwitchin First Nation 2013a).
Most summer camps were located on tributaries of the Porcupine and Old Crow rivers (Fafard 2001: 10). Available
mapping for the Vuntut Gwitchin demonstrates the importance of waterway travel routes in the Old Crow Flats
SMA for providing connectivity between widely spread attributes.
However, the Old Crow River is the only river with significant connections to documented current attributes,
which are either along the river or on wetlands accessed from the river. Old Crow River provides direct access
to the community of Old Crow and forms the southern boundary of Vuntut National Park. The Vuntut/Old Crow
site-cluster does not represent the importance of the Porcupine River in connecting values in the larger area to
the south, including the heavily used areas near the Vuntut Gwitchin community of Old Crow. The importance of
the Porcupine River, including for enabling travel into Alaska as far as Fort Yukon is well illustrated in the North
Yukon Regional Land Use Plan (North Yukon Planning Commission 2009).
Theme 6. Customary Governance
Stewardship areas associated with customary governance are referred to as family use areas (Yukon Department
of Environment and Vuntut Gwitchin Government 2006: 49). The operation of these family use areas is independent
of traplines; currently the Vuntut Gwitchin Government holds, on behalf of the Old Crow Trapping Group, a single
collective trapping license for the whole of their traditional territory (Yukon Department of Environment and
Vuntut Gwitchin Government 2006: 23). Family groups in the community of Old Crow each have their own trapping
area, referred to as “their country” or “my country”, although in some cases these areas overlap; these areas are
passed down to family members across the generations (Vuntut Gwitchin First Nation 2013b; Yukon Department
of Environment and Vuntut Gwitchin Government 2006: 18). Customary governance is therefore considered to
operate in Old Crow Flats.
However, for Vuntut National Park there is no mention in planning documents of a role for customary governance
in site management. In accordance with the Final Agreement (Canada 1993, ch. 6), Vuntut Gwitchin participate in
a joint advisory board, the North Yukon Renewable Resources Council. According to the Park Plan, through the
Council “Vuntut Gwitchin Government and citizens are involved with many aspects of park management, helping
to ensure that Traditional Knowledge is incorporated into decision-making” (Parks Canada 2010: 11). In addition,
key strategies identified for park management provide a potential avenue for integration of indigenous values
in management practices; however, none of these initiatives suggest customary governance and stewardship
principles will actually guide decision-making.
There exists a strong potential role for customary governance within those parts of the Old Crow Flats SMA under
jurisdiction of the Vuntut Gwitchin Government (i.e. Settlement Lands R-01A and R-10A); however, planning for
those areas has not advanced enough to determine the actual role of customary governance in site protection and
management.
3 Justification for Inscription   133

 Conclusion
The Old Crow Flat Special Management Area contains attributes associated with Gwitchin use; however, current
use is largely south of the Park, on Vuntut Gwitchin Settlement Lands and in the vicinity of the community of Old
Crow. Vuntut National Park well represents archaeological and historic cultural values, as well as the associations
Vuntut Gwitchin have with the land in respect of those historic values. The primary focus of Park engagement with
Gwitchin is through their historical associations with the site: “Because of their significance, the Vuntut National
Park caribou fences have been the focus of cultural resource management activities during the past five years”
(Parks Canada 2010: 26).
The Old Crow Flats site-cluster, which is different from the Ivvavik/Vuntut/Herschel Island (Qikiqtaruk) Tentative
List site, provides representation of cultural values that are comparable to those of Pimachiowin Aki. In
comparison to Pimachiowin Aki, however, this representation is geographically limited and does not show as
completely:
1.  The distribution of attributes that are both currently in use and not in use across a wide and varied
landscape, enabling adaptation to ecological change (Theme 4);
2.  The integrated network of waterway travel routes that provide access to and connectivity throughout a
complex of widely distributed attributes (Theme 5); and
3.  The role of customary governance in mediating land use across a wide landscape that includes areas of use
and occupation associated with neighbouring and related communities (Theme 6).
While the larger Gwitchin traditional territory likely provides a complete representation of cultural attributes, the
specific geography of the Old Crow Flats Special Management Area does not. Pimachiowin Aki provides a better
representation of the functional whole of a cultural landscape that owes its origins and continuity to the living
indigenous tradition of Ji-ganawendamang Gidakiiminaan (Keeping the Land).
SAOYÚ-ʔEHDACHO NATIONAL HISTORIC SITE
Saoyú-ʔehdacho was designated a National Historic Site to commemorate the relationship between the Sahtu
Dene people living on Great Bear Lake, or Sahtugot’ine (“bear-lake people”), and the land they inhabit. The site
consists of two peninsulas, Saoyú and ʔehdacho, on Great Bear Lake, Northwest Territories (Figure 3.7). The two
peninsulas are 2,500 square kilometres and 3,400 square kilometres in extent, respectively (Parks Canada 2004:
8). The Sahtugot’ine vision for Saoyú-ʔehdacho centres on the site’s role as a place for teaching, learning, and
healing which is “essential to the cultural well-being of the Sahtugot’ine” (Great Bear Working Group 2005: 2, 8).

134  

 Figure 3.7 Saoyú-ʔehdacho National Historic Site

Canada Lambert Conformal Conic

Theme 1: Sacred and Ceremonial Sites
While the two peninsulas that make up the Saoyú-ʔehdacho site are described as “sacred places” (Andrews 2000:
34)—the commemorative plaque reads “The extensive oral tradition brings the history of the Sahtu Dene alive
and signifies the importance of these sacred lands to them”—the peninsulas “are not unique cultural landscapes
because of their sacred status.... For the Sahtu Dene their whole territory is sacred” (Hanks 1996: 888).
The site, as the passage from the commemorative plaque quoted above suggests, is particularly significant as the
setting for oral traditions, some of which are tied to places that are sacred sites. The Commemorative Integrity
Statement for the National Historic Site states the significance of the site is shown in part through “specific sacred
sites and places of power... [which] are everywhere within the designated place” (Parks Canada 2004: 11). While
publicly available documentation of sacred sites is not extensive, some sites are described in various documents.
For example, a Sahtu elder told the story of two cone-shaped hills on Saoyú (previously, “Grizzly Bear Mountain”)
where strange noises can be heard and people are not to hunt or trap because of the association of the site with
3 Justification for Inscription   135

 an unknown spirit being; “People don’t know which giant mother guards this place, but people suspect it may be
the mother of all bears that dwells there” (Hanks 1996: 927). Such stories mirror those of potentially dangerous
spirit beings, the Creator’s helpers, in Pimachiowin Aki. Sacred sites have also been documented through
archaeological surveys (Hanks 1996: 954).
The nature of sacred sites is comparable to those of Pimachiowin Aki: “In Sahtugotine cosmology, the land is a
living thing, inhabited by many entities, both seen and unseen. Traveling on the land, one must pay one’s respect
to these beings (forces, places). Some places are to be avoided, and others (e.g., grave sites and spiritual sites)
are to be treated with particular respect” (Parks Canada 2004: 16). Some sites are also ceremonial offering sites:
“At many special places offerings are left to respect the entities that inhabit the land ... These offerings may be
anything of value, such as matches, tobacco, ammunition, or a few coins. Sometimes more elaborate offerings are
left” (Andrews 2000: 18).
Theme 2: Harvesting Sites
The two peninsulas Saoyú and ʔehdacho (Figure 3.7) are valued as a place where traditional lifestyle and land use
activities are still practised in traditionally occupied lands. Sahtu and Métis rights to hunt and fish are confirmed,
and exclusive trapping rights in the area are established by the 1993 Sahtú Dene and Metis Comprehensive Land
Claim Agreement. Resource harvesting areas have been clearly documented in the public record (Sahtu Land Use
Planning Board 2010; Wilson 2006).
According to Wilson (2006), Deerpass Bay and the southwest shore of Saoyú are important areas for fishing,
hunting, and trapping. There are some berry, plant, and firewood gathering sites along the shores of Saoyú and
ʔehdacho; however, the extent of plant harvesting is largely unknown and considered low. With the exception
of moose harvest areas, the majority of mapped harvesting locations within the site are concentrated along the
shorelines (Sahtu Land Use Planning Board 2010: 26; Wilson 2006: 120–139).
Livelihood activities are in general akin to those of Anishinaabeg in Pimachiowin Aki: hunting, trapping, fishing,
and gathering. The cultural values that guide these activities are also similar to the values of Ji-ganawendamang
Gidakiiminaan (Keeping the Land): “people and animals ... live in harmony, by rules of mutual respect. Sahtugotine
hunters are guided by these rules of conduct today; they believe that with the observance of these rules, animals
give themselves to them for food. But nothing is to be wasted, and the bones of an animal are to be given back
respectfully to the earth” (Parks Canada 2004: 13–14).
Theme 3: Habitation and Processing Sites
While the other communities in the Sahtu Settlement Area have extensive documentation of cabin and camp sites,
there are very few such sites in the area associated with Délı̨ne, the primary Sahtu community associated with the
Saoyú-ʔehdacho National Historic Site. Délı̨ne means “where the water flows” and was named after its location
at the point where Great Bear Lake flows into the Great Bear River, a tributary to the Mackenzie River. A map
included in a background report to the Sahtu Land Use Plan (Sahtu Land Use Planning Board 2010: 26) shows only
one cabin site and no camp sites; this may be the result of inconsistent or incomplete documentation.
The larger body of documented cultural resources includes: “campsites, tent rings, teepee poles, cabin sites,
implements and tools, gravesites, portages and trails, and pre-contact sites. These manifestations of habitation
are an important part of the cultural landscape. Together with Sahtugot’ine stories of Sahoyúé and §ehdacho,
they tie the Sahtugot’ine to this important part of our collective cultural heritage” (Sahoyúé-§ehdacho Working
Group 2007: 18).3 Family association with specific sites is marked especially by graves, which “act as a talisman of
individual family histories” (Hanks 1996: 906).

3  Prior to 2010, variant spellings for Saoyú-ʔehdacho were used. In June of 2010, the cooperative management board for the site adopted the current spelling, which has been adopted by
the Historic Sites and Monuments Board of Canada (Canada Gazette 145:14, 2 April 2011, fn. 1).

136  

 Stories recorded in a Historic Sites and Monuments Board of Canada4 discussion paper express Sahtu
understandings of why cabins were built at specific locations; in particular, proximity to resources is cited as a
reason for cabin sites retaining their value into the future. For example, one elder tells of an old cabin built by his
grandfather, the ruins of which are still visible today. The site was chosen because it was a good place to fish and
trap: “We know our grandfather would not build cabins anywhere without a reason. For that same reason, we also
built a cabin here” (Hanks 1996: 937).
Archaeological data demonstrate human occupation and use of sites associated with oral traditions, indicating
continuity with the pre-European-contact period (Hanks 1996: 906). Evidence within the site indicates some 1,000
to 2,600 years of human occupation (Hanks 1996: 892), while archaeological evidence of indigenous occupation
on the south shore of Keith Arm (Figure 3.7) has been dated to over 5,000 ya (Parks Canada 2004: 5). Of the 21
archaeological sites documented in a 1995 survey, eight showed multiple occupations before the present (Hanks
1996: 954).
In summary, habitation sites: contain temporary shelters, such as tents and more long-term structures such
as cabins; exhibit a consistent rationale for their location; are tied to archaeological and oral history evidence of
occupation and use over generations; and are associated with personal and familial attachment to specific areas.
Theme 4. Widespread Distribution
This is a large site, being approximately 5,900 square kilometres in extent, and the two peninsulas that make up
the site are distant from one another. However, the distribution of attributes across a variety of physically different
and separate landscape types that is evident in the Sahtu Settlement Area as a whole is not evident within the
specific geography of Saoyú-ʔehdacho. The Saoyú-ʔehdacho National Historic Site is only a small part of the
traditional area of use and occupancy by Sahtugot’ine of Délı̨ne, who maintain important cultural and economic
relationships with Great Bear Lake itself and Great Bear River, neither of which are part of the site. Customary
livelihood activities, such as hunting, fishing, and trapping, take place more extensively in the watershed than on
the two peninsulas. While Sahtugot’ine continue to fish, hunt caribou and moose, trap, and harvest logs on the
peninsulas, they now mainly pursue these practices in other parts of their territory, particularly in lands closer to
the community of Délı̨ne (Margaret Archibald, personal communication).
Detailed documentation of wildlife harvests is available through the Sahtú Settlement Harvest Study conducted
for the entire Sahtu Settlement Area by the Sahtú Renewable Resources Board as a requirement under the
Sahtú Dene and Metis Comprehensive Land Claim Agreement (1993). Harvests through hunting, trapping, and
fishing were documented for the period 1998 to 2006 with results for wildlife harvest recorded on a spatial grid of
10-kilometre-by-10-kilometre cells (Wilson 2006: 11). Results are shown in Figure 3.8 and illustrate the relative
importance of the landscape outside of Saoyú-ʔehdacho, including the area around Délı̨ne, for representing
harvesting areas. A summary of harvests by Délı̨ne residents indicates, on average, Saoyú-ʔehdacho is the source
for harvests of 0.5 percent to 8 percent (depending on the species) of hunted animals and 4 percent of trapped
animals (Sahoyúé-§ehdacho Working Group 2007: 25–26, based on Wilson 2006).

4  The Historic Sites and Monuments Board of Canada provides advice to the Government of Canada, through the Minister of the Environment, on the commemoration of nationally significant
aspects of Canada’s history.

3 Justification for Inscription   137

 Figure 3.8 Results of 1998 to 2006 harvest study in Sahtu Settlement Area

In summary, while the Saoyú-ʔehdacho site provides a representative sample of attributes and associations,
the site under-represents the larger complex of Sahtugot’ine attributes and therefore the cultural landscape
as a whole. The site does not well demonstrate the more complete landscape area needed to fully represent an
integrated complex of cultural attributes that are distributed over a sufficiently large and varied area to enable
adaptation to variation in the boreal forest over space and time.
Wilson suggests that because larger portions of Saoyú and ʔehdacho were used for trapping in the past, it may
be that the two peninsulas are now being rested, “so that fur-bearer populations can recover from the harvest.
Therefore, the areas trapped during the Sahtu Settlement Harvest Study may not necessarily be the same as the
areas that are trapped in the future” (Wilson 2006: 56). Even so, if both peninsulas are currently being rested, this
suggests that the site represents only a portion of the land needed for rotational harvesting.
Theme 5. Interlinkage by Waterway Travel Routes
Cultural values in this site are intimately connected to the significance of lakes and rivers in a boreal environment.
Given the site definition is restricted to two peninsulas on Great Bear Lake, and that most use of the site appears
concentrated on the shorelines, waterway travel routes are clearly important to use of Saoyú-ʔehdacho.
However, Great Bear Lake is itself not a part of the site, so the two peninsulas are not connected to one another
by waterway travel routes that form part of the site. Moreover, within the landscape of each peninsula there
are features marked on waterways; but it is difficult to confirm how significant waterway travel routes are for
interlinkage of sites within each peninsula. Travel routes that pass through the bases of both peninsulas follow
waterways and portages, and therefore do provide representation of the larger network of waterway travel routes
138  

 within the wider landscape. While these routes provide linkage between the two peninsulas, they do not provide
extensive linkage between attributes within the respective peninsulas; as portage routes, they were chosen in part
for their small distances covered.
In addition, the site does not well represent the larger riverine network that provides access to and connectivity
among widely spread cultural attributes in the larger landscape. This larger network is evident in Sahtu Land Use
Planning Board (2010, Map 5) and contains, as major waterway travel routes, Great Bear Lake, Great Bear River,
and the Mackenzie Rive. Significantly, none of these waterways is within the geography of Saoyú-ʔehdacho. Travel
routes on these major waterways are important in providing connectivity to core cultural values in the vicinity of
the Sahtu community of Délı̨ne, and farther west along the Mackenzie River including other Sahtu communities.
Theme 6. Customary Governance
The traditional Sahtu Dene system of customary governance is based on recognition of areas that extended
families or clans have established for their own use, and people know of their neighbours’ trapping areas. These
family use areas are not currently mapped in available documentation; moreover, “the government does not
interfere with the management of trapping areas and does not map them” (Wilson 2006: 55–56). While this system
of family use areas “was not incorporated into the Sahtu Dene and Métis Land Claim Agreement... the clan system
is still alive in a modified form” (Sahtú Renewable Resources Board 2013).
The Saoyú-ʔehdacho National Historic Site is cooperatively managed by the Délįne Land Corporation and the
Délįne Renewable Resources Council, together with the Parks Canada Agency. Sahtugot’ine took a leading role
in identifying this site within their traditional territories and have used cultural values as the primary basis for
defining the rationale and approach to protection for Saoyú-ʔehdacho. Therefore, greater opportunity exists for
inclusion of traditional protection in site management, although the actual role of traditional protection in site
management cannot be confirmed. Moreover, in spite of the importance of named places and oral traditions
in expressing the significance of the site, named places and oral traditions are not presented in available
documentation as supporting either personal or collective claims to resources.
Conclusion
Documentation of cultural attributes and associations in the Saoyú-ʔehdacho National Historic Site is exemplary
and allows for a thorough comparative review of the site. While the site contains a representative sample of all the
elements of the Sahtugot’ine cultural landscape, the site does not well represent the larger network of habitation
and livelihood sites found in the wider Sahtugot’ine cultural landscape associated with the people of Délı̨ne.
While the two peninsulas that make up the Saoyú-ʔehdacho National Historic Site are described as “two of the
most sacred places in all of the Sahtu region” (Parks Canada 2004), the site does not appear to well represent
the importance of Sahtu traditions through tangible attributes similar to the sites found in Pimachiowin Aki that
are sacred and/or used for ceremony, harvesting, habitation, and processing. The establishment of the National
Historic Site was motivated by the desire to commemorate an associative cultural landscape based on the linkage
between the land and oral traditions.
More importantly, the Saoyú-ʔehdacho National Historic Site does not well represent the distribution of attributes
over a landscape sufficiently broad and diverse to enable adaptation to boreal ecosystem processes, such as
wildfire and movement of animals, through the cyclical use of well-established harvesting and habitation sites.
Nor does the site well represent the importance of waterway travel routes in providing access to and connectivity
among these widely spread attributes. Again, these features are evident in the broader landscape beyond the
National Historic Site.

3 Justification for Inscription   139

 In comparison, Pimachiowin Aki provides a more comprehensive and integrated representation of the functionality
of a cultural landscape, as expressed through inclusion of:
1.  An integrated complex of cultural attributes that are both currently in use and not in use, and that are
distributed over a sufficiently large and diverse landscape to enable adaptation to variation in the boreal
forest landscape over space and time through resource rotation (Theme 4);
2.  An integrated network of waterway travel routes that provides access to and connectivity among widely
spread cultural attributes, including the complexes of sites found in different parts of the landscape and
associated with other communities (Theme 5);
3.  The role of customary governance in mediating land use across a wide landscape that includes areas of use
and occupation associated with neighbouring and related communities (Theme 6); and
4.  An explicit role for customary governance in site management, which helps provide greater certainty that
site values will be protected and managed in a manner consistent with Ji-ganawendamang Gidakiiminaan
(Keeping the Land) (Theme 6).
ALBANEL–TÉMISCAMIE–OTISH PROPOSED BIODIVERSITY RESERVE
The Albanel–Témiscamie–Otish biodiversity reserve proposal is a collaborative initiative of the Government of
Québec and the Cree Nation of Mistissini (CNM) to protect an 11,870-square-kilometre area of CNM traditional
territory (Figure 3.9). The site includes Lake Mistassini, Lake Albanel, the Témiscamie River, and part of the Otish
Mountains. It includes a portion of the Lacs-Albanel-Mistassini-et-Waconichi Wildlife Reserve. The boundaries,
name, and management of the proposed biodiversity reserve are still in the planning stages. If completed,
Albanel–Témiscamie–Otish will be the first inhabited protected area in Québec (DdEFP n.d.) and the first park in
the James Bay and Northern Québec Agreement area.

140  

 Figure 3.9 Albanel–Témiscamie–Otish proposed biodiversity reserve

Canada Lambert Conformal Conic

At present, the site has temporary protection as a biodiversity reserve under the Province of Québec’s Natural
Heritage Conservation Act, with permanent legislated protection being proposed under the Québec Parks Act
(DdEFP 2012). In other parks in Canada, Aboriginal and Treaty rights to pursue traditional harvesting activities can
be restricted on the grounds of conservation concerns; in contrast, all rights granted to beneficiaries of the James
Bay and Northern Québec Agreement are guaranteed to take precedence over the Québec Parks Act (Québec 2005:
7). A joint Province of Québec–Cree Nation of Mistissini working group is developing a co-management agreement
that will support the integration of Cree values, participation and benefits in park planning, management, and
operations (Convention on Biological Diversity 2009).

3 Justification for Inscription   141

 Theme 1: Sacred and Ceremonial Sites
The most notable sacred site, both a provincially and federally designated historic site, is the 5,000-year-old
Colline Blanche (Waapushukamikw) quartzite grotto, which was a source of fine-quality chert widely traded in
the region and beyond. This site was also historically associated with shamanistic practices and continues to be a
place of spiritual significance to the Cree (HSMBC 2007).
Other sacred sites with important cultural associations given expression through oral traditions include a large
rock after which Lake Mistassini (“Great Rock”) is named, and the portion of an island that is home to a powerful
water serpent, l’esprit de Manitounouc (Cosset and Mansion 2009: 11, 139). These three sacred sites will be
managed as part of a separate zone (sacred areas) with the following provision: “No non-Native person will
be allowed to visit these places without prior authorization from park management and the trapping families
concerned” (Government of Québec 2005: 27).
Theme 2: Harvesting Sites
Traplines owned by family heads in the community cover the entire proposed biodiversity reserve. While the
precise locations of harvesting sites are not known from publicly available documentation, hunting, trapping, and
fishing are practised within the proposed biodiversity reserve and will continue in accordance with the James Bay
and Northern Québec Agreement.
Theme 3: Habitation and Processing Sites
While the Albanel–Témiscamie–Otish Conservation Plan states “Cree hunters and trappers have over one hundred
camps throughout the region used to continue their traditional activities” (DdEFP 2012: 3), the number of cabin
and camp sites actually within the proposed biodiversity reserve is not clear. Mapped cabins within the site, as of
April 18, 2014, included seven existing cabins in the southwest, 10 proposed cabins mainly in the northeast half of
the site, some seven or eight cabins built by the Cree Trappers’ Association, and six non-Cree cabins mostly in the
northeast. It is unclear if historic or currently unused cabins are included in these numbers. Data on locations of
seasonal camp sites are not publicly available.
The proposed biodiversity reserve is promoted as a lived-in protected area (DdEFP n.d.), which, since the
community of Mistissini is not within the site, likely refers to people staying out in their trapline areas, at least
seasonally: “Most of the park would be located on Category II lands belonging to the Cree Nation of Mistissini. It
would therefore encompass several ancestral traplines and would be Québec’s first-ever inhabited park” (BAPE
2006: 2).
The proposed Albanel–Témiscamie–Otish biodiversity reserve contains “more than fifty listed archaeological
sites” (DdEFP 2012: 3), mainly located along waterways. However, apart from Colline Blanche (see Theme
1, above), there is no indication of the type of evidence; some of the archaeological sites are associated with
European culture and European–Cree interaction. Oral traditions demonstrating occupation of cabin and camp
sites over the generations is not available.
Theme 4. Widespread Distribution
Precise information on the location of cultural attributes within the proposed Albanel–Témiscamie–Otish
biodiversity reserve is limited; however, the size of the site and the diversity of lands within it can support a
complex of cultural attributes that is distributed over a large and diverse landscape.
From a comparative perspective, some further observations can be made about the limited area of land within the
site on which these attributes would be found. Water makes up approximately 67 percent of the total surface area
of the site; in Pimachiowin Aki, water makes up only 12 percent of the total surface area of the site (see Section
3.2.b, Figure 3.28). With a site size of 11,870 square kilometres (DdEFP 2012: 1), this means the proposed Albanel–
142  

 Témiscamie–Otish biodiversity reserve has an effective land mass of around 3,920 square kilometres. Moreover,
the northeastern half of the site does not appear to contain cabins that are currently used by Cree people.
Documentation on seasonal camp sites is not available.
Therefore, while the distribution of contemporary harvesting areas across a variety of physically different
and separate landscape types is evident in the Cree Nation of Mistissini traditional territory as a whole (Cree
GeoPortal), it is not well demonstrated within the specific geography of the proposed Albanel–Témiscamie–Otish
biodiversity reserve, according to available information.
Theme 5. Interlinkage by Waterway Travel Routes
The proposed Albanel–Témiscamie–Otish biodiversity reserve is located at the “hydrographic hub of Québec”
(Hébert 2006: 20), and is referred to by the Cree Nation of Mistissini as E’weewach, “place where the waters
come from”. The site includes three large lakes (Mistassini, Albanel, and Naococane), the headwaters of the
Rupert River, a large portion of the Témiscamie River watershed, and part of the Otish Mountains, which are the
headwaters of several major rivers in Québec. Lake Mistassini is the largest natural lake in Québec (Hébert 2006:
19). Inclusion and protection of Lake Mistassini and the headwaters of the Rupert River within the park area are of
particular importance for the Cree Nation of Mistissini (Jean Gagnon, personal communication). Lakes Mistassini
and Albanel, and the Temiscamie River are especially important in providing connectivity across long distances
within the site.
The major waterway travel routes in the proposed biodiversity reserve provide access to and connectivity
among widely spread cultural attributes. The Rupert River, via the Natastan River which originates in Lake
Mistassini, connects downstream to the Cree community of Nemaska. The waterway travel route to the nearest
Cree community, Oujé-Bougoumou, runs through lakes Waconichi and Chibougamau but is not within the site
boundaries. In summary, while the proposed biodiversity reserve provides good representation of the role of the
network waterway travel routes, that network does not contain other communities and their associated complexes
of sites of occupation and use.
Theme 6. Customary Governance
The proposed Albanel–Témiscamie–Otish biodiversity reserve will overlap 37 traplines held by members of the
Cree Nation of Mistissini. These traplines, although part of modern state administration, are based on historic
family hunting territories typical of subarctic indigenous peoples. The heads of extended families responsible
for stewardship of traplines are known as tallymen in Québec and are the recognized holders and protectors of
traditional knowledge about the land and its resources. In Mistissini, the trapline structure was institutionalized
under the James Bay and Northern Québec Agreement through the creation of the Cree Trappers’ Association and
the Income Support Program, which provides guaranteed income for participants who spend most of the year on
the land (Feit 1987; Niezen 1993).
For the proposed biodiversity reserve, the trapline will remain the basic planning unit (Québec 2005). As explained
in the 2005 Status Report for the Albanel–Témiscamie–Otish project: “The family groups that inhabit and use
these well-delineated traplines are responsible for the development of these units and are also their guardians.
Each Cree community’s Trapping Association has political power and each elected representative must take
this into consideration” (Hébert 2006: 45). The community trapping associations are part of the larger Cree
Trappers’ Association (CTA), which was formed as an outcome of the James Bay and Northern Québec Agreement
to coordinate the marketing of furs among its members; the CTA also assists in the construction of trapper
cabins, and seeks to uphold a responsibility for preserving the customary management expertise of tallymen and
assuring the future of the trapping resource base.
The preliminary management plan for the proposed biodiversity reserve includes a commitment that the tallymen
will continue to play a leading role in the protection and stewardship of the site “so that future generations can
3 Justification for Inscription   143

 enjoy the rights enshrined in the James Bay and Northern Québec Agreement and so that the components of this
territory’s rich heritage are preserved and developed” (Québec 2005: 5).
One of the future management issues that will potentially affect the integrity of cultural values, and therefore
highlight the role of customary governance, is the expected increase in visitation associated with tourism. Current
recreational infrastructure is centred on a well-developed sport-fishing sector and “can accommodate a hundred
visitors per day” (DdEFP n.d.); in addition, there are two campgrounds that provide over 72 campsites. The
potential threat to cultural values by increased visitation is acknowledged in the preliminary plan for the proposed
biodiversity reserve but no specific mitigation measures are outlined. Nevertheless, as an outcome of the rights
assured to the Cree Nation of Mistissini under the James Bay and Northern Québec Agreement, Cree talleymen will
have a right to supervise and regulate activities taking place in their trapline areas: “Park managers would have
to consult every talleyman before the beginning of each park operating year. They could then decide, for example,
not to receive visitors during the coming year, or to shorten or lengthen the period during which visitors would
be received” (BAPE 2006: 14). Therefore, customary governance in the proposed Albanel–Témiscamie–Otish
biodiversity reserve will be an important mechanism for mitigating future pressures associated with tourism.
In summary, the proposed Albanel–Témiscamie–Otish biodiversity reserve provides a very explicit and
demonstrable role for customary governance in site management. As a result of the James Bay and Northern
Québec Agreement, the proposed Albanel–Témiscamie–Otish biodiversity reserve, when it becomes a reality,
may provide a better example of the integration of legislated and traditional protection than is possible in the
legislative context within which Pimachiowin Aki operates. What the proposed biodiversity reserve does not
provide, in comparison to Pimachiowin Aki, is representation of the role of customary governance in mediating
land use between areas of use and occupation associated with neighbouring and related communities.
Conclusion
The proposed Albanel–Témiscamie–Otish biodiversity reserve provides representation of cultural attributes that
are comparable to those of Pimachiowin Aki. However, the predominance of water in the site diminishes the
amount of land available to house and represent the terrestrial attributes associated with traditional use and
occupation. These attributes appear to be more highly concentrated outside the site and therefore the limited
terrestrial geography of the site may under-represent the Cree cultural landscape as a whole. When completed,
the proposed Albanel–Témiscamie–Otish biodiversity reserve will provide good representation of the ongoing
significance of customary governance to proposed site management.
The larger traditional territory of the Cree Nation of Mistissini provides a complete representation of cultural
attributes; however, available documentation on the specific geography of the proposed Albanel–Témiscamie–
Otish biodiversity reserve does not demonstrate as complete a representation of:
1.  the role of an integrated network of waterway travel routes in providing access to and connectivity among
complexes of attributes associated with other communities (Theme 5); and
2.  the role of customary governance in mediating land use between areas of use and occupation associated
with neighbouring and related communities (Theme 6).
Pimachiowin Aki provides a more comprehensive and better-documented representation of the functional whole
of a cultural landscape that owes its origins and continuity to the living indigenous tradition of Ji-ganawendamang
Gidakiiminaan (Keeping the Land).

144  

 CAT LAKE–SLATE FALLS PROTECTED AREAS
Cat Lake First Nation and Slate Falls First Nation are two Anishinaabe communities immediately east of
Pimachiowin Aki that share a common culture with the people of Pimachiowin Aki. The two First Nations have
recently completed a draft land management plan for a joint planning area of 14,655 square kilometres that abuts
the easternmost boundaries of Pimachiowin Aki. Direct connectivity between Pimachiowin Aki and Cat Lake–Slate
Falls Protected Areas is provided along the Throat River, which crosses the boundary between the Pikangikum
First Nation and Cat Lake–Slate Falls planning areas.
Thirty-four percent of the Cat Lake–Slate Falls First Nations planning area has been assigned as a Dedicated
Protected Area, which is at present an interim designation under the Far North Act (see Section 5.b). For the
purposes of the comparative analysis, the site referred to herein as Cat Lake–Slate Falls Protected Areas consists
of two parts: (a) the Cat Lake and Slate Falls Dedicated Protected Area, and (b) that portion of the Pipestone River
Provincial Park identified as part of the Cat Lake–Slate Falls planning area (Figure 3.10). Together, these two
areas are approximately 5,170 square kilometres in extent.
The Cat Lake and Slate Falls Dedicated Protected Area “is defined by a minimum two kilometer protection buffer
on major rivers flowing through the planning area, plus several areas with notable landscape features” (Cat
Lake First Nation et al. 2011: 27). The designation of this interim protected area “recognizes the importance of
waterways as historical travel routes having significant cultural and ecological values and promotes activities
that are complementary to protection of those values, including protection of special cultural sites identified by
the community” (Cat Lake First Nation et al. 2011: 28). Pipestone River Provincial Park is classified as a waterway
park and was established to “protect the significant natural and cultural features of Pipestone River Provincial
Park and to provide opportunities for recreational uses that are compatible with the area’s remote nature.”
However, a cultural resources inventory has not been completed for the park and there is no management
direction for cultural resources and values (Ontario Parks 2002: 5).

3 Justification for Inscription   145

 Figure 3.10 Cat Lake–Slate Falls Protected Areas

Canada Lambert Conformal Conic

Documentation of cultural resource values was initiated by the communities in 2000 to identify burial grounds and
sacred sites; old summer gathering sites and family camps; areas for hunting, fishing, and plant and medicine
gathering; travel routes; calving areas, fish spawning areas, and migratory bird habitat (Cat Lake First Nation et
al. 2009: 10). The land management plan states that “extensive community-led Aboriginal Traditional Knowledge
(ATK) data collection programs supported planning” (Cat Lake First Nation et al. 2011: 27); however, this
documentation is not publicly available.
An earlier land management plan for the traditional lands of North Caribou Lake and Cat Lake First Nations,
“Pemachihon: Sustained by the Land” (Windigo Interim Planning Board 1998), is said to have documented
“traditional values” and is taken as background information for the current site (Cat Lake First Nation et al. 2011:
10). A more recent study, “Traditional Uses Study: Cat Lake, Slate Falls and Osnaburgh First Nations” (Ecologistics
Limited, 1992), has been completed but is not publicly available.

146  

 Theme 1: Sacred and Ceremonial Sites
In the document Pemachihon there are mapped areas and sites “where development should not occur or be
severely restricted.” Examples include fish spawning areas, moose yarding (grazing) areas, wild rice harvesting
areas, spiritual sites, historic camping sites, and burial grounds (Windigo Interim Planning Board 1998: 47,
51). Some of these mapped sites are within the current protected areas that comprise the Cat Lake–Slate Falls
Protected Areas; in recognition of the culturally sensitive nature of this information, there are no details on the
values being proposed for protection.
Because the culture and history of Cat Lake First Nation and Slate Falls Nation are highly comparable to that
of the First Nations of Pimachiowin Aki, it is expected that the Cat Lake–Slate Falls Protected Areas site has
a comparable representation of sacred and ceremonial sites, and associations with the land more generally.
However, documentation on the distribution of these attributes and associations within the site is not available.
Theme 2: Harvesting Sites
As stated under Theme 1, the Windigo Interim Planning Board land management plan appears to document
harvesting sites for the Cat Lake–Slate Falls Protected Areas but there are no details provided. According to the
First Nation land management plan, traditional harvesting activities will continue in all parts of the planning area;
harvesting “remains a profoundly significant and defining activity for Cat Lake and Slate Falls communities. There
is also a considerable amount of infrastructure in the field that people rely upon for these harvesting activities
(e.g., camp sites, trails, portages)” (Cat Lake First Nation et al. 2011). It is expected that hunting, trapping, fishing,
and gathering sites are represented within the site.
Theme 3: Habitation and Processing Sites
There is no documentation available on habitation and processing sites. There is also no indication in available
literature or other documentation that archaeological values have been identified or documented for the Cat
Lake–Slate Falls Protected Areas.
Theme 4. Widespread Distribution
The Cat Lake–Slate Falls Protected Areas does not include those portions of the traditional land use areas of
the two First Nations that lie to the south in areas where commercial forestry tenures already exist and planning
responsibilities have already been delegated (Cat Lake First Nation et al. 2011). Nevertheless, the remaining
area of contiguous land is large enough to provide representation of the widespread distribution of livelihood and
habitation attributes. However, currently there is no available documentation to assess the geographic distribution
of attributes within the site.
Theme 5. Interlinkage by Waterway Travel Routes
A large proportion of the Cat Lake–Slate Falls Protected Areas is composed of a two-kilometre buffer along
waterways; the portion of the Pipestone River Provincial Park included in the Cat Lake–Slate Falls Protected
Areas is similarly focused on buffering the waterway. Waterway protection is identified as a “very high priority”
for the site (Windsor and Wesley 2009), as shown by the proposed protection focussing on waterways. The site is
in a headwaters region and overlaps five tertiary watersheds: the Berens River (via the Throat River), which flows
west through Pimachiowin Aki; the Upper Albany River (via Cat River) and Attawapiskat River, which flow east into
James Bay; and the Severn River and Winisk River (via Pipestone River), which flow north to Hudson Bay.

3 Justification for Inscription   147

 The land management plan for the Cat Lake–Slate Falls Protected Areas underscores the importance of
waterways:
The Cat River system is a defining feature of the landscape, vital to the spiritual and cultural
existence of the people of Cat Lake First Nation and Slate Falls Nation. To the east, the waterway
connection from the community of Cat Lake to the Pipestone River is comprised of numerous
small lakes and rivers that have been used by Cat Lake over many years as a travel route
including the existing Pipestone River Provincial Waterway Park. These river systems contribute
to the spiritual and cultural existence of the people of Cat Lake First Nation and Slate Falls
Nation, and all have extensive historical and traditional use relating to subsistence, recreation
and economics (Cat Lake First Nation et al. 2011: 27).
Theme 6. Customary Governance
Customary governance of the land is recognized and represented through the continuing importance of traplines
and family trapline leaders; the Cat Lake–Slate Falls Protected Areas is defined by those portions of the trapline
areas held by members of the two First Nations and not already set aside for commercial forestry and protected
areas.
An earlier plan for the area noted at the time that “it is customary now when a development is considered for an
area that the opinions of the trapper in that area are invited.... That individual has a great deal of influence over
the type of development that the community can encourage for that piece of land” (Windigo Interim Planning
Board 1998: 26). The importance of head trappers as customary leaders continues in the present. Customary
governance is proposed to be supported in the Cat Lake–Slate Falls Protected Areas by incorporating indigenous
knowledge in decision-making in all facets of planning, “including the knowledge and advice of community elders
and traditional teachers”; traditional uses of the site are recognized as “part of a conservation approach” (Cat
Lake First Nation et al. 2011). The land management plan provides the First Nations’ and Ontario’s vision for
the larger planning area: “Cat Lake First Nation and Slate Falls Nation will maintain our ancestral stewardship
responsibilities for the land that was given to us as a sacred gift from the Creator and pursue resource-based
opportunities including forest management” (Cat Lake First Nation et al. 2011: iii).
The foregoing suggests customary governance will be important in management of the Cat Lake–Slate Falls
Protected Areas. Furthermore, the site demonstrates the collaboration between communities that is associated
with customary governance, as shown through their customary arrangements with neighbouring First Nations
in determining the boundaries of their respective planning areas where traditional uses overlapped (see Peters
forthcoming; Windsor, personal communication). However, the majority of the site’s land area is within the Cat
Lake area of traditional use and occupation, with only small zones of protected area in the vicinity of Slate Falls.
Conclusion
The Cat Lake–Slate Falls Protected Areas provides representation of values comparable to those of Pimachiowin
Aki, especially the importance of waterway travel routes in providing access to and connectivity among widely
spread cultural attributes, including between neighbouring and related communities. Existing documentation
expresses the importance of the wider landscape within which the site is situated to supporting traditional use
and occupation, including the role of customary governance in guiding that use and occupation.

148  

 When the Cat Lake–Slate Falls Planning Area is placed in direct comparison with the nominated area,
Pimachiowin Aki is shown to provide:
1.  A more complete representation of the significance of customary governance in regulating resource use
among members of different communities with adjacent areas of traditional use and occupation (Theme
6). The physical expanse of land within Pimachiowin Aki is better able to represent the landscape-scale
expression of resource rotation and resource sharing that are central to the cultural tradition of Jiganawendamang Gidakiiminaan (Keeping the Land).

4. THE CASE FOR OUTSTANDING UNIVERSAL VALUE
The landscapes within the four short-list sites considered here reflect values that are comparable to those of
Pimachiowin Aki. All of the short-list sites provide representation of the attributes and associations similar to
those that are characteristic of the cultural tradition of Ji-ganawendamang Gidakiiminaan (Keeping the Land). The
short-list sites play an important role in the continuing physical, social and spiritual survival of the indigenous
people associated with those sites. In addition, these sites demonstrate the role of indigenous peoples in defining
the site and the manner in which its values are protected and managed.
However, unlike Pimachiowin Aki, no site considered here provides a complete representation of the
interconnected and functional whole of values that reflects the significance of Ji-ganawendamang Gidakiiminaan,
including the interaction between neighbouring communities with shared histories of overlapping and negotiated
resource use. Pimachiowin Aki best represents the intimate interaction of culture and nature by encompassing a
whole system of cultural and ecological networks that are the basis for adaptation and continuity of the cultural
tradition. Pimachiowin Aki provides complete representation of:
1.  a diverse and interconnected landscape containing complexes of cultural attributes that are distributed over
a sufficiently large and varied landscape to enable people to adapt to a changing environment (Theme 4);
2.  an integrated network of waterway travel routes that provides access to and connectivity among widely
dispersed complexes of cultural attributes associated with adjacent and related communities (Theme 5);
and
3.  the ongoing significance of traditional protection and management in the regulation of behaviour with
respect to attributes of use and occupation that convey the values of Keeping the Land, including the
landscape-scale coordination of resource use among members of neighbouring communities (Theme 6).
Pimachiowin Aki provides the most complete representation of the attributes and associations represented in
Themes 1–6. Pimachiowin Aki is the exceptional example.
Pimachiowin Aki provides exceptional testimony to the living cultural tradition of Keeping the Land through the
interconnected sets of cultural and natural values contained within the nominated area. The interconnectedness
of these values is maintained socially through an integrated network of customary governance institutions that
coordinate use and protection of cultural attributes, including by enabling people to make use of different parts of
the landscape according to shifting ecological and social demands. Interconnection is also maintained ecologically
through the network of free-flowing waterways that provide access to and connectivity among cultural attributes
in both winter and summer. There is no other current or proposed protected area in the North American Subarctic
that provides such remarkable testimony to the intactness and wholeness of these interconnected cultural and
ecological systems.
Landscapes that illustrate the ongoing and intimate interdependence of an indigenous way of life and a natural
ecosystem are of common importance for present and future generations of all humanity. Currently, these types
3 Justification for Inscription   149

 of landscapes are not well represented on the World Heritage List and not represented at all in the Americas.
In a review of World Heritage List and Tentative Lists sites in 2003, the International Council on Monuments
and Sites (ICOMOS) identified living (continuing) indigenous cultures in the Americas as a gap in World Heritage
representation (ICOMOS 2005). Pimachiowin Aki, as a demonstration of the ongoing interdependence of an
indigenous way of life and the boreal ecosystem, can therefore contribute to the development of a representative,
balanced and credible World Heritage List. As a proposed cultural landscape and mixed World Heritage site,
Pimachiowin Aki can contribute toward the objective set by the Global Strategy to recognize and protect sites that
are outstanding demonstrations of human coexistence with the land.

Conclusion
The comparative analysis has demonstrated:
1.  There are only four sites in the North American
Subarctic that are comparable to Pimachiowin
Aki; and
2.  Each of these sites is significant for its ability
to represent the importance of continuing
relations between an indigenous culture and its
local environment; but
3.  No site in the North American Subarctic better
represents the indigenous cultural tradition of
Ji-ganawendamang Gidakiiminaan (Keeping the
Land) than Pimachiowin Aki.

Smoking fish in spring (N. Deutsch 2007)

The comparative analysis thereby demonstrates that within the North American Subarctic, Pimachiowin Aki has
the strongest claim to potential Outstanding Universal Value. The comparative analysis shows Pimachiowin Aki
fully demonstrates the Outstanding Universal Value being proposed, fulfilling criterion (iii) as an exceptional
testimony to a living cultural tradition, as well as criterion (vi) by virtue of its direct and tangible association with a
living cultural tradition.

3.2.b  Comparative Analysis of Natural Heritage
The goal of the natural comparative analysis is to
explain the importance of the nominated area in its
global and regional context (UNESCO 2013: 33, para.
132). The specific focus of this natural comparative
analysis is to evaluate how well the nominated area
and comparative sites demonstrate the characteristic
features and key ecological processes found in boreal
ecosystems.
Separate analyses are completed for the global
boreal biome and the North American boreal shield.
As described in Section 2, the North American boreal
shield is a major subdivision of the global boreal
biome.
Pimachiowin Aki is a healthy, functioning boreal ecosystem
(© H. Otake 2012)

150  

 The analysis concludes that there are no properties already on the World Heritage List or Tentative Lists, and no
known sites outside the World Heritage system that might be nominated in the future, that provide a comparably
complete and outstanding example of North American boreal shield ecosystems. The analysis also concludes that
the nominated area is an outstanding representation of the global boreal biome.
Appendix K.2.1 includes a detailed report on the comparative analysis.
The comparative analysis summarized below is organized under four subsections, as follows:
1.  Thematic Framework for Comparison, which identifies comparative themes, indicators and a scoring
system to compare and distinguish among sites on the basis of ecological features and processes;
2.  Selection of Sites for Comparison, which explains the process for selecting comparative sites and presents
a long-list of potential sites from which is selected a short-list of sites with the greatest potential for
similarity;
3.  Comparative Analysis of Short-List Sites, which makes detailed comparisons between Pimachiowin Aki and
individual sites identified as potentially representing the same natural values; and
4.  The Case for Outstanding Universal Value, which draws conclusions regarding the exceptional nature of
Pimachiowin Aki within both the global and regional contexts.

1. THEMATIC FRAMEWORK FOR COMPARISON
To guide comparison with other sites, a thematic framework has been developed to reflect the main attributes
of the proposed Outstanding Universal Value for Pimachiowin Aki. This framework consists of the following
components, each of which is discussed in turn:
1.  Comparative Themes identifying the main subjects that comparison should address;
2.  Features and Ecological Processes that are representative of boreal ecosystems and used as a basis
for identifying Indicators and Attributes that measure the ability of comparative sites to represent the
Comparative Themes; and
3.  Evaluation of Themes, explaining how the Indicators and Attributes are specifically applied and scored for
each Comparative Theme.

Comparative Themes
The following are the three comparative themes that frame the analysis by identifying the main subjects on which
comparison will be based. Sites should satisfy and rank highly for all three themes to be deemed outstanding
examples of the global boreal biome or the North American boreal shield.
THEME 1: CHARACTERISTIC CONDITIONS
This theme evaluates conditions within comparative sites to determine their similarity with the characteristic
features and ecological processes of naturally functioning boreal ecosystems. The more similar sites are to the
characteristic conditions the more preferable they are. Extreme differences from characteristic boreal ecosystem
conditions are considered to be undesirable.

3 Justification for Inscription   151

 THEME 2: LARGE-AREA ECOSYSTEM DIVERSITY
This theme evaluates the representation of large-area boreal ecosystems in comparative sites. Representation
of large-area ecosystems is based on the key features and ecological processes that produce and maintain
naturally functioning ecosystems and biodiversity. These are features and processes that occur over large areas
in the boreal biome. Sites that represent more than one large-area ecosystem provide more complete and better
examples of the boreal ecosystem.
THEME 3: SITE INTEGRITY
This theme evaluates the current state of conservation and intactness of comparative sites, and the potential
to maintain these attributes into the future. Sites with a high state of conservation and intactness, and a high
potential to retain these into the future, are considered to be better examples of the boreal ecosystem.

Features and Ecological Processes
The comparative analysis approach reflects an evaluation framework for ecosystem health that uses important
features and processes to demonstrate the health and diversity of boreal ecosystems within sites, as well
as the potential to maintain healthy and diverse boreal ecosystems into the future. A suite of eight features
and ecological processes has been identified (Figure 3.11) based on the key drivers and responses for boreal
ecosystems. Indicators and their measurable attributes are selected to represent each of the features and
ecological processes, and used to conduct the comparative analysis (as discussed in the next section).
Site size is elaborated upon briefly here because it is especially important in representing ecosystem health and
diversity. Site size is also used as a criterion for site selection
The more extensive a site is, the more likely it is to contain a complete representation of characteristic boreal
drivers and species. A minimum site size is necessary to ensure the inclusion of all characteristic boreal drivers
and representative species (Alkemade et al. 2009; Bailey 1987; Canadian Boreal Initiative 2005; Hodgson et
al. 2009; Hortal et al. 2009; Swanson et al., 1988; Thorsell et al. 1997). Larger sites generally support more
characteristic species, more species with large population ranges, larger populations of those species, and a
greater number of populations. The dynamics of some species assemblages generally are more sustainable in
geographically larger sites (Cantú-Salazar and Gaston 2010). Theme 1, Characteristic Conditions, emphasizes the
positive synergistic effects of increasing site size on ecosystem health and diversity.
Ecosystem integrity has a strong positive correlation with site size (Ewers and Kapos 2011; Patry and Horn
2011; Perry 2011). Large intact sites are less susceptible to edge effects and the impact of disrupted ecological
processes in the surrounding matrix. Large sites also tend to be more resilient and better able to support the
ongoing evolution of ecosystems and species, especially in the context of accelerated climate change (Ewers and
Kapos 2011; Patry and Horn 2011). The characteristic conditions theme emphasizes the positive synergistic effects
of increasing site size on ecosystem health and diversity, and the site integrity theme includes site size because
increasing size has a positive influence on ecosystem integrity and resilience.
In order to maintain specific aspects of boreal ecosystems, such as ecological integrity, natural disturbance
regimes, and viable populations for particular species, a variety of minimum sizes have been identified. For
example, the Canadian recovery strategy for woodland caribou (boreal population) notes that a population
generally needs a minimum area of 10,000 to 15,000 square kilometres to be self-sustaining (Environment
Canada 2012). While the recommended range of minimum areas required to maintain key features and ecological
processes includes areas as small as 2,500 square kilometres, most size ranges include areas that exceed
10,000 square kilometres (e.g., Baker 1992; Environment Canada 2012; Gurd et al. 2001; Miller and Ehnes 2000;
Rodrigues and Gaston 2001). The short-list sites identified in this analysis exceed 10,000 square kilometres in
area.

152  

 There is no single characteristic boreal climate and it would be nearly impossible for any site to be large enough
to include a significant portion of the diversity of boreal climatic conditions. Climate attributes exhibit substantial
zonation within the global boreal biome and the North American boreal shield as a result of different latitudinal,
continental, oceanic, and montane conditions. Therefore, climate is not included as a feature or process for
comparing sites.
Figure 3.11 Features and processes used for the comparative analysis, and the key ecosystem drivers and responses they
represent
Feature or
Process

Key Ecosystem Drivers Represented

Key Ecosystem Responses Represented

Site Size

Increasing site size tends to provide better
representation for all of the key ecosystem drivers.

Sufficient habitat for species with large home
ranges, sufficient area for large-scale ecosystem
and evolutionary processes, connectivity, higher
resilience, higher potential for climate change
adaptation.

Intactness

High degree of intactness is a prerequisite for
key drivers to operate within ranges of natural
variability.

High degree of intactness is a prerequisite for
natural function.
Proxy for effects on many ecological and
evolutionary processes.

Surface Materials

Surface materials are a primary controlling factor
within ecological regions and landscapes.

Ecosystem diversity, terrestrial and aquatic
habitat diversity, fire regime, hydrological
complexity, terrestrial and aquatic species
diversity.

Wildfire

Wildfire is the keystone driving factor throughout
much of the global boreal biome.

Age class distribution and abundance, species
distribution and abundance.

Hydrological
Complexity

Hydrologic patterns and processes are primary
Wetland function, freshwater lakes, freshwater
controlling factors for aquatic and shoreline wetland wetlands, aquatic habitat diversity, aquatic
ecosystems.
species diversity.

Carbon Capture
and Storage

Wetland function, carbon sequestration and
storage, climate change.

Primary
Productivity

Tropic structure, vegetation biomass available for
consumption, carbon sequestration and storage,
wetland function.

Species Diversity

Biodiversity, species diversity.

Notes: The key driver and response columns only show the primary drivers and responses represented.
Features or processes that represent key responses only include carbon capture and storage, primary productivity and species diversity.

Evaluation of Themes
The features and processes associated with healthy and diverse boreal ecosystems are measured using indicators
and attributes for each comparative theme. How ecosystem features and processes are represented by indicators
and then measured by attributes depends on the nature of the comparative theme and the kind of information that
is available for consistent comparison among all comparative sites.
Some features and processes appear in more than one evaluation theme due to their high importance in
producing and maintaining naturally functioning ecosystems and biodiversity. Some features and processes
are best represented by using more than one indicator, and some indicators by more than one attribute. This is
because the feature, process, or indicator reflects a particularly complex reality that is not easily separated into
components. For aquatic ecosystems, the indicators representing hydrological complexity appear under a single
feature and process. It is presented in this way because the indicators characterize various attributes of surface
water, and in some cases represent both drivers and responses.
3 Justification for Inscription   153

 Comparative analyses are limited by the availability of data sets that are consistent with one another. This is
especially true when comparisons are made among many sites dispersed across the world. Because data are not
always available on a global scale, the global comparative analysis rests on fewer indicators than the regional
analysis, for which more data sets are available (see Figures 3.12 to 3.14). The limited availability of data also
explains why some of the selected attributes are substitutes for ideal attributes.
In assessing how a comparative site represents a given attribute, a scaled scoring system has been adopted.
Appendix K.2.1 provides a detailed description of how scores are assigned for each indicator for each site, and
then combined across indicators to result in an overall score for each site. The scoring system differs somewhat
for the three comparative themes.
THEME 1: CHARACTERISTIC CONDITIONS
Figure 3.12 presents the features and processes, and the associated indicators and attributes, used to evaluate
the characteristic conditions theme. The Figure also shows whether or not the indicators and attributes were used
in the global analysis (comparative sites in the global boreal biome) and the regional analysis (comparative sites in
the North American boreal shield).
Hydrological complexity is a particularly intricate feature, with five indicators representing the different aspects
of surface water that contribute to aquatic ecosystem diversity and health: third-order watersheds are used to
indicate a high degree of aquatic ecosystem completeness; water surface area indicates the degree to which a
site consists of aquatic ecosystems and the extent to which surface water is represented by one or many water
bodies; shoreline density is an indicator for the amounts of shallow water, shoreline, and riparian ecosystems;
stream length addresses the degree to which the water in a site is in rivers as opposed to lakes; and natural water
obstacles such as rapids and waterfalls provide important habitat for some species (e.g., lake sturgeon) and affect
genetic interchange.
Figure 3.12 Characteristic conditions theme: Features or processes, and their associated indicators and attributes
Feature or
Process

Indicator

Attribute(s) Measured

Global

Regional

Site Size

Site Area

Total site area

Yes

Yes

Intactness

Human Footprint Intact percentage (percentage of site area that is not a human
infrastructure footprint)

Yes

Yes

Free-Flowing
Rivers

Manufactured dams (total number of manufactured dams)

Yes

Yes

Surface
Materials

Surface Material
Composition

Number of common boreal surface material types represented

Yes

Yes

Wildfire

Burned Area

Annual area burned (average annual percentage of area burned) No

Yes

154  

 Feature or
Process

Indicator

Attribute(s) Measured

Global

Regional

Hydrological
Complexity

Watersheds

Number of third-order watersheds.
Number of headwater areas

Yes

Yes

Water Surface
Area

Water fraction (water surface area as a percentage of site area)

Yes

Yes

Water body density (number of water bodies per square
kilometre of site area)

Yes

No

Shoreline
Density

Shoreline edge density (kilometres of shoreline per square
kilometre of total water surface area)

Yes

Yes

Stream Length

Waterway flow length (flow length per square kilometre of site
area)

No

Yes

Natural Water
Obstacles

Natural obstacle density (number of natural obstacles per
square kilometre of site area)

No

Yes

Carbon Capture
and Storage

Soil Organic
Carbon

Soil organic carbon density (average kilograms per square
metre in the top 1 metre)

Yes

Yes

Primary
Productivity

Vegetation
Growth

Normalized difference vegetation index (NDVI) (average NDVI
for the site)

Yes

Yes

Species
Diversity

Mammal
Richness

Number of widespread species (number of relatively
widespread mammal species with ranges that overlap the site)

Yes

Yes

Bird Richness

Number of widespread species (number of relatively
widespread bird species with ranges that overlap the site)

No

Yes

Amphibian
Richness

Number of widespread species (number of relatively
widespread bird species with ranges that overlap the site)

Yes

Yes

A score for each indicator of characteristic conditions in Figure 3.12 is assigned by comparing a comparative site’s
attribute value with the boreal benchmark value, or reference value. Boreal benchmark values are calculated
separately for the global biome for use in the global comparative analysis and for the North American boreal
shield for use in the regional comparative analysis. The nature of the benchmark depends on the attribute:
1.  For composition attributes (e.g., number of common surface material types), the benchmark value is the
number of common types recognized in the boreal biome or shield, depending on whether it is the global or
regional analysis;
2.  For attributes where greater magnitude provides greater representation (e.g., site size, number of mammal
species), the benchmark value is the maximum number observed in the boreal biome or shield; and
3.  For attributes where greater magnitude does not provide a better reflection of characteristic conditions
(e.g., vegetation growth), the benchmark value is the mean value calculated across the boreal biome or
shield.
Where more than one attribute is used to represent an indicator, attributes are combined into an indicator score
through averaging or minimums, as appropriate.
Possible scores for the indicators of characteristic conditions generally range from 3 to -2. Sites that are very
similar to the boreal benchmark receive a score of 3 while sites that are extremely different from the boreal
benchmark receive a score of -2.

3 Justification for Inscription   155

 THEME 2: LARGE-AREA ECOSYSTEM DIVERSITY
Figure 3.13 presents the features and processes, and their associated indicators and attributes, used to evaluate
the large-area ecosystem diversity theme. Figure 3.13 also records whether the indicators and attributes were
used in the global and regional analyses.
Indicators for large-area ecosystem diversity evaluate the degree to which sites include more than one of the key
large-scale features and processes responsible for producing and maintaining large-area ecosystem diversity.
For each indicator, attributes were adopted to measure the number of large-scale elements that were adequately
represented in the site, based on a minimum size and on criteria related to spatial configuration. Adequate spatial
configuration was used to determine if the shape of each large-scale element could support the large-scale
ecological processes.
Whereas the surface material indicator for characteristic conditions in Theme 1 evaluated the number of common
boreal types represented, the surface material indicator for large-area ecosystem diversity in Theme 2 evaluates
the number of large-area representations of surface material types.
The number of third-order watersheds identifies the number of large-area aquatic ecosystems in a site, which is a
measure of hydrological complexity.
The number of wildfire regimes is included to reflect the fact that a site representing more than one wildfire
regime offers a better example of the boreal biome diversity than sites evolving under a single regime.
Figure 3.13 Large-area ecosystem diversity theme: Features or processes, and their associated indicators and attributes
Feature or
Process

Indicator

Attribute(s) Measured

Global

Regional

Surface
Materials

Surface Material
Diversity

Number of large-area representations of different surface
material types

Yes

Yes

Intactness

Watersheds

Number of third-order watersheds

Yes

Yes

Surface Water
Diversity

Number of large geographic areas that include substantially
different surface water patterns

Yes

Yes

No

Yes

Wildfire

Wildfire Regimes Number of wildfire regimes

Scores for large-area ecosystem diversity, simply consist of the number of large-scale examples of a feature
or process adequately represented in the site. For example, a site’s score for surfaces material diversity is the
number of surface material zones that are at least 3,000 square kilometres in size and that are not long and
narrow.
THEME 3: SITE INTEGRITY
The features used to evaluate the site integrity of comparative sites include site size, intactness, and resilience
potential (after Ewers and Kapos 2011 and Perry 2011). Figure 3.14 lists the indicators and measured attributes
used, and whether or not they are used in the global analysis and the regional analysis.
Site size and intactness are included as features due to their overarching influence on ecosystem integrity and
resilience. The indicator of site intactness represents current ecosystem integrity and resilience, while the
indicator of surrounding intactness represents current and future threats to intactness.
A site’s potential resilience in response to climate change is included as a feature because rapid climate change
will disrupt ecosystems and affect how well they continue to represent boreal features and processes. Sites
156  

 located near current boreal limits may not remain boreal after future climate change (Gonzalez et al. 2010; Settele
et al. 2014). As seen in Figure 3.14, one indicator of resilience potential is the extent of a site along the regional
temperature gradient (temperature gradient length). Another indicator of resilience potential is whether the
site has remained within boreal climate limits during warming and cooling periods since the last ice age (within
Holocene limits). It is thought that ecosystems within sites spanning a significant distance along the temperature
gradient will be more likely to adapt to future climate change, as compared to those in sites that span a shorter
distance (Pearson and Dawson 2005; after Wiersma and Urban 2005). Since the last glaciation, the northern and
southern limits of the boreal biome in North America have repeatedly shifted northward and southward. A site
that has remained well within these limits should be better positioned to remain boreal during future climate
change than one that either borders on, or is outside of, these historical limits. The parameter Within Holocene
Limits identifies sites that remained entirely within the smallest historical extents of the boreal biome in North
America.
Figure 3.14 Site integrity theme: Features or processes, and their associated indicators and attributes
Feature or
Process

Indicator

Attribute Measured

Global

Regional

Site Size

Site Area

Total site area

Yes

Yes

Intactness

Site Intactness

Percentage of site area that is not a relatively permanent
human feature

Yes

Yes

Surrounding
Intactness

Percentage of the area within 100 kilometres of the site that is
not a relatively permanent human feature

Yes

Yes

Temperature
Gradient Length

Length of the existing temperature gradient within the site

Yes

Yes

Within Holocene
Limits

Position of the site relative to the minimum Holocene extents of
the boreal biome

No

Yes

Climate Change
Resilience
Potential

Scoring for the indicators of site integrity uses the same approach as for the characteristic conditions indicators in
Theme 1; that is, by comparing a site’s attribute value with the boreal benchmark value, or reference value.
OVERALL SITE SCORES
For each of the three comparative themes, an overall site score was calculated as the sum of the individual
indicator scores.
This comparative analysis considers that outstanding examples of healthy, diverse boreal ecosystems, sites
should satisfy two conditions:
1.  Have a high overall score for all three comparative themes, and
2.  Have no extremely low score for any individual indicator in any of the comparative themes.

2. SELECTION OF SITES FOR COMPARISON

Biogeographic Framework
Udvardy’s biogeographical classification is recognized as the appropriate geographic and ecosystem framework
for identifying natural heritage gaps in the World Heritage List, and for identifying sites to include in the
comparative analysis (Badman et al. 2008; IUCN 2006). Udvardy’s original maps were drawn at very coarse
scale and are now considered to include large areas that are not truly boreal. Therefore, the global comparative
analysis uses biome boundaries provided by the more detailed and recent World Wildlife Fund Global Ecoregions
classification (Olson et al. 2001; Figure 2.19) to identify boreal sites and to calculate the boreal benchmarks used
3 Justification for Inscription   157

 for site scoring. A number of IUCN evaluations also use this more recent classification and associated maps (e.g.,
Magin and Chape 2004). Similarly, the North American boreal shield boundaries used in the regional comparative
analysis (Figure 2.19) are based on three recent detailed sources: the World Wildlife Fund Global Ecoregions
classification; A National Ecological Framework for Canada (Ecological Stratification Working Group 1996); and
Brandt (2009).
GAPS IN THE WORLD HERITAGE LIST
Currently there are 10 inscribed natural and mixed World Heritage properties in the boreal biome (Figure 3.15),
including two within the North American boreal shield. The two inscribed properties in the boreal shield are much
too small to maintain key boreal ecological processes such as a natural wildfire regime. Neither of these sites is
inscribed under criterion (ix).
Figure 3.15 Inscribed natural and mixed World Heritage properties in the boreal biome (boldface, shaded rows are sites in
the North American boreal shield)
Site

Country

Inscription Criteria

Size (km2)

Central Sikhote-Alin-Bikin River Valley

Russia

x

32,540

Gros Morne National Park

Canada

vii, viii

2,114

Kluane/Wrangell-St Elias/Glacier Bay/
Tatshenshini-Alsek

USA and Canada

vii, viii, ix, x

61,537

Lake Baikal

Russia

vii, viii, ix, x

112,630

Laponian Area

Sweden

iii, v, vii, viii, ix

16,179

Miguasha National Park

Canada

viii

0.9

Nahanni National Park

Canada

vii, ix

5,321

Virgin Komi Forests

Russia

vii, ix

64,133

West Norwegian Fjords

Norway

vii, viii

3,209

Wood Buffalo National Park

Canada

vii, ix, x

48,787

Global reviews have indicated that the boreal biome and its biogeographic provinces are not as well represented
on the World Heritage List as many other biomes and provinces (Magin and Chape 2004; Thorsell et al. 1997;
Thorsell and Sigaty 1997). Studies on future priorities for a credible and complete list of natural and mixed
sites (Bertzky et al. 2013; IUCN 2004; IUCN 2006) reached similar conclusions and indicated that the temperate
needleleaf forests, most of which occur in the boreal biome, are under-represented compared to other biomes.
Of the 345 mixed and natural World Heritage Sites reviewed in the IUCN 2004 and 2006 studies, only 10 (or
approximately 3 percent) are temperate needleleaf forests.
In 2004, the IUCN organized a World Heritage Boreal Zone Workshop to assess gaps in the existing World Heritage
List and to identify sites of potential Outstanding Universal Value (IUCN 2004). The St. Petersburg Statement
(IUCN 2004) emphasizes the high urgency of taking immediate measures to conserve the natural and cultural
heritage of the boreal biome. The workshop identified Pimachiowin Aki as one of 10 sites that had potential
Outstanding Universal Value, and noted that this boreal landscape would help fill an important gap because the
North American (called Canadian in the report) boreal shield is currently under-represented. No additional sites
in the North America boreal biome have been inscribed on the World Heritage List since this workshop.
There is also an identified shortage of large natural heritage sites in the World Heritage network. Sites must be
large to maintain natural ecological processes, and thus ecological integrity, in the boreal biome (see discussion
158  

 of size in Representative Features and Processes, above). However, as of 2008, the immense global boreal biome
included only five World Heritage sites larger than 10,000 square kilometres (Badman and Bomhard 2008), and
none of these is in the North America boreal shield. Patry and Horn (2011) argue that States Parties should
be encouraged to nominate larger forests, or to increase the size of existing World Heritage forests wherever
possible.

Lists of Sites for Comparisons
The global comparative analysis evaluates existing, nominated, and potential World Heritage sites and protected
areas within the circumpolar boreal biome, while the regional analysis focuses on the subset of these sites within
the North American boreal shield.
To cast the net as widely as possible, the long-list of sites for global comparison includes all sites meeting the
following criteria:
1.  The site is located within or overlapping Udvardy’s boreal biome;
2.  The site is an existing World Heritage site or protected area (IUCN and UNEP 2010), or a tentative or
potential World Heritage site (IUCN and UNEP 2010; UNESCO 2010); and
3.  The site is larger than 2,000 square kilometres, which is the minimum size needed to support some boreal
ecological processes or some boreal species in some locations (Gurd et al. 2001).
Since the combined area within contiguous sites should generally provide higher conservation value than each of
the sites considered individually, the analysis combines sites that are adjacent to each other into a single larger
site.
A global long-list of 132 sites was identified based on these criteria. Of these, 13 sites are in the North American
boreal shield and therefore comprise the regional long-list of sites.
To focus the comparative analysis on the sites that are predominantly boreal and may be sufficiently large and
intact to represent the key natural features and ecological processes of the boreal biome, the following criteria
were used to identify a short-list of sites from the long-list:
1.  The majority of the site is within the Udvardy boreal biome;
2.  The site is larger than 10,000 square kilometres, which is the minimum size needed to support all of the key
boreal ecological processes and characteristic species; and
3.  The human industrial footprint comprises less than 70 percent of the total site area.
A short-list of twelve sites was identified using these criteria. Figure 3.16 shows the locations of the short-list
sites evaluated in the global comparative analysis. Figure 3.17 provides information regarding their conservation
status and biogeographical classification.

3 Justification for Inscription   159

 Figure 3.16 Sites identified for the global and regional comparative analyses

160  

North Pole Orthographic

 Four of the twelve short-list sites from the global comparative analysis are within the North American boreal
shield and comprise the short-list sites for the regional comparative analysis (highlighted with bold font and
shading in Figure 3.17):
1.  Albanel-Témiscamie-Otish, Quebec, Canada;
2.  Mealy Mountains National Park (proposed), Newfoundland and Labrador, Canada;
3.  Pimachiowin Aki (nominated), Manitoba and Ontario, Canada; and
4.  Wabikimi Provincial Park, Ontario, Canada.
Figure 3.17 The short-list of global and regional sites, and some relevant attributes (boldface, shaded rows are the
regional short-list sites).
Site (locations included in the site using names
from IUCN and UNEP 2010)

Status

Country

Udvardy
Bio-geographic
Province

Global 200
Ecoregion

Albanel-Témiscamie-Otish
(Projet de parc national Albanel-TémiscamieOtish- Proposed park/biodiversity reserve)

Proposed Provincial
Park/Biodiversity
Reserve

Canada

Canadian Taiga

Central Canadian
Shield forests

Green Belt
(contiguous sites from the Green Belt of
Fennoscandia: Sompion luonnonpuisto,
Laplandsky, Urho Kekkosen kansallispuisto,
Pirengskiy, Girvasskiy, Nottinskiy, Vuvskiy,
Laplandskiy Les)

State Biosphere Nature
Reserve, State Nature
Reserve, National Park

Norway,
Finland,
Russia

West Eurasian
Taiga

Scandinavian and
Russian taiga

Kluane/Wrangell
(Kluane/Wrangell-St Elias/Glacier Bay/
Tatshenshini-Alsek, Tatshenshini-Alsek, Tetlin
National Wildlife Refuge, Wrangell-St. Elias
Preserve Wilderness, Wrangell-saint Elias
National Park And Preserve)

World Heritage List,
National Wildlife
Refuge, Provincial
Park, Wilderness Area,
National Preserve

USA and
Canada

Yukon Taiga

Alaska-St. Elias
Range tundra

Koyukuk
(Koyukuk National Wildlife Refuge, Koyukuk
National Wildlife Refuge Wilderness Area,
Selawik National Wildlife Refuge)

National Wildlife Refuge USA

Yukon Taiga

Beringia lowland
tundra

Mealy Mountains
(Mealy Mountains proposed national park)

Proposed National Park

Canada

Canadian Taiga

Eastern Canadian
Shield taiga

Pimachiowin Aki
(Pimachiowin Aki tentative World Heritage site)

World Heritage
Tentative List

Canada

Canadian Taiga

Midwestern
Canadian Shield
forests

Sibirskie Uvaly
(Sibirskie Uvaly National Nature Park and
Verkhne-Tazovsky Nature Park)

Nature Park and
Zapovednik

Russia

West Eurasian
Taiga

West Siberian
taiga

Verhne-Amginsky
(Verhne-Amginsky Nature Park and proposed
extension)

Nature Park and
Zakaznik

Russia

East Siberian
Taiga

East Siberian
taiga

3 Justification for Inscription   161

 Site (locations included in the site using names
from IUCN and UNEP 2010)

Status

Country

Udvardy
Bio-geographic
Province

Global 200
Ecoregion

Virgin Komi
(Virgin Komi Forests World Heritage Site,
Yugyd Va, Vishersky, Ilychskiy, Boloto Usinskoe,
Syninskiy, Synenskiy, Saranpaul’skiy, SeveroUral’skiy, Leshak-Schel’ya, Lyapinskaya)

World Heritage List,
National Park, Nature
Park, Zapovednik,
Zakaznik

Russia

West Eurasian
Taiga

Ural montane
forests and
tundra

Wabakimi
(Wabakimi Provincial Park, Albany River,
Brightsand River)

Provincial Park

Canada

Canadian Taiga

Central Canadian
Shield forests

Wood Buffalo
(Wood Buffalo National Park, Peace-Athabasca
Delta, Whooping Crane Summer Range)

World Heritage List,
National Park,
Ramsar Site

Canada

Canadian Taiga

Muskwa-Slave
Lake forests

Yukon Flats
(Yukon Flats National Wildlife Refuge)

National Wildlife Refuge USA

Yukon Taiga

Interior AlaskaYukon lowland
taiga

3. COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF SHORT-LIST SITES
This section summarizes the results of the comparative analysis at the level of the boreal biome (the global
analysis) and of the North American boreal shield (the regional analysis). For the global analysis, summary
results are presented for each theme. For the regional analysis, results are presented in more detail (i.e.
including individual indicators and attributes), given the importance of demonstrating that Pimachiowin Aki is an
outstanding example of the North American boreal shield.

Global Analysis
THEME 1: CHARACTERISTIC CONDITIONS
Based on the overall site scores for characteristic conditions, Wood Buffalo and Pimachiowin Aki are considerably
more similar to characteristic boreal biome conditions than any other short-list site (Figure 3.18). This conclusion
also holds for the rest of the 132 long-list sites.
The remarkably high standing of Pimachiowin Aki is supported by two additional findings. First, it is the only site
on the long-list or the short-list that has no extremely low score for any of the indicators assessed (Figure 3.18).
Second, out of a total of 11 indicators, Pimachiowin Aki has a high score for four indicators and a moderately
high score for two indicators. Wood Buffalo National Park achieves a higher rating with five high scores and four
moderately high scores, while other short-list sites fall well below in their scores for indicators assessed.
A noteworthy finding from the global analysis is that the nominated area is the only site that adequately represents
the rock soil region (global soil regions are used as a proxy for surface materials in the global analysis), a rare soil
region type in the boreal biome. Since surface materials are a key factor for mapping large-area ecosystems, and
in this case the rockland type, this means Pimachiowin Aki is the only site that is sufficiently large and intact to
provide a global representation of ongoing processes for rockland ecosystems.
Pimachiowin Aki’s eastern waterway boundaries include important hydrological and representative features.
However, these waterways do not factor into the scoring with the exception of the headwater element of the
indictor for hydrological complexity. In other words, other than the exception just noted, Pimachiowin Aki’s
indicator scores would not decline if the eastern waterway boundaries were removed from the analysis.

162  

 The evaluation of indicators for characteristic conditions identifies that no long-list sites excluded from the shortlist are highly representative of the boreal biome (detailed results in Appendix K.2.1). Therefore, the comparative
analyses for large-area ecosystem diversity and site integrity address only the short-list sites.
Figure 3.18 Characteristic conditions: Overall site scores and number of individual indicators with extremely low scores for
the boreal biome short-list sites
Site

Overall Score1

Number of Extremely Low
Individual Indicator Scores

Wood Buffalo

22.0

1

Pimachiowin Aki

18.5

0

Wabakimi

11.5

2

Mealy Mountains

10.0

2

Yukon Flats

9.5

3

Koyukuk

8.0

2

Virgin Komi

8.0

3

Albanel-Témiscamie-Otish

8.0

3

Sibirskie Uvaly

4.0

3

Kluane/Wrangell

2.5

4

Verhne-Amginsky

1.0

5

Green Belt

0.0

4

Notes: 1 See Appendix K.2.1 for individual scores for the eleven indicators summed into the overall site scores and for method details.

THEME 2: LARGE-AREA ECOSYSTEM DIVERSITY
Pimachiowin Aki and Wood Buffalo National Park achieve considerably higher overall scores than other shortlist sites for large-area ecosystem diversity, and neither has an extremely low score for any individual indicator
(Figure 3.19). While Wood Buffalo ranks first for all three indicators, Pimachiowin Aki ties for the highest score for
one indicator and second for the other two indicators. All other sites achieve substantially lower scores.
Pimachiowin Aki and Wood Buffalo are the only short-list sites that represent at least one third-order
watershed. Additionally, Pimachiowin Aki captures approximately 80 percent of the headwater areas for two of
the watersheds, whereas Wood Buffalo does not achieve this for any watershed. The importance of protecting
headwater areas is well established (Kaplan et al. 2008).
Four sites, including Pimachiowin Aki, share the highest score for water body zones, meaning they all capture two
large geographic areas with substantially different water body densities and size distributions.

3 Justification for Inscription   163

 Figure 3.19 Large-area ecosystem diversity: Overall site scores and individual indicator scores for the boreal biome
short-list sites
Site

Overall Score

Individual Indicator Scores
Surface Materials

Hydrological Complexity

Surface Material
Diversity

Watersheds

Water Body
Zones

Wood Buffalo

10

5

3

2

Pimachiowin Aki

7

3

2

2

Virgin Komi

4

3

0

1

Yukon Flats

4

2

0

2

Kluane/Wrangell

3

2

0

1

Mealy Mountains

3

2

0

1

Sibirskie Uvaly

3

1

0

2

Wabakimi

2

1

0

1

Koyukuk

2

1

0

1

Albanel-Témiscamie-Otish

2

1

0

1

Verhne-Amginsky

1

1

0

0

Green Belt

1

0

0

1

Notes: See Appendix K.2.1 for method details.

THEME 3: SITE INTEGRITY
Pimachiowin Aki has the highest overall score among the short-list sites for site integrity (Figure 3.20). Wood
Buffalo is the only other site to attain a relatively high score. Neither site has a low score for any of the four
indicators. Both have a moderate score for the indicator of surrounding intactness, which for the nominated area
results mainly from the presence of resource development south of the site. Areas to the west, east, and north
of the nominated area are virtually undeveloped and fall within the management purview of Pimachiowin Aki
partners (see Section 1.e, Buffer Zones).
Pimachiowin Aki, Virgin Komi, and Sibirskie Uvaly are the highest-scoring sites for temperature gradient length.
All of these sites span more than 300 kilometres along the regional temperature gradient.

164  

 Figure 3.20 Site integrity: Overall site scores and individual indicator scores for the boreal biome short-list sites
Site

Overall Score

Site Size

Intactness

Climate
Change
Resilience
Potential

Site Area

Hydrological
Complexity

Site
Intactness

Temperature
Gradient Length

Pimachiowin Aki

9.4

3

3

1.4

2

Wood Buffalo

8.5

3

3

1.5

1

Albanel-Témiscamie-Otish

6.2

1

3

2.2

0

Virgin Komi

6.0

4

-1

0.0

3

Wabakimi

5.7

1

3

1.7

0

Sibirskie Uvaly

5.5

2

0

1.5

2

Yukon Flats

4.9

3

0

1.9

0

Mealy Mountains

4.7

2

2

1.7

-1

Koyukuk

4.6

2

1

1.6

0

Kluane/Wrangell

4.4

4

-1

0.4

1

Verhne-Amginsky

1.0

1

-1

1.0

0

Green Belt

-2.4

1

-1

-1.4

-1

Notes: See Appendix K.2.1 for method details.

CONCLUSION FROM THE GLOBAL ANALYSIS
The global comparative analysis demonstrates that Pimachiowin Aki ranks highly in representing the natural
features and ecological processes of the global boreal biome. Pimachiowin Aki attains the highest overall score
for site integrity and the second highest overall scores for characteristic conditions and large-area ecosystem
diversity. Pimachiowin Aki is also remarkable in being the only site to have no extremely low scores for any of the
indicators.
Pimachiowin Aki compares very well to other global sites, and surpasses most, because the nominated area is
very large, highly intact, and includes four large-area ecosystems, a high degree of hydrological complexity, two
wildfire regimes, and climatic diversity (see Section 2.a(ii)).
Pimachiowin Aki’s high score for some indicators is also due to its mid-continental setting, which produces
climatic conditions more similar to those found in much of the boreal biome. In contrast, most existing World
Heritage sites and several other comparative sites are either subject to oceanic influence or are located in a
colder climate (i.e. near the northern limit of the boreal biome, partly overlapping the tundra biome and/or located
in montane areas).
The comparative analysis identified Wood Buffalo National Park and Pimachiowin Aki as the outstanding examples
of the boreal biome biodiversity and ecological processes, with Wood Buffalo attaining a slightly higher score
than Pimachiowin Aki. Wood Buffalo, located more than 1,000 kilometres northwest of Pimachiowin Aki, was
inscribed on the World Heritage List under Criterion (ix) as “the most ecologically complete and largest example
of the entire Great Plains-Boreal grassland ecosystem of North America, the only place where the predator-prey
relationship between wolves and wood bison has continued, unbroken, over time.”
3 Justification for Inscription   165

 Wood Buffalo and Pimachiowin Aki are located in different ecological zones (ecozones) within the North American
boreal biome; they are starkly different in terms of geology, topography, drainage patterns, and vegetation
patterns. Wood Buffalo, in the North American boreal plains ecozone, encompasses a large, flat inland delta
predominantly covered by grass and sedge meadows. Its boreal forest is discontinuous, covering large expanses
of gypsum karst and salt plains. By contrast, Pimachiowin Aki, in the North American boreal shield ecozone,
displays: the ancient beginnings of Precambrian bedrock formation; continental glaciations; the formation and
retreat of glacial Lake Agassiz; and vast organic deposits resulting from the accumulation of dead plant material
over millennia. Together, these processes have produced a landscape of large-area Wetland, patchily vegetated
Rockland, and Needleleaf Forest ecosystems. Pimachiowin Aki also has a milder climate and permafrost is less
widespread than in Wood Buffalo National Park.
The area of the Rockland ecosystem in Pimachiowin Aki is sufficiently large and intact to represent the global
rock soil region type, which is a rare type in the global boreal biome. This means that Pimachiowin Aki is the only
existing or proposed site that could adequately represent ongoing ecological processes for the global rock soil
region type on the World Heritage List.

Regional Comparative Analysis
This section summarizes the results of the comparative analysis at the level of the North American boreal shield.
The regional and global comparative analyses use the same methods, with the following exceptions:
1.  Availability of additional regional datasets allows for the inclusion of five more indicators (Figures 3.12, 3.13
and 3.14);
2.  The North American boreal shield boundaries define the area included when calculating the benchmark for
the regional analysis; and
3.  More accurate regional datasets are substituted for global ones, where available. The latter two exceptions
explain why the same indicator may have a different score in the global and regional comparative analyses.
The scores of characteristic conditions for the 13 regional long-list sites are provided in Appendix K.2.1. The
overall scores of characteristic conditions for the four regional short-list sites are provided below. Also provided
are radar plots that graphically illustrate these scores. This is followed by a more detailed presentation of the
results of the evaluations for the short-list sites of characteristic conditions, large-area ecosystem diversity, and
site integrity.
THEME 1: CHARACTERISTIC CONDITIONS
Overall Site Scores
Pimachiowin Aki is the highest scoring site by far among the short-list of sites for indicators of characteristic
conditions. In addition, Pimachiowin Aki is the only site that has no extremely low indicator scores (Figure 3.21).

166  

 Figure 3.21 Characteristic conditions: Overall site scores and number of individual indicators with extremely low scores for
the North American boreal shield short-list sites
Site

Overall Score

Number of Extremely
Low Indicator Scores

Pimachiowin Aki

33.5

0

Wabakimi

25.0

1

Albanel-Témiscamie-Otish

12.0

4

Mealy Mountains

8.0

6

The radar plots shown in Figure 3.22 illustrate the individual indicator scores for each of the short-list sites and
how they compare with Pimachiowin Aki. These plots show that Pimachiowin Aki has scores that are higher than
or equivalent to those of the short-list sites for most indicators of characteristic conditions.
Figure 3.22 Radar plots illustrating the individual indicator scores for each of the regional short-list sites

Pimachiowin Aki
Amphibian Species

Site Area
4

Bird Species

Human Footprint
Free-Flowing Rivers

Mammal Species

Surficial Materials

-2

Vegetation Growth

Burned Area

Soil Organic Carbon

Watersheds Represented

Natural Obstacles
Stream Length

Water Surface Area
Shoreline Density

3 Justification for Inscription   167

 Figure 3.22 Radar plots illustrating the individual indicator scores for each of the regional short-list sites

Albanel-Témiscamie-Otish
Site Area
4

Amphibian Species

Human Footprint

Bird Species

Free-Flowing Rivers

Mammal Species

Surficial Materials

-2

Vegetation Growth

Burned Area

Soil Organic Carbon

Watersheds Represented

Natural Obstacles

Water Surface Area

Stream Length

Shoreline Density

Mealy Mountains
Amphibian Species

Site Area
4

Bird Species

Human Footprint
Free-Flowing Rivers

Mammal Species

Surficial Materials

-2

Vegetation Growth

Burned Area

Soil Organic Carbon

Watersheds Represented

Natural Obstacles
Stream Length

168  

Water Surface Area
Shoreline Density

 Figure 3.22 Radar plots illustrating the individual indicator scores for each of the regional short-list sites

Wabakimi
Amphibian Species

Site Area
4

Bird Species

Human Footprint
Free-Flowing Rivers

Mammal Species

Surficial Materials

-2

Vegetation Growth

Burned Area

Soil Organic Carbon

Watersheds Represented

Natural Obstacles
Stream Length

Water Surface Area
Shoreline Density

Site Size
At 33,400 square kilometres (Figure 3.23), Pimachiowin Aki is by far the largest site. The nominated area is three
times larger than the 10,000-square-kilometre area often presented as the minimum size needed to support all
large-area ecosystem processes and wide-ranging species in the North American boreal shield.
Figure 3.23 Characteristic conditions: Site size scores for the North American boreal shield short-list sites
Site

Site Size

Score1

Site Area (km2)

Pimachiowin Aki

33,403

3

Mealy Mountains

27,627

2

Albanel-Témiscamie-Otish

12,978

1

Wabakimi

10,231

1

Notes: The bigger the better.
1

Intactness
Three of the four short-list sites, including Pimachiowin Aki, achieve the highest possible intactness score as
measured by human footprint and all receive the highest possible score for the free-flowing rivers indicator
(Figure 3.24). This reflects well the extremely limited built infrastructure within these remote sites.

3 Justification for Inscription   169

 Figure 3.24 Characteristic conditions: Intactness scores for the North American boreal shield short-list sites
Site

Intactness
Human Footprint

Free-Flowing Rivers

Intact Percentage

Score1

Score2

Albanel-Témiscamie-Otish

98.7

3

3

Pimachiowin Aki

97.2

3

3

Wabakimi

96.6

3

3

92.3

2

3

Mealy Mountains
Notes: Higher intact percentage is better. Fewer manufactured dams is better, and none is preferred.
1

2

Surface Materials
Site representation for surface materials was evaluated as follows. First, the number of common boreal-shield
surface material types comprising at least 5 percent of site area was determined. Second, further analysis
determined whether the included types occur as large, well-formed blocks rather than as many small, isolated
patches.
As shown in Figure 3.25, Pimachiowin Aki, Mealy Mountains, and Albanel-Témiscamie-Otish are the highestscoring sites for surface materials, with three of the four common North American boreal shield surface material
types (i.e. till veneer, till blanket, fine lacustrine, and rock outcrop) represented in each case. In all three sites,
these occur as large, well-formed blocks rather than as many small, isolated patches.
Figure 3.25 Characteristic conditions: Surface materials scores for the North American boreal shield short-list sites
Site

Surface Materials
Surface Material Composition
Number of Common Types 1

Score 1

Pimachiowin Aki

2

2

Mealy Mountains

2

2

Albanel-Témiscamie-Otish

2

2

Wabakimi

0

0

Notes: 1 Number of boreal shield surficial material types covering at least 5 percent of the site is preferred.

Wildfire
Pimachiowin Aki and Albanel-Témiscamie-Otish attain the highest scores for wildfire. Their average annual
percentage of area burned is most similar to the benchmark of 0.76 percent (Figure 3.26).

170  

 Figure 3.26 Characteristic conditions: Burned area scores for the North American boreal shield short-list sites
Site

Wildfire
Burned Area
Mean Annual Area Burned (%)

Score1

Boreal Shield Benchmark

0.76

n/a

Pimachiowin Aki

0.87

3

Albanel-Témiscamie-Otish

0.58

3

Wabakimi

0.24

1

Mealy Mountains

0.01

-1

Notes: 1 The closer to the boreal mean the better.

Hydrological Complexity
Five indicators represent different aspects of surface water that contribute to aquatic ecosystem diversity and
health; these are presented in Figures 3.27 through 3.31.
Only Pimachiowin Aki captures more than 50 percent of the watershed and the headwater areas for one or
more third-order watersheds (Figure 3.27). Pimachiowin Aki actually captures approximately 80 percent of two
watersheds and two headwater areas.
Figure 3.27 Characteristic conditions: Watershed scores for the North American boreal shield short-list sites
Site

Hydrological Complexity
Watersheds
Individual Indicators
Number of Watersheds
Attribute
Score1

Number of
third-order
watersheds
represented

Number of Headwater
Areas Attribute
Number of
third-order
headwater
areas
represented

Overall
Score

Score1

Pimachiowin Aki

2

2

2

1.0

1.5

Mealy Mountains

0

-1

0

-1.0

-1.0

Albanel-Témiscamie-Otish

0

-1

0

-1.0

-1.0

Wabakimi

0

-1

0

-1.0

-1.0

Notes: The more watersheds and headwater areas captured the better.
1

Pimachiowin Aki scores highest for the indicator of water surface area. With 12.1 percent of its area as water, it is
very close to the North American boreal shield benchmark of 11.7 percent (Figure 3.28).

3 Justification for Inscription   171

 Figure 3.28 Characteristic conditions: Water surface area scores for the North American boreal shield short-list sites
Site

Hydrological Complexity
Water Surface Area
Water Fraction
(percentage of site that is water)

Score1

Boreal Shield Benchmark

11.7

n/a

Pimachiowin Aki

12.1

2

Wabakimi

17.4

1

Mealy Mountains

24.0

-1

Albanel-Témiscamie-Otish

67.1

-2

Notes: The closer to the boreal mean, the more preferred the site.
1

Wabakimi and Pimachiowin Aki have shoreline edge densities most similar to the North American boreal shield
benchmark (Figure 3.29). Wabakimi has the highest score for this indicator.
Figure 3.29 Characteristic conditions: Shoreline density scores for the North American boreal shield short-list sites
Site

Hydrological Complexity
Shoreline Density
Shoreline Edge Density (km/km2)

Score1

Boreal Shield Benchmark

8.6

n/a

Wabakimi

9.3

3

Pimachiowin Aki

9.9

2

Albanel-Témiscamie-Otish

6.5

1

Mealy Mountains

5.2

1

Notes: 1 The closer to the boreal mean, the more preferred the site.

In the North American boreal shield, average waterway flow length density is 1.02 kilometres per square
kilometre. Pimachiowin Aki and Mealy Mountains are most similar to the benchmark, both attaining the second
highest possible score for this indicator (Figure 3.30).

172  

 Figure 3.30 Characteristic conditions: Stream length scores for the North American boreal shield short-list sites
Site

Hydrological Complexity
Stream Length
Waterway Flow Length Density
(km flow/ km2 of site area)

Score1

Boreal Shield Benchmark

1.02

n/a

Wabakimi

1.16

2

Pimachiowin Aki

0.80

2

Mealy Mountains

1.26

2

Albanel-Témiscamie-Otish

1.69

0

Notes: The closer to the boreal mean, the more preferred the site.
1

All of the short-list sites have densities of natural water obstacles that are higher than the boreal shield
benchmark of 16 per 100 square kilometres, with Pimachiowin Aki and Wabakimi being closest (Figure 3.31).
Figure 3.31 Characteristic conditions: Natural water obstacles scores for the North American boreal shield short-list sites
Site

Hydrological Complexity
Natural Water Obstacles
Natural Water Obstacles
per 100 km2

Score1

Boreal Shield Benchmark

16.0

n/a

Pimachiowin Aki

23.3

1

Wabakimi

28.5

1

Albanel-Témiscamie-Otish

64.4

-1

Mealy Mountains

218.2

-2

Notes: The closer to the boreal mean, the more preferred the site.
1

Carbon Capture and Storage
Soil organic carbon (SOC) density averages 50.1 kg/m2 across the intact North American boreal shield.
Pimachiowin Aki has an SOC density that is closest to the benchmark and therefore the highest score for this
indicator (Figure 3.32).

3 Justification for Inscription   173

 Figure 3.32 Characteristic conditions: Soil organic carbon density scores for the North American boreal shield short-list
sites
Site

Carbon Capture and Storage
Soil Organic Carbon
SOC Density

Score1

Boreal Shield Benchmark

50.1

n/a

Pimachiowin Aki

62.0

2

Wabakimi

32.5

1

Mealy Mountains

73.9

1

Albanel-Témiscamie-Otish

21.7

0

Notes: 1 The closer to the boreal mean, the more preferred the site.

Primary Productivity
For the indicator of primary productivity, vegetation growth, none of the short-list sites achieve a high score that
would reflect a normalized difference vegetation index (NDVI) close to the benchmark (Figure 3.33). Pimachiowin
Aki has a high NDVI for a boreal site because it is located in the southern portion of the boreal shield where
vegetation growth is higher.
Figure 3.33 Characteristic conditions: Vegetation growth scores for the North American boreal shield short-list sites
Site

Primary Productivity
Vegetation Growth
NDVI

Score1

Boreal Shield Benchmark

2.90

n/a

Southern Portion of Boreal Shield

3.80

n/a

Wabakimi

3.28

1

Pimachiowin Aki

3.45

0

Albanel-Témiscamie-Otish

2.29

0

Mealy Mountains

2.18

0

Notes: 1 The closer to the boreal mean, the more preferred the site.

Species Diversity
The attribute measured for each indicator of species diversity is the number of relatively widespread species with
ranges that overlap the comparative site. Since the sites are scattered across the North American boreal shield, a
relatively widespread species is one that occurs in at least 5 of the 23 regional long-list sites.
Pimachiowin Aki and Wabakimi represent a high proportion of the relatively widespread boreal shield mammals
(Figure 3.34), both attaining the highest possible score for this indicator.

174  

 Figure 3.34 Characteristic conditions: Mammal richness scores for the North American boreal shield short-list sites
Site

Species Diversity
Mammal Richness
Number of Relatively
Widespread Mammals

Score1

Boreal Shield Benchmark

42

n/a

Wabakimi

40

3

Pimachiowin Aki

38

3

Albanel-Témiscamie-Otish

36

2

Mealy Mountains

32

2

Notes: The more species the better.
1

Pimachiowin Aki overlaps the ranges of substantially more of the relatively widespread North American boreal
shield bird species than any other short-list site (Figure 3.35). In fact, the nominated area includes 179 of the 180
relatively widespread bird species. Wabakimi is the only other site that attained a high score for this indicator.
Figure 3.35 Characteristic conditions indicators: Bird richness scores for the North American boreal shield short-list sites
Site

Species Diversity
Bird Richness
Number of Relatively
Widespread Species

Score1

Boreal Shield Benchmark

180

n/a

Pimachiowin Aki

179

3

Wabakimi

161

3

Mealy Mountains

100

-1

Albanel-Témiscamie-Otish

99

-1

Notes: The more species the better.
1

For the indicator of amphibian species, Pimachiowin Aki and Wabakimi achieve the highest score, overlapping the
ranges of seven of the nine relatively widespread amphibian species (Figure 3.36).

3 Justification for Inscription   175

 Figure 3.36 Characteristic conditions: Amphibian richness scores for the North American boreal shield short-list sites
Site

Species Diversity
Amphibian Richness
Number of Relatively
Widespread Amphibians

Score1

Boreal Shield Benchmark

9

n/a

Pimachiowin Aki

7

3

Wabakimi

7

3

Albanel-Témiscamie-Otish

6

2

Mealy Mountains

3

-1

Notes: The more species the better.
1

THEME 2: LARGE-AREA ECOSYSTEM DIVERSITY
The indicators of large-area ecosystem diversity evaluate the degree to which comparative sites include more than
one representation of key features and ecological processes.
Of the four short-list sites, Pimachiowin Aki has by far the highest overall score for large-area ecosystem diversity
(Figure 3.37). It also has the highest score for every indicator used to calculate the overall site score. The other
three sites score low for at least three of the four indicators.
Figure 3.37 Large-area ecosystem diversity: Overall site scores and individual indicator scores for the North American
boreal shield short-list sites
Site

Overall
Score

Individual Indicator Scores
Surface Materials

Hydrological Complexity

Wildfire

Surface material
Diversity

Watershed

Water Body

Fire Regime

Pimachiowin Aki

10

3

2

2

3

Mealy Mountains

4

2

0

1

1

Wabakimi

3

1

0

1

1

Albanel-Témiscamie-Otish

3

1

0

1

1

THEME 3: SITE INTEGRITY
The indicators of site integrity evaluate the degree to which sites have a high state of intactness and a high
potential to retain this intactness into the future.
Pimachiowin Aki has by far the highest overall score for site integrity, followed by Wabakimi and AlbanelTémiscamie-Otish (Figure 3.38).

176  

 Figure 3.38 Site integrity: Overall site scores and individual indicator scores for the North American boreal shield short-list
sites
Site

Overall
Score

Individual Indicator Scores
Site Size

Intactness

Climate Change
Resilience Potential

Site Area

Site Intactness

Surrounding
Intactness

Temperature
Gradient
Length

Within
Holocene
Limits

Pimachiowin Aki

11.4

3

3

1.4

2

2

Wabakimi

7.7

1

3

1.7

0

2

Albanel-Témiscamie-Otish

7.2

1

3

2.2

0

1

Mealy Mountains

5.7

2

2

1.7

-1

1

SUMMARY
The regional comparative analysis demonstrates that Pimachiowin Aki is outstanding in providing the very
best example of natural features and ecological processes of the North American boreal shield ecosystem.
Pimachiowin Aki attains the highest overall site score by a significant margin for all three themes evaluated, and it
is the only site to have no extremely low score for any individual indicator.
Pimachiowin Aki’s overall score for large-area ecosystem diversity is more than double that of the next-highestscoring site. It also attains the highest score for every individual indicator of large-area ecosystem diversity used
to calculate the overall score.
To further strengthen the above conclusion, an additional comparative analysis was conducted for all remaining
large, intact blocks of the North American boreal shield, treating these as hypothetical protected areas. In this
analysis, the best site achieved a characteristic conditions score of 23.5, considerably lower than Pimachiowin
Aki’s score of 34.0 (see Appendix K.2.1.).

4. THE CASE FOR OUTSTANDING UNIVERSAL VALUE

Global Comparative Analysis
The global comparative analysis, which evaluated sites across the entire boreal biome, demonstrates that
Pimachiowin Aki ranks highly in representing the natural features and ecological processes of the global
boreal biome. For the global long-list of 132 sites, the nominated area attained the highest score for Theme 3,
site integrity, and the second highest site scores for Themes 1 and 2, characteristic conditions and large-area
ecosystem diversity. The nominated area is the only site to have no extremely low scores for any specific indicator.
Wood Buffalo National Park is inscribed on the World Heritage List, and is the one boreal biome site that attains
two higher theme scores than Pimachiowin Aki. As previously described, Wood Buffalo is very different from
Pimachiowin Aki because it lies within in the North American boreal plains ecozone, whereas Pimachiowin Aki lies
within the North American boreal shield ecozone. As a result, the two sites contain very different bedrock geology,
surface materials, landforms, soil types, and vegetation types.

Regional Comparative Analysis
As the diversity of natural features and ecological processes of the very extensive North American boreal shield
are not represented on the World Heritage List, a regional comparative analysis was conducted to assess whether
Pimachiowin Aki could possess potential Outstanding Universal Value as an example of this major subdivision of
the global boreal biome.
3 Justification for Inscription   177

 The regional comparative analysis demonstrates that Pimachiowin Aki is the outstanding example of the natural
features and ecological processes of the North American boreal shield ecosystem. The nominated area attains
the highest site score by far for all three evaluated comparative themes (characteristic conditions, large-area
ecosystem diversity, and site integrity), and it is the only site to have no extremely low scores for any specific
indicator. In relation to the other comparative sites, Pimachiowin Aki has higher or equivalent scores for most of
the 24 indicators assessed.
Pimachiowin Aki’s high scores, and thus high rank as an outstanding representation of the North American
boreal shield, arises in part because it is very large, highly intact, includes multiple large-area ecosystems, and is
located fairly centrally in the boreal shield ecosystem and the North American continent. Thus, Pimachiowin Aki
supports a broad range of species, ecosystems, and fully functioning ecological processes.

Conclusion: The Case for Outstanding Universal Value
The comparative analysis demonstrates that Pimachiowin Aki is an outstanding example of the characteristic
features and key ecological processes found in the boreal biome. The analysis also demonstrates that
Pimachiowin Aki is the very best example of these for the North America boreal shield.
The regional comparative analysis demonstrates there is no other existing or potential North American boreal
shield site that is comparable to Pimachiowin Aki. The global analysis demonstrates that of the 132 global
sites compared, Pimachiowin Aki clearly illustrates the features and processes of naturally functioning boreal
ecosystems, including the diversity of large-area ecosystems, and is therefore an outstanding representation of
the global boreal biome.
Pimachiowin Aki can make a valuable contribution to the development of a representative, balanced, and credible
World Heritage List. If inscribed, Pimachiowin Aki will add to the List a large, diverse and healthy ecosystem
mosaic encompassing a vast boreal forest, biodiversity, free-flowing rivers, and myriad lakes and wetlands,
representing a distinctive major subdivision of the global boreal biome. Its addition would complement iconic
World Heritage sites representing floodplain, grassland, montane, and oceanic environments.

Pimachiowin Aki is an outstanding boreal forest, integral to traditional lifeways of Anishinaabeg (© H. Otake 2006)

178  

 3.3  Proposed Statement of Outstanding Universal Value
Brief Synthesis
Pimachiowin Aki (the Land that Gives Life) is a 33,400-square-kilometre cultural landscape of Anishinaabeg
(Ojibwe people). Through the cultural tradition of Ji-ganawendamang Gidakiiminaan (Keeping the Land),
Anishinaabeg have for millennia lived intimately with this special place in the heart of the North American boreal
shield.
Ji-ganawendamang Gidakiiminaan consists of the beliefs, values, knowledge, and practices that guide
Anishinaabeg in their interaction with aki (the land and all its life) and with each other in ways that are respectful
and express a reverence for all creation. The cultural tradition is given tangible manifestation in harvesting sites,
habitation and processing sites, traplines, travel routes, named places, ceremonial sites, and sacred places
such as pictographs associated with powerful spirit beings. These attributes are dispersed widely across a large
landscape and concentrated along waterways, which are an essential source of livelihood resources and a means
of transportation. Anishinaabe customary governance and oral traditions ensure continuity of the cultural tradition
across generations.
Pimachiowin Aki is a vast area of healthy boreal forest and wetlands, exposed bedrock, myriad lakes, and long
free-flowing rivers. Waterways provide ecological connectivity across the entire landscape. Wildfire, nutrient flow,
species movements, and predator-prey relationships are key, naturally functioning ecological processes that
maintain an impressive mosaic of ecosystems. The nominated area supports an outstanding diversity of boreal
plants and animals, including iconic species such as wolf, moose, woodland caribou, and loon.
Pimachiowin Aki is the most complete and therefore exceptional example of a landscape within the North
American Subarctic geo-cultural area that provides testimony to the cultural tradition of Ji-ganawendamang
Gidakiiminaan. This could not be without Pimachiowin Aki also being an exceptional example of a large, healthy
and diverse mosaic of the typical North American boreal shield ecosystems. Anishinaabeg are an integral
part of the boreal ecosystems in Pimachiowin Aki, which are the foundation for their survival as a people. The
beliefs, values, knowledge, and practices that reflect this intimate adaptation have preserved the boreal forest of
Pimachiowin Aki. In this way, Pimachiowin Aki exemplifies the indissoluble bonds between culture and nature.
An innovative and collaborative, cross-cultural partnership has been formed between five Anishinaabe First
Nations and two provincial governments with the shared vision of sustaining this living cultural landscape. The
cultural tradition of Ji-ganawendamang Gidakiiminaan will sustain this outstanding cultural landscape into the
future.

Criterion (iii)
Pimachiowin Aki provides the most complete testimony to the ancient and continuing cultural tradition of
Ji-ganawendamang Gidakiiminaan (Keeping the Land). Through the beliefs, values, knowledge, and practices
embodied in this cultural tradition, Anishinaabeg have lived for millennia with the boreal forest that sustains
them. Ancient and contemporary livelihood sites, habitation and processing sites, travel routes, named places,
traplines, and sacred and ceremonial sites provide tangible representation of Ji-ganawendamang Gidakiiminaan.
These sites are found throughout Pimachiowin Aki and are especially evident along waterway travel routes, which
provide connectivity throughout the landscape.

Criterion (vi)
Pimachiowin Aki is directly and tangibly associated with the living cultural tradition of Ji-ganawendamang
Gidakiiminaan through which Anishinaabeg uphold a sacred trust to ensure aki (the land and all its life) is cared
for and respected. Anishinaabe customary governance ensures collaborative use of the land, including between
neighbouring and related communities. The cultural tradition is maintained across generations through a vibrant
3 Justification for Inscription   179

 oral tradition that includes legends, stories, and songs. The deep and abiding connection between Anishinaabeg
and the land through Ji-ganawendamang Gidakiiminaan is a compelling example of the inseparability of an
indigenous culture and its local environment that can inspire people around the world.

Criterion (ix)
Pimachiowin Aki is the most complete and largest example of the North American boreal shield, including
its characteristic biodiversity and ecological processes. Pimachiowin Aki contains an exceptional diversity of
terrestrial and aquatic freshwater ecosystems and fully supports wildfire, nutrient flow, species movements,
and predator-prey relationships, essential ecological processes in the boreal forest. Predator-prey relationships
are sustained among species such as wolf, and moose, and, caribou, and lynx and snowshoe hare. Sustainable
hunting and trapping by Anishinaabeg are part of predator-prey interactions. Pimachiowin Aki’s remarkable size,
intactness, and ecosystem diversity support characteristic boreal species and species of conservation concern
such as woodland caribou, wolverine, lake sturgeon, leopard frog, and Canada warbler.

Integrity
Pimachiowin Aki contains all of the attributes that express the cultural tradition of Ji-ganawendamang
Gidakiiminaan (Keeping the Land) and all the elements necessary to ensure continuity of the key ecological
processes of the boreal shield. The robust combination of First Nation and provincial protected areas forms the
largest network of contiguous protected areas in the North American boreal shield. The vast size of the nominated
area provides for the future livelihood and cultural needs of Anishinaabeg and for ecological resilience, especially
in the context of climate change. Extensive buffer zones further contribute to integrity.
The cultural attributes and natural features of Pimachiowin Aki are remarkably free from the adverse effects of
development and neglect. There is no commercial forestry, mining, or hydroelectric development in the nominated
area. Waterways, the lifeblood of aki, are free of dams and diversions.

Authenticity
The authenticity of Pimachiowin Aki is remarkable. Anishinaabe knowledge, ethical and spiritual teachings,
and customary governance associated with Ji-ganawendamang Gidakiiminaan guide behaviour in relation to the
nominated area today, as has been the case for millennia. Oral traditions in the Anishinaabe language continue
to be central to the expression and intergenerational transmission of the cultural values of Ji-ganawendamang
Gidakiiminaan. The nominated area illustrates more than 7,000 years of indigenous occupancy that is centred on
the traditional land use areas of the five Pimachiowin Aki Anishinaabe First Nations. Archaeological evidence
demonstrates contemporary cultural sites and travel routes have been used from ancient times through to the
present.

Protection and Management Requirements
First Nations have played the leading role in defining the approach to protection and management of Pimachiowin
Aki. Protection and management of Pimachiowin Aki is achieved through Anishinaabe customary governance,
grounded in Ji-ganawendamang Gidakiiminaan, contemporary provincial government law and policy, and
cooperation among the five First Nations and provincial government partners. Through First Nation-led planning
and application of legislation, protection of the nominated area has been established. First Nation and provincial
partners have created the Pimachiowin Aki Corporation and developed a consensual, participatory governance
structure, financial capacity, and a management plan for the nominated area.
The Pimachiowin Aki Corporation enables the partners to work in an integrated manner across the nominated
area to ensure the protection and conservation of all cultural attributes and natural features and processes.
The management framework is designed to meet potential challenges in the protection and conservation of the

180  

 nominated area, such as monitoring and mitigating the potential impacts of the construction of an all-season road
over the next 20 to 40 years.
Through an accord signed by the five First Nations, Anishinaabeg of Pimachiowin Aki affirmed a sacred trust
to care for the land for future generations. A Memorandum of Agreement between the provincial governments
provides assurances about protection and management of the nominated area. The Pimachiowin Aki partners
share a commitment to work together to safeguard the potential Outstanding Universal Value of Pimachiowin Aki
for present and future generations.

3 Justification for Inscription   181

  

STATE OF CONSERVATION
AND FACTORS AFFECTING
THE PROPERTY

 

4
State of Conservation and
Factors Affecting the Property
“It is no accident that this place exists. It is the actions and values of our people that have kept this land from
being developed like everywhere else.”
Sophia Rabliauskas (September 23, 2010)

The cultural tradition of Ji-ganawendamang Gidakiiminaan (Keeping the Land) has contributed to Pimachiowin Aki’s
excellent present state of conservation. The Anishinaabe sacred duty to honour the gifts of the Creator, to behave
respectfully in relation to the land and its other inhabitants, and to maintain good relationships with other people
continues to guide collaborative planning and management of Pimachiowin Aki so that its cultural attributes and
ecological features will continue to be conserved.

4.a  Present State of Conservation
Pimachiowin Aki’s cultural attributes and natural features are in an excellent state of conservation. The cultural
attributes that have been used and honoured for many generations—including harvesting, habitation and
processing sites, travel routes, named places, sacred and ceremonial sites, and trapline areas—continue to
express Ji-ganawendamang Gidakiiminaan. Pimachiowin Aki’s ecological features, including composition (such
as species diversity and abundance), structure (the interactions between species and with the environment), and
function (such as wildfire), are all healthy and whole and exhibit ecological integrity. Anishinaabe beliefs, values,
knowledge, and practices inherited from the ancestors, and transmitted through the elders, continue to guide
the conservation of the tangible and intangible cultural attributes and the ecological features and processes that
contribute to the proposed Outstanding Universal Value of Pimachiowin Aki.
Pimachiowin Aki is highly intact both in absolute
terms (97 percent intact) and relative to the
boreal shield overall (Lee and Hanneman 2010;
Ehnes 2014), as measured by the Global Forest
Watch Canada human footprint index. This index
represents the cumulative effects of population
density, land transformation, accessibility, and
electrical power infrastructures (Figure 2.28).
All of the rivers are free-flowing, with no dams
or diversions. Air quality, which has not yet been
measured, is expected to be high given the absence
of and distance from heavy transportation corridors,
industries, and large urban areas, and the
prevailing air flow that originates from the sparsely
populated northwest. Moreover, there is a low level
of resource development within 100 kilometres of
Pimachiowin Aki.

184  

Canoeing calm waters (H. Otake 2004)

 4.b  Factors Affecting the Property
4.b(i)  Development Pressures
ACCESS ROADS
Although the majority of Pimachiowin Aki will
remain roadless, a new all-season road (East
Side Road) is being planned by the East Side Road
Authority (ESRA), an agency of the Province of
Manitoba. This road will be adjacent to the shoreline
of Lake Winnipeg on the western side of the
nominated area and will replace the existing winter
road network. Staple items such as fuel, groceries,
construction materials, and general freight are
presently transported to communities on the winter
road network, typically from late January to midMarch. Use of these winter roads is becoming
increasingly unreliable and dangerous, and the
length of time the roads are open is becoming
shorter, due to the effects of climate change (East
Side Road Authority 2011).

Elders requested relocation of the road right-of–way to ensure the
protection of this Manidoo stone (Pimachiowin Aki Corp. 2012)

Routing for the road has been carefully considered by the Pimachiowin Aki First Nations both to provide for
livelihood opportunities and to prevent, minimize, and mitigate potential adverse impacts to cultural and
natural values. Corridors for the development of the road have been identified in the zoning schemes of the land
management plans completed by the four Manitoba First Nations, and a full environmental impact assessment
was completed in 2010 for the first phase of the road. Planning and mitigation measures include selecting the
preferred route based on traditional knowledge and community input, protocols for protecting cultural resources
and ecological features, balancing socio-economic factors, and minimizing the human footprint by aligning the
new route closely with the existing winter road. In 2012, the identification of previously undocumented cultural
sites resulted in the realignment of a segment of the road near Bloodvein River, demonstrating the commitment
to protecting the values of the nominated area.
The road, planned to be developed over several decades with an anticipated completion date of 2040, will link the
four Manitoba First Nation communities of Pimachiowin Aki with the existing road system to the south. Although
the development of all-weather access to previously remote First Nations communities has the potential for
negative socio-cultural impacts, the benefits outweigh the potential risks. The road will reduce the high cost
of living in these communities—by up to 50 percent for essential goods, including medical supplies and diesel
fuel to generate electricity, which are now largely flown in to remote communities—provide for greater flexibility
in emergencies, and improve connections with other communities. The road will also create job opportunities
in road construction and maintenance, as well as support potential community-based economic development
opportunities such as eco-cultural tourism.
Given the standards being applied in road construction and the involvement and support of the First Nations, the
road will not compromise the proposed Outstanding Universal Value of Pimachiowin Aki.

COMMERCIAL FORESTRY
There are no commercial forestry interests within Pimachiowin Aki. The First Nation and park management plans
prohibit commercial forestry activities within the nominated area.
Within the Management Area buffering the eastern boundaries of the nominated area, the Pimachiowin Aki
4 State of Conservation and Factors Affecting the Property   185

 partners support efforts by Pikangikum First Nation to establish a community-led commercial forestry operation
that will provide for community economic opportunities, while also protecting cultural and natural values.
The Whitefeather Forest 2012–2022 Forest Management Plan (FMP) was approved on June 21, 2012. The FMP
explicitly reflects the guidance of Ji-ganawendamang Gidakiiminaan, including the integration of customary
stewardship practice, indigenous knowledge, and the guiding role of elders, and fully considers cultural attributes,
including customary harvesting sites, travel routes, and sacred sites, and their intangible associations. The FMP
also specifically addresses the habitat needs of woodland caribou and makes provisions for the protection of other
species, such as fur-bearing mammals, and their habitats. It is anticipated that forest harvesting and related
operations will employ up to 80 people, with an additional 100 to 150 people employed in associated sawmilling
and value-added forest products manufacturing to be based in areas south of Pimachiowin Aki.

“When we do our forestry, we have to observe everything.
Even the smallest creeks have to be kept alive.”
Elder George B. Strang (in translation, January 8, 2007)

Timber harvesting in the Management Area will differ from conventional harvesting methods, including by
designing harvest patterns to follow natural boundaries as lightning fire does and leaving tree branches with
their seed-source cones and other residues in place where the trees are harvested. Post-harvest forest renewal
practices are to be based on customary stewardship traditions, such as spring marsh burning, to mirror natural
succession patterns and promote the diversity and abundance that result from lightning fires. Maintaining
remoteness and preserving cultural values have been thoroughly considered in the approved FMP. No permanent
road access will be created within a distance of 2 kilometres from the nominated area, and no roads of any type
are permitted within 500 metres of the nominated area, with the exception of provisions for potential crossings
over major rivers.
The integration of Anishinaabe knowledge, values, and practices in collaborative planning and management will
ensure continued cultural and ecological integrity of the landscapes bordering the nominated area.

MINING
There are no mines, active or former, within Pimachiowin Aki. Consistent with the direction set out in the approved
First Nation land management plans and related provincial legislation and regulations, mineral exploration and
mine development are not permitted in the nominated area. The development of small aggregate quarries is
permitted only in designated zones that correspond with the proposed East Side Road alignment.
Adjacent to Pimachiowin Aki, two locations with low to medium mineral potential have been identified within the
Management Area near Little Grand Rapids and Pauingassi First Nations. Taking geological survey results and
provincial policy into account, the First Nations and provincial government partners have excluded these areas
from the nominated area and provided guidance in the land management plans as to how mineral exploration and
development activities may proceed.
Any proposed mineral exploration activities in the buffer area are subject to the issuance of licences and permits
by Manitoba or Ontario, in consultation with First Nations. First Nation plans in the Management Area adjacent
to Pimachiowin Aki call for the application of best practice for any mineral sector activities, with guidelines for
mitigating potential threats to cultural and ecological values, including potential adverse effects on culturally
significant sites, fish and wildlife habitat, and downstream water quality. Collaboration between First Nations and
the mineral exploration and development industry through negotiation of community benefit agreements is also
encouraged through direction provided in the approved First Nation plans.
186  

 Any future mineral exploration or mine development in the vicinity of the nominated area would conform strictly to
provincial and national legislation and would be designed, operated, and decommissioned with due consideration
for the cultural and natural values of Pimachiowin Aki.

4.b(ii) Environmental Pressures
CLIMATE CHANGE
“Long ago trees were not seen on the ground; that is, to have fallen over. There was no evidence of
disturbance that would cause the trees to have fallen down. There was no strong wind to blow the trees down.
Today there is a lot of strong wind that causes a lot of trees to blow down.”
Elder Charlie Peters (in translation, December 2004)

Anishinaabe knowledge and practices have developed alongside boreal forest ecosystem dynamics over time and
space. The ability to adapt to changing conditions is a feature of the Ji-ganawendamang Gidakiiminaan cultural
tradition. Anishinaabeg have observed changes potentially resulting from climate change in Pimachiowin Aki
(e.g., increasing extreme weather events such as blowdown, drying of muskeg, and unfamiliar bird species), but
do not report any significant changes to species numbers or habitats at this time. First Nation plans address the
importance of climate change monitoring, mitigation, and adaptation.
Forested landscapes in a high state of conservation, such as Pimachiowin Aki, can help to moderate the effects
of climate change by storing greenhouse gases as well as by acting as a benchmark in the greater landscape to
monitor the potential effects of climate change on both natural and cultural values. An initial analysis of potential
climate impacts and related mitigation strategies for Pimachiowin Aki has been completed (Dohan and Voora
2010b). The methodology consisted of identifying future potential climatic regimes for the nominated area and
then assessing the potential impacts. In addition, an assessment of above- and below-ground carbon in the Poplar
River area has been conducted, providing baseline data for climate change research (Cooley et al. 2009).
While climate change may significantly impact boreal forest ecosystems generally, Pimachiowin Aki’s midcontinental position, vast size, and longitudinal extent contribute to the ecological resilience of the area in the
context of a changing climate (see Section 3.2.b, Theme 3: Site Integrity).

4.b(iii) Natural Disasters and Risk Preparedness
FOREST FIRE
“After the forest is burned new growth starts. Animals get tired of eating old food, just like you and me. The
Creator knows that animals need new food. After a fire there is fresh food to eat.”
Elder Whitehead Moose (2006, in Miller 2010: 129).

Forest fire is an essential ecosystem process of the boreal forest and a dominant force in the dynamic landscape
of Pimachiowin Aki. Anishinaabeg have a sophisticated understanding of boreal forest dynamics and have
described two types of fire—large-scale Binesi ishkode (Thunderbird fire) or lightning-caused fire, and smallscale Anishinaabe ishkode (customary burning)—that enable geeminizahgeegink (the land to grow beautifully).
Maintaining the ecological and cultural role of fire on the land is fundamental to the proposed Outstanding
Universal Value of the nominated area.

4 State of Conservation and Factors Affecting the Property   187

 Between 2003 and 2012 there was an average of 20 forest fires per year in Pimachiowin Aki, with as many as 100
fires occuring within a single severe forest fire season. A total of 364,270 hectares (3,640 square kilometres), or
approximately 9 percent of the nominated area, burned in this period (Ontario Ministry of Natural Resources and
Forestry 2013; Manitoba Conservation and Water Stewardship Fire and Emergency Response Program, November
2013). Some of these fires were managed (i.e. suppressed by firefighting efforts) and other fires were allowed to
burn to fulfil their ecological role.

“The first time they [non-Natives] didn’t know anything about firefighting. They used to observe it. Observe
from our [Anishinaabeg] actions. And they learned their fire experience from what we taught them. Because
when we were living in the bush, like further out in the woods, we used to teach them.”
Elder Tom Quill Sr. (2008, in Sanders 2011)

Over the last century, provincial firefighting crews
have suppressed wildfires in order to protect
communities and resources both within and
adjacent to the nominated area. Pimachiowin
Aki First Nations played a pivotal role in the
development of local fire management programs
and expertise.
Pimachiowin Aki First Nations continue to play a
fundamental role in fire management and response
within the nominated area, not only through
employment in the firefighting systems but also
in the development of provincial fire management
strategies, local fire management plans, and the
identification of both cultural and natural values
that require protection from the potential threat of
forest fires.

Firefighting (©H. Otake 2006)

Protocols are in place to maintain public safety and mitigate the socio-economic disruption caused by wildfire.
Consistent with provincial fire management strategies, forest fires in Pimachiowin Aki are managed to promote
the ecological role of fire in the boreal forest ecosystem, while ensuring the protection of life, resources, values,
and infrastructure. All forest fires are monitored to assess their potential threat and to implement appropriate
response strategies as required.

INVASIVE SPECIES AND INSECT PESTS
Insects and diseases are inherent components of the boreal forest ecosystem. The spruce budworm
(Choristoneura fumiferana) and jack pine budworm (Choristoneura pinus), for example, are naturally occurring
insect pests that infest the forests of Pimachiowin Aki at periodic intervals. Extreme weather such as drought
and changing climatic conditions may shorten the periods between or increase the severity of such outbreaks.
Spruce budworm contributes to tree mortality in the region and is found in the southern forests of Pimachiowin
Aki. However, currently insect outbreaks and forest mortality events related to insect pests are within the natural
range of variation for the nominated area (OMNR 2012).
Invasive species have the potential to threaten biodiversity, cultural values, and socio-economic well-being.
Although invasive species such as the zebra mussel (Dreissena polymorpha), purple loosestrife (Lythrum salicaria),
and spiny waterflea (Bythotrephes longimanus) have been introduced to ecosystems south of the nominated
188  

 area, at present no exotic or invasive species have been reported in Pimachiowin Aki. The First Nation and park
management plans provide direction for preventing the introduction of invasive and exotic species.
Mitigating the potential threat of invasive species and insect pests will follow an adaptive management approach,
where decisions will be made following careful considerations of the best available knowledge. Monitoring
will play a significant role in managing potential threats. As deemed necessary, control actions may be taken
to eliminate or reduce the threat of invasive species or insect pests that may negatively affect the values of
Pimachiowin Aki.

4.b(iv) Responsible Visitation
Maintaining good relations among people is a tenet
of the Anishinaabe cultural tradition of
Ji-ganawendamang Gidakiiminaan (see Section
2.a(i)). This explains why Anishinaabeg of
Pimachiowin Aki seek to share their cultural
landscape with visitors. The development of ecocultural tourism services is a potential economic
opportunity for Anishinaabe communities within the
nominated area, a means to maintain and revitalize
customary stewardship traditions, and a way to
celebrate and share the values of Pimachiowin Aki
with the world. The Pimachiowin Aki Corporation
supports both new community-based eco-cultural
tourism development and partnerships with
existing operations to take advantage of emerging
Sharing stories with visitors during a Pimachiowin Aki tour
market opportunities. Because First Nations are
(Pimachiowin Aki Corp. 2011)
leading the development of eco-cultural tourism,
these opportunities will be consistent with and
celebrate Anishinaabe cultural values. Further, it is not anticipated that the potential development of eco-cultural
tourism will drastically increase the numbers of visitors to the nominated area.
The principal activities that bring visitors to the nominated area include wilderness backcountry recreation, such
as canoeing, and resource-based tourism, such as sport fishing, which is supported by remote fly-in lodges and
outpost camps (Marr and IISD 2008). Although rigorous visitation statistics are not available, annual visitation
is estimated to be between 7,000 and 10,000 people (Ontario Ministry of Natural Resources and Forestry 2014;
Manitoba Conservation and Water Stewardship
2014). The level of wilderness canoeing is
considered low, with approximately 2,000 visitors
per year.

Canoeists survey rapids (JJ. Ali 2011)

Management actions for the more popular canoe
routes have been implemented to ensure the
protection of cultural and natural values, as well
as to maintain a high-quality visitor experience.
For example, a designated campsite system and
a visitor access management program are being
implemented in Woodland Caribou Provincial Park.
There is potential to increase wilderness canoeing
on other routes and waterways of Pimachiowin Aki,
where similar measures would be employed as
necessary to protect cultural and natural values and
4 State of Conservation and Factors Affecting the Property   189

 visitor experiences. First Nation and park plans establish conditions and limits related to any proposed expansion
of existing tourism infrastructure and the development of new tourism facilities (See Section 2.b, Present Extent
of Natural Resource Use). Monitoring of visitor use will inform management responses to potential visitor and
tourism opportunities and pressures (See Section 6).

4.b(v) Number of Inhabitants
Estimated population for the year
2013, located within:

Estimated population of the nominated area,
by First Nation (AANDC 2013, September):

Nominated Area

6,510

Bloodvein River

1,045

Buffer zones

5,800

Little Grand Rapids

1,245

TOTAL

12,310

Pauingassi

565

Pikangikum

2,501

Poplar River

1,154

TOTAL

6,510

The population density of the nominated area is 0.2 persons per square kilometre, which, compared to the
Canadian national average of 3.7 persons per square kilometre, illustrates the remoteness of Pimachiowin
Aki. The largest community within a 25–30-kilometre radius of the nominated area is Red Lake, Ontario, with a
population of 4,500.

“At this present time, we are still living on the land and have come to know that we have a lot of potential
in the process we have initiated in our community that will immensely help our people. We have to further
expand our knowledge of the land and how it will benefit our people, our community, to always know that the
Creator blessed us with this land as a gift, to use what our ancient elders taught and understood.”
Elder Charlie Peters (in translation, 2004)

The First Nations communities of Pimachiowin Aki
have a large youth population, and are experiencing
growth. The low level of out-migration from
home communities to urban centres indicates
the strong connection that Anishinaabeg of the
five Pimachiowin Aki First Nations have with
this cultural landscape. With up to 97 percent of
the population retaining Ojibwe as their primary
language, the inhabitants of Pimachiowin Aki
are well positioned to preserve and maintain
the beliefs, values, knowledge, and practices of
Ji-ganawendamang Gidakiiminaan into the future. As
Elder Tom Quill, Sr. remarked, “This is why the young
people respect the land: because they have their
language” (in translation, October 15, 2013)

190  

Elder and youth, Weaver Lake community camp
(Pimachiowin Aki Corp. 2009)

  

0 State of Conservation and Factors Affecting the Property 191

 

9

PROTECTION AND
OF THE
 0 u. A REA

 

5
Protection and Management
of the Nominated Area
Anishinaabe leadership and customary governance are key to the long-term protection and health of ecosystems
in traditional land use areas of Anishinaabeg. The application of customary governance principles in the protection
and management of Pimachiowin Aki contributes to sustaining the cultural tradition of Ji-ganawendamang
Gidakiiminaan and protecting Akiiwi-gikendamowining (land-based knowledge of Anishinaabeg) relevant to the
conservation and sustainable use of aki.
This section describes the existing governance structure, mechanisms, and plans that provide for the institutional,
fiscal, and human capacities to ensure effective protection and management of the nominated area.
A management framework is in place for the nominated area. The management framework consists of:
institutions (e.g., First Nations, provinces, Pimachiowin Aki Corporation) and their associated human resources;
legal foundations for protection and management, including formal land management plans; and an adaptive
management cycle in which a continuous learning process ensures that decision-making and alignment of
resources are focused on safeguarding the proposed Outstanding Universal Value (Figure 5.1). Implementation of
management strategies and actions, monitoring and evaluating performance, and feedback ensure that strategies
and actions are well-defined, proceeding as planned, and adjusted as necessary.
As previously described (Section 3.1.e), the management framework provides for a unified decision-making
process: at the local level through traditional management; by First Nations and provincial governments through
respective land management and planning processes; and by all seven partners through the Pimachiowin Aki
Corporation. Decision-making is consensus-based and cross-cultural, reflecting ji-gichi-inenimidiyang, the
principle in Ji-ganawendamang Gidakiiminaan of maintaining respectful relationships with other people.
An overview of the Pimachiowin Aki Corporation is provided below. Further details on the management framework
are elaborated in the subsections that follow.

194  

 Pu
bl
i

nity
mmu
o
C
nal
tio
a
n
er
Anishinaabe
nt
I
Customary Governance
c 

A

Monito
rin
g

Value S
al

Pla
n

eguardin
af

n
tio

ack
edb
Fe

ta

le

n
ni

Outstandi

• Board of Directors
• Secretariat

anageme
nt
ve M
i
t
p
Implem Cyc
da g
en
g

Pimachiowin
Aki Corporation

• Lands Guardians
• Planners
• Economic
Development Officers

Univers
ng

Stak
eho
lde
rs
 

• Elders
• Head Trappers
and Helpers
• Lands Coordinators

First Nation/
Provincial
Government
Planning Teams
• Lands
Coordinators
• Planners
• Conservation
Officers

Evaluation

Provincial Government Operations
• Planners
• Superintendents
• Land Managers
• River Stewards
• Biologists
• Archaeologists
• Conservation Officers

Figure 5.1 Pimachiowin Aki management framework and cycle

The Corporation was established as a non-profit, incorporated body in 2006, affirming the partnership of all seven
parties with the common goal of establishing a World Heritage Site. The Corporation is the official local institution
accountable to conserve, protect, and present the proposed Outstanding Universal Value of Pimachiowin Aki.
The Corporation’s Board of Directors provides strategic direction and ensures resourcing to fulfil the
organization’s Vision, Mission, and Goals, including implementation of the Pimachiowin Aki Management Plan
prepared for the nominated area. Each First Nation and provincial government is represented by one Board
member. Advisors and community elders are invited to participate at Board meetings, as business may require.
The Board is supported by a professionally staffed Secretariat.
As described in Section 5.d below, individual First Nation land management and park plans have been approved
and adopted under provincial legislation to govern land use and decision-making for the constituent parts
of the nominated area and to sustain Anishinaabe relationships with the land. Authority for decision-making
under these plans will continue to rest with the First Nations and provincial governments. In addition to guiding
implementation of the Pimachiowin Aki Management Plan, the Pimachiowin Aki Corporation will facilitate
5 Protection and Management of the Nominated Area   195

 implementation of the First Nation land management and park plans to ensure decision-making supports the
conservation and protection of the proposed Outstanding Universal Value of the nominated area.
The Pimachiowin Aki Corporation serves as a bridging organization, representing and accessible to each First
Nation and provincial government. The Corporation has an explicit bylaw guiding the conduct of its activities and
affairs. It also has Canadian charitable status, permitting it to raise and receive donor funding.
The Corporation’s governance structure reflects the accountability of Board members to their respective First
Nation or provincial government. Figure 5.2 illustrates the Pimachiowin Aki governance structure, emphasizing its
consensual, non-hierarchical character.

Bloodvein
First Nation
Poplar River
First Nation

Province of
Manitoba

Pikangikum
First Nation

Partners General
Assembly
Women’s Forum
Elders & Youth
Forum

Little
Grand Rapids
First Nation

Province of
Ontario

Pauingassi
First Nation

Secretariat

Figure 5.2 Pimachiowin Aki Corporation governance/organization structure

196  

 The Corporation holds an Annual General Assembly of Partners where the Annual Report and audited financial
statements are reviewed and opportunities provided for community interaction, information sharing, and planning.
An Elders and Youth Forum and a Women’s Forum are proposed as standing institutions within the structure to
promote exchange of information.
The Secretariat carries out day-to-day functions and
programs on behalf of the Board. Priority functions
and activities, should Pimachiowin Aki be inscribed
on the World Heritage List, include: coordinating
the monitoring and reporting on the state of
conservation; supporting and conducting research
and assembly of traditional and scientific
knowledge; supporting initiatives leading to
sustainable economic diversification in First Nation
communities; communications, community
awareness, and public education programs; and
branding, promotion, and marketing of the World
Heritage Site. The Secretariat will also coordinate
the reviewing and updating of the Pimachiowin Aki
Management Plan.

Pimachiowin Aki Corporation Annual General Meeting (JJ. Ali 2010)

Further information about the Corporation is provided below and in Appendix H.

5.a Ownership
In Anishinaabemowin (the Ojibwe language), there is no word for ownership. Instead, the “idea of leaving a record
of one’s passing is foundational to Anishinaabe concepts of land utilization and ownership. To do something
remarkable at a particular place means that one’s name and acts are permanently associated with that place”
(Matthews and Roulette 2010b: 20). Claims to specific areas are demonstrated through akiiwi-gikendamowining
(Anishinaabe knowledge of the land). A person’s knowledge of his/her family’s traditional winter harvesting area
(trapline) demonstrates that he/she is worthy of the privilege of owning that area (Solomon Pascal, personal
communication).
In law, all of Pimachiowin Aki is publicly owned Crown land. There are two categories of Crown land ownership:
provincial and federal. The Manitoba and Ontario provincial governments own 99.8 percent of the land; the
remaining 0.2 percent is federal Crown land owned by the government of Canada. These federal Crown lands are
called Reserves. Reserves are the modern communities of Anishinaabeg, created under the federal Indian Act.
Canada is a constitutional monarchy and, under the Canadian constitutional system, sovereignty vests in the
Crown acting on the advice and consent of democratically elected governments. Canada is a federation and
most Crown lands in Canada are administered and controlled by provincial governments. This is why provincial
legislatures have constitutional authority to make laws in respect of the use of provincial Crown lands, including
the nominated area, and federal Parliament has constitutional authority to make laws in respect of federal Crown
lands, including Reserves.
Executive and legislative authority over Crown land is subject to a continuing and enforceable constitutional
obligation by the Crown to uphold Aboriginal and Treaty rights. The Crown has a legal obligation to act honourably
in all of its dealings with First Nations. Constitutionally protected Aboriginal and Treaty rights include rights of
hunting, trapping, fishing, and gathering plants for food, medicine, social, and ceremonial purposes.

5 Protection and Management of the Nominated Area   197

 5.b  Protective Designation
In 2002, the First Nations Accord (Appendix L.20) articulated a shared vision among Anishinaabeg for the
protection of Pimachiowin Aki.
Protective designation of Pimachiowin Aki has been established by custom and enabled through provincial
legislation. The majority of Pimachiowin Aki’s protective designation is established under provincial legislation
and is the result of planning decisions made by the First Nations in collaboration with the provinces. The
remainder of Pimachiowin Aki’s protective designation is established under provincial parks legislation.
Protective designations for First Nation planning areas are established under The East Side Traditional Lands
Planning and Special Protected Areas Act (Manitoba) and the Far North Act 2010 (Ontario). Under these laws, First
Nation land management plans are approved by the relevant provincial government following public consultation.
The Provincial Parks Act (Manitoba) applies to Atikaki Provincial Park. The Provincial Parks and
Conservation Reserves Act 2006 (Ontario) applies to Woodland Caribou Provincial Park, the Eagle–
Snowshoe Conservation Reserve, and the protected areas in Pikangikum First Nation’s planning area (i.e.
Cheemuhnuhcheecheekuhtaykeehn, the Whitefeather Forest Dedicated Protected Areas). Protected areas
have been designated under these laws to preserve unique and representative natural, cultural, and heritage
resources; to maintain biodiversity; and to provide ecologically sustainable recreational and educational
opportunities and experiences for the benefit of present and future generations.
Figure 5.3 lists the protective designations and legislation. Full copies of the legislation and consolidated
regulations are included in Appendix L.

198  

 Figure 5.3 Designations and Legislation

MANITOBA
Designation

Time

Legislation

Order in Council 1319/83

1983

The Provincial Park Lands Act,
1960, C.C.S.M. c. P20 (repealed)

Regulation 37/97
(designates, classifies and categorizes the park)

1997

The Provincial Parks Act, 1993,
C.C.S.M. c. P20

Regulation, amendment 3/2011 (amends park boundary to
accommodate construction of a bridge across the Bloodvein River)

2011

Atikaki Provincial Park

East Side Management Area

Poplar River First Nation

Regulation 149/2010 (designates Poplar River, Pauingassi and
Bloodvein traditional use areas as the east side management area)

2010

Regulation, amendment 109/2011 (amends Regulation
149/2010 to include Little Grand Rapids traditional use area)

2011

Order in Council No. 186
(approves the management plan)

June 1,
2011

Order in Council No. 187
(approves Regulation 77/2011)

June 1,
2011

Regulation 77/2011 (establishes the planning area and provides
for specific prohibitions and restrictions to implement the plan)

June 16,
2011

Order in Council No. 415/2011
(approves Regulation 197/2011)

Nov 22,
2011

Regulation 197/2011
(establishes the planning area)

Nov 28,
2011

Order in Council No. 434/2011
(approves the management plan)

Dec 7,
2011

Order in Council No. 433/2011
(approves Regulation 209/2011)

Dec 7,
2011

Regulation 209/2011 (amends Regulation 197/2011 to provide
for specific prohibitions and restrictions to implement the plan)

Dec 12,
2011

Order in Council No. 43/2013 (approves an
amendment to the management plan)

Feb 20,
2013

Order in Council No. 44/2013 (approves an amendment
to Regulation 197/2011 to reflect the plan amendment)

Feb 20,
2013

Regulation 19/2013 (amends Regulation 197/2011 to remove an exception
to peat mining, thus prohibiting peat mining in the planning area)

Feb 22,
2013

Bloodvein First Nation

The East Side Traditional Lands
Planning and Special Protected
Areas Act, 2009, C.C.S.M. c. E3

The East Side Traditional Lands
Planning and Special Protected
Areas Act, 2009, C.C.S.M. c. E3

The East Side Traditional Lands
Planning and Special Protected
Areas Act, 2009, C.C.S.M. c. E3

5 Protection and Management of the Nominated Area   199

 Figure 5.3 Designations and Legislation

MANITOBA
Designation
Pauingassi First Nation

Order in Council No. 491/2012
(approves Regulation 155/2012)

Dec 12,
2012

Regulation 155/2012
(establishes the planning area)

Dec 14,
2012

Order in Council No. 513/2012
(approves the management plan)

Dec 19,
2012

Order in Council No. 514/2012
(approves Regulation 170/2012)

Dec 19,
2012

Regulation 170/2012 (amends Regulation 155/2011 to provide
for specific prohibitions and restrictions to implement the plan)

Dec 21,
2012

Little Grand Rapids First Nation

Order in Council No. 490/2012
(approves Regulation 154/2012)

Dec 12,
2012

Regulation 154/2012
(establishes the planning area)

Dec 14,
2012

Order in Council No. 511/2012
(approves the management plan)

Dec 19,
2012

Order in Council No. 512/2012
(approves Regulation 169/2012)

Dec 19,
2012

Regulation 169/2012 (amends Regulation 154/2011 to provide for
specific prohibitions and restrictions to implement the plan)

Dec 21,
2012

Bloodvein Canadian Heritage River

200  

Time

Nomination

1984

Declaration

1987

Legislation
The East Side Traditional Lands
Planning and Special Protected
Areas Act, 2009, C.C.S.M. c. E3

The East Side Traditional Lands
Planning and Special Protected
Areas Act, 2009, C.C.S.M. c. E3

Proclamation by federal Minister
of Environment and provincial
Minister of Conservation and
Water Stewardship

 Figure 5.3 Designations and Legislation

ONTARIO
Designation

Time

Legislation

2007

Woodland Caribou
Signature Site Management
Plan Approved

Ontario Regulation 343/83 (amends Regulation 821 of the Revised Regulations of Ontario
to include, inter alia, Schedule 131 which establishes park boundaries)

1983

Provincial Parks Act, 1954,
c. 75 (repealed)

Ontario Regulation 316/07, Designation and Classification of Provincial Parks

2007

Provincial Parks and
Conservation Reserves Act,
2006, S.O. 2006, c. 12

Ontario Regulation 347/07, Provincial Parks: General Provisions

2007

Ontario Regulation 198/08 (amends Ontario Regulation 316/07 to add, inter alia,
Classification to Regulation name and a section on wilderness class parks)

2008

Woodland Caribou Signature Site

1

Woodland Caribou Provincial Park

Eagle-Snowshoe Conservation Reserve
Ontario Regulation 208/03 (amends Ontario Regulation
805/94 to include, inter alia, Schedule 176)

2003

Public Lands Act, R.S.O. 1990,
c. P.43

Ontario Regulation 315/07, Designation of Conservation Reserves

2007

Provincial Parks and
Conservation Reserves Act,
2006, S.O. 2006, c. 12

Order No. W-LL-P 2370/02 ONT withdrawn from prospecting, staking, sale or lease

2002

Mining Act, R.S.O. 1990, c. M.14

Order No. W-LL-P 2370/06 ONT withdrawn from prospecting, staking, sale or lease

2006

Mining Act, R.S.O. 1990, c. M.14

Woodland Caribou Park Additions

Pikangikum First Nation

Amendment of Ontario Regulation 316/07,
Designation and Classification of Provincial Parks

2012-2013

Provincial Parks and Conservation
Reserves Act, 2006, S.O. 2006,
c. 12

Keeping the Land – A Land-Use Strategy for the
Whitefeather Forest and Adjacent Areas

June 26,
2006

Jointly approved by Pikangikum
First Nation and Ontario Ministry
of Natural Resources in
accordance with the Northern
Boreal Initiative, 2000 and deemed
to be a Community-Based
Land-Use Plan under the Far
North Act, 2010, S.O. 2010, c. 18

(expected,
for the
Sydney
Douglas
addition)

Order No. W-KRL-11/07 withdrawn from prospecting, staking, sale or lease

2007

Mining Act, R.S.O. 1990, c. M.14

Dedicated Protected Area Regulations
The Whitefeather Forest Dedicated Protected Areas
(Cheemuhnuhcheecheekuhtaykeehn) Regulated as Provincial Parks (excluding the
northern portion of D3102). Bringing forward the area dedications from Keeping the
Land, the Whitefeather Forest are a complex of five (5) protected areas, which include:

April
2011

ON Reg 316/07, Regulated as
Provincial Parks. Provincial Parks
and Conservation Reserves Act,
2006, S.O. 2006, c. 12

•
•
•
•
•

Beekahncheekahmeeng Deebahncheekayweehn Eenahohnahnuhn (D3100)
Pahngwahshahshk Ohweemushkeeg (D3101)
Weeskayjahk Ohtahzhoganeeng (D3102)
Sahkeesuhkuh Weesuhkaheegahn (D3103)
Kahnahmaykoosayseekahk (D3104)

The Woodland Caribou Signature Site in northwestern Ontario includes several land-use designations, including Woodland Caribou Provincial Park and the Eagle-Snowshoe
Conservation Reserve, situated in the nominated area.
1

5 Protection and Management of the Nominated Area   201

 Figure 5.3 Designations and Legislation

ONTARIO
Designation
Pauingassi First Nation

Pauingassi Community Based Land-Use Plan,
The Land of Fair Wind: Pauingassi – Ontario Planning Area

Order No. W-KRL-89/10withdrawn from prospecting, staking, sale or lease

Interim Management Direction for Dedicated Protected Area

Time
July 12,
2011

Jointly approved by Pauingassi
First Nation and the Ontario
Ministry of Natural Resources
under the Far North Act, 2010,
S.O. 2010, c. 18

2010

Mining Act, R.S.O. 1990, c. M.14

Ongoing,
to be
determined

Part of CBLUP implementation,
activities of the Little Grand
Rapids Implementation Team

Dedicated Protected Area Regulation

Little Grand Rapids First Nation

Little Grand Rapids Community Based Land Use
Plan: Little Grand Rapids – Ontario Planning Area

Order No. W-KRL-88/10 withdrawn from prospecting, staking, sale or lease

Interim Management Direction for Dedicated Protected Area

e.g., Provincial Parks and
Conservation Reserves Act, 2006,
S.O. 2006, c. 12; the Far North Act,
2010, S.O. 2010, c. 18

July 12,
2011

Jointly approved by Little Grand
Rapids First Nation and Ontario
Ministry of Natural Resources
under the Far North Act, 2010,
S.O. 2010, c. 18

2010

Mining Act, R.S.O. 1990, c. M.14

Ongoing,
to be
determined

Part of CBLUP implementation,
activities of the Little Grand
Rapids Implementation Team

Dedicated Protected Area Regulation

Bloodvein Canadian Heritage River

Legislation

e.g., Provincial Parks and
Conservation Reserves Act, 2006,
S.O. 2006, c. 12; the Far North Act,
2010, S.O. 2010, c. 18

Nomination

1986

Declaration

1998

Proclamation by federal Minister
of Environment and provincial
Minister of Natural Resources

The entire nominated area is protected from commercial logging, mining, and the development of hydroelectric
power, oil and natural gas. Within 13 percent of the nominated area, quarries are permitted for the construction
and maintenance of an all-season road. Figure 5.4 illustrates the configuration of the types of protected areas.

202  

 Figure 5.4 Configuration of types of protected areas

Canada Lambert Conformal Conic

Other Enabling Legislation
In addition to the above protective designations, there is a substantial body of other legislation that provides
additional support to the protection and management of Pimachiowin Aki and to land management in the
surrounding buffer zones. These laws provide mechanisms to establish protective designations, protect species
at risk, withdraw lands from disposition, assess potential impacts of development proposals, regulate land and
resource use, and provide public consultation opportunities. Figure 5.5 lists this enabling provincial and federal
legislation.

5 Protection and Management of the Nominated Area   203

 Figure 5.5 Applicable provincial and federal legislation

CANADA

MANITOBA

204  

Canada

Department

Canadian Environmental Protection Act

Environment Canada

Canadian Environmental Assessment Act

Environment Canada

Migratory Birds Convention Act

Environment Canada

Species at Risk Act

Environment Canada

Fisheries Act

Environment Canada

Forestry Act

Natural Resources Canada

Department of Natural Resources Act

Natural Resources Canada

Canada Wildlife Act

Environment Canada

Manitoba

Department

The East Side Traditional Lands Planning
and Special Protected Areas Act

Manitoba Conservation and
Water Stewardship

The Crown Lands Act

Manitoba Conservation and
Water Stewardship

The Fisheries Act

Manitoba Conservation and
Water Stewardship

The Natural Resources Agreement Act

Manitoba Conservation and
Water Stewardship

The Water Protection Act

Manitoba Conservation and
Water Stewardship

The Forest Act

Manitoba Conservation and
Water Stewardship

The Sustainable Development Act

Manitoba Conservation and
Water Stewardship

The Endangered Species Act

Manitoba Conservation and
Water Stewardship

The Provincial Parks Act

Manitoba Conservation and
Water Stewardship

The Wild Rice Act

Manitoba Conservation and
Water Stewardship

The Wildlife Act

Manitoba Conservation and
Water Stewardship

The Mines and Minerals Act

Manitoba Innovation,
Energy and Mines

The Heritage Resources Act

Manitoba Department of Tourism,
Culture, Heritage, Sport and Consumer
Protection

 Figure 5.5 Applicable provincial and federal legislation

ONTARIO

Ontario

Department

Far North Act

Ministry of Natural Resources and Forestry

Beds of Navigable Waters Act

Ministry of Natural Resources and Forestry

Lakes and Rivers Improvement Act

Ministry of Natural Resources and Forestry

Conservation Land Act

Ministry of Natural Resources and Forestry

Crown Forest Sustainability Act

Ministry of Natural Resources and Forestry

Endangered Species Act

Ministry of Natural Resources and Forestry

Fish and Wildlife Conservation Act

Ministry of Natural Resources and Forestry

Forest Fires Prevention Act

Ministry of Natural Resources and Forestry

Forestry Act

Ministry of Natural Resources and Forestry

Provincial Parks and
Conservation Reserves Act

Ministry of Natural Resources and Forestry

Public Lands Act

Ministry of Natural Resources and Forestry

Wild Rice Harvesting Act

Ministry of Natural Resources and Forestry

Wilderness Areas Act

Ministry of Natural Resources and Forestry

Clean Water Act

Ministry of the Environment

Ontario Water Resource Act

Ministry of the Environment

Ontario Environmental Protection Act

Ministry of the Environment

Mining Act

Ministry of Northern
Development of Mines and Forest

Heritage Act

Ministry of Tourism, Culture and Sport

5.c  Means of Implementing Protective Measures
Implementation of protective measures is through Anishinaabe customary governance, provincial government
operations, and joint First Nation/provincial government planning teams. The Pimachiowin Aki Corporation
maintains a thorough shared understanding of the means of implementing protective measures.

5 Protection and Management of the Nominated Area   205

 Customary Governance
“The land I see when I go out into the forest, what the Creator has made for us, is all good. What the Creator
has made for us is beautiful, like something that is really clean, an untouched forest. If we take care of our
forest like the way the Creator made it, the forest will last forever.”
Elder Norman Quill (in translation, PFN and OMNR 2006)

“I want to emphasize the teachings that our parents have taught us. This is a continuing knowledge passed
down from one generation to the next. We are elders now and continue to teach. This is what ‘keeping the
land’ is all about.”
Elder Lucy Strang (in translation, PFN and OMNR 2006)

Traditional protection and management of
Pimachiowin Aki reflects the cultural tradition of
Ji-ganawendamang Gidakiiminaan, which guides
Anishinaabeg to be respectful in interactions
with the land and all of the beings on the land.
Respecting the Creator’s gift of a healthy and whole
boreal forest within Pimachiowin Aki (the Land that
Gives Life) is a part of how Anishinaabeg pursue
bimaadiziwin (a good life).
Cultural and ethical principles are the primary
means of implementing Anishinaabe traditional
protection and management. These principles are
expressed and transmitted across generations
As Anishinaabeg travel, harvest and interact with the other beings in
through oral traditions, including stories that
aki, knowledge accumulates and is shared with successive generations
demonstrate appropriate behaviour and the
(N. Deutsch 2007)
consequences of contravening the principles of
Ji-ganawendamang Gidakiiminaan. In addition, Anishinaabe customary governance is an important means through
which cultural and ethical principles are upheld. As discussed in Section 2.a(i), head trappers and other keepers
of the land with the greatest experience on the land are responsible for making decisions about how the areas
under their stewardship are used for customary livelihood purposes and other cultural activities.

Provincial Government Operations
On behalf of the public, Manitoba Conservation and Water Stewardship and the Ontario Ministry of Natural
Resources and Forestry perform a range of management functions: park management; wildlife surveys; visitor
services; fire suppression; and ensuring sustainable use of land and resources (see Sections 5.f and 5.j for more
information on these functions). Representatives of the provincial governments work directly with representatives
of the Anishinaabe First Nations through planning teams and the Pimachiowin Aki Corporation.
The Provinces of Manitoba and Ontario have also established agreements in support of the implementation of
protective measures (Appendix L). A 2013 Memorandum of Understanding respecting Transboundary Protection
and Management of the Proposed Pimachiowin Aki World Heritage Site describes means by which the provinces,
as members of Pimachiowin Aki Corporation, are committed to coordinate and strive for consistency in the
protection and management of Pimachiowin Aki in a way that will meet or exceed World Heritage standards.
Representatives of the Pimachiowin Aki First Nations and the Government of Canada witnessed the Memorandum
206  

 to indicate their awareness of and support for this agreement. The 2013 Memorandum expands the scope of a
2008 Memorandum of Understanding respecting a Manitoba/Ontario Interprovincial Wilderness Area, which prescribes
coordinated research, resource management, and marketing efforts. Full copies of these agreements are included
in Appendix L.

Planning Teams
Protective measures are also supported by
agreements (seven in total) between First Nations,
Manitoba, and Ontario to establish teams that guide
First Nation management plan implementation,
generally referred to here as planning teams.
Planning teams have been established for each
of the First Nation planning areas and have been
operating for more than five years. Anishinaabeg
customary governance is recognized in the
management of traplines, sacred sites, cabins,
manoomin (wild rice), visitor access, and interpretive
programs. The planning teams also play a key role
in education and training, monitoring, ensuring
sustainable resource use, and safeguarding
Pimachiowin Aki’s proposed Outstanding Universal
Traditional use and occupancy mapping (N. Deutsch 2007)
Value. First Nations and provincial governments are
represented equally on the planning teams. Many of the same people who are members of the teams are directors
of or advisors to the Pimachiowin Aki Corporation.

5.d  Existing Plans
First Nation land management plans and park plans have been approved and adopted under provincial legislation
to govern land use and decision-making and to sustain Anishinaabe relationships with the land. Under this
legislation, decisions about land and resource use in Pimachiowin Aki must be consistent with the First Nation
and park plans. Acting in contravention of a regulation that gives legal effect to a plan creates liability upon
summary conviction. The Pimachiowin Aki Corporation will facilitate implementation of the First Nation and park
plans to ensure decision-making supports the conservation and protection of the proposed Outstanding Universal
Value of the nominated area.
Summaries of the nine existing First Nation and park plans are provided below (see Appendix J for full
documents). Figure 5.6 illustrates the five First Nation planning areas of Pimachiowin Aki.

5 Protection and Management of the Nominated Area   207

 Figure 5.6 First Nation planning areas in Pimachiowin Aki

Canada Lambert Conformal Conic

1. ASATIWISIPE AKI MANAGEMENT PLAN, POPLAR RIVER FIRST NATION
Developed out of respect for “our ancestors who loved and cherished this land and cared for it for centuries to
ensure all future generations would have life,” to “keep the land in its natural beauty as it was created.”
(PRFN 2010)

Prepared by Poplar River Anishinaabeg, the Asatiwisipe Aki Management Plan was approved in June 2011 by the
First Nation and the Government of Manitoba in consultation with the public. The Plan provides for the protection
of the entire 8,620-square-kilometre Poplar River planning area from industrial development under The East Side
Traditional Lands Planning and Special Protected Areas Act. The entire area is included in the nominated area. The
Asatiwisipe Aki Ma Ma Wichitowin, also called the Mutual Land Relationship Working Group (planning team), is
208  

 established with equal representation of Poplar River First Nation and the Government of Manitoba and meets
four times a year to guide plan implementation.

2. ATIKAKI PROVINCIAL PARK AND BLOODVEIN HERITAGE RIVER MANAGEMENT PLAN
The management plan for this 3,981-square-kilometre park was prepared by the Government of Manitoba in
2008 in consultation with First Nations and the public under authority of The Provincial Parks Act. The Plan also
addresses management (including monitoring) of the Manitoba portion of the Bloodvein Canadian Heritage River.
Treaty and Aboriginal rights to use the land and resources in the Park are acknowledged and respected in the
Plan.

3. LITTLE GRAND RAPIDS COMMUNITY-BASED LAND USE PLAN, LITTLE GRAND RAPIDS FIRST
NATION (ONTARIO)
“We believe and assert that we are part of the land.... We wish to (use) manage our traditional land (in a way)
so that our people as (being) part of the land are sustained into the future.... Little Grand Rapids First Nation
and Ontario value their ongoing relationship, working together for the benefit and health of people, land and
water.”
(LGRFN and Ontario 2011)

Prepared by Little Grand Rapids Anishinaabeg, this
land management plan was approved in July 2011
by the First Nation and the Government of Ontario,
in consultation with the public. The Plan provides
for the full protection of the 1,887-square-kilometre
Little Grand Rapids planning area in Ontario. The
entire area is included in the nominated area. The
Plan is being implemented by the Little Grand
Rapids Implementation Team (planning team)
comprised of representatives of the Little Grand
Rapids First Nation and the Ontario Ministry of
Natural Resources and Forestry.

Signing ceremony for Little Grand Rapids and Pauingassi plans
(K. Crampton 2011)

4. NI-KES LANDS MANAGEMENT PLAN, LITTLE GRAND RAPIDS FIRST NATION (MANITOBA)
“This plan is dedicated to the memory of Ni-Kes (Frank Duck), an esteemed Elder, whose knowledge and way
of life continue to be an inspiration to the Little Grand Rapids Anishinaabeg.… Healthy rivers and lakes are a
cultural and spiritual necessity … Our vision for the land is very much a vision for and of ourselves.”
(LGRFN and Manitoba 2012)

5 Protection and Management of the Nominated Area   209

 The management plan for the 4,725-square-kilometre Little Grand Rapids planning area in Manitoba was
prepared by Little Grand Rapids Anishinaabeg and approved in December 2012 by the First Nation and the
Government of Manitoba in consultation with the public. The majority of land in this area is included within the
nominated area and is fully protected under The East Side Traditional Lands Planning and Special Protected Areas
Act. The Little Grand Rapids Stewardship Board (planning team) is established with equal representation of the
Little Grand Rapids First Nation and the Government of Manitoba and meets at least four times a year to guide
plan implementation.

5. PAUINGASSI COMMUNITY BASED LAND USE PLAN, PAUINGASSI FIRST NATION (ONTARIO)
The management plan for the 1,388-squarekilometre Pauingassi planning area in Ontario was
prepared by Pauingassi Anishinaabeg and approved
in July 2011 by Pauingassi First Nation and the
Government of Ontario, in consultation with the
public. The majority of the area to which the Plan
applies is fully protected and is included in the
nominated area. The Plan is being implemented
by the Pauingassi Implementation Team (planning
team), comprised of representatives of Pauingassi
First Nation and the Ontario Ministry of Natural
Resources and Forestry.

Community planning meeting in Pauingassi (D. Gilmore 2010)

6. NAAMIWAN: THE LAND OF FAIR WIND LANDS MANAGEMENT PLAN,
PAUINGASSI FIRST NATION (MANITOBA)
“This plan is dedicated to the memory of Naamiwan (Fair Wind), a renowned medicine man and healer,
whose dream, drum and the ceremonies he conducted illustrate the important role of traditional Anishinaabe
knowledge, practices and beliefs in land management and protection to this day.”
(Pauingassi FN and Manitoba 2012)

The land management plan for the 3,137-square-kilometre Pauingassi planning area in Manitoba was prepared
by Pauingassi Anishinaabeg and was approved in December 2012 by the First Nation and the Government of
Manitoba, in consultation with the public. The majority of the land area to which the Plan applies is included in the
nominated area and is protected. The Pauingassi Stewardship Board (planning team) is established with equal
representation of Pauingassi First Nation and Manitoba Conservation and Water Stewardship, and meets at least
four times a year to guide plan implementation.

7. WOODLAND CARIBOU SIGNATURE SITE MANAGEMENT PLAN
The Woodland Caribou Signature Site includes Woodland Caribou Provincial Park (a wilderness-class park), the
Eagle–Snowshoe Conservation Reserve, an enhanced management area, and a forest reserve. The 4,565-squarekilometre park and the 356-square-kilometre conservation reserve are included in the nominated area and
are protected under Ontario’s Provincial Parks and Conservation Reserves Act 2006 and its regulations. The
management plan for the Signature Site, which includes the park and conservation reserve, was approved in April
2007 through consultation and engagement with First Nations and with the public.

210  

 8. KEEPING THE LAND: A LAND USE STRATEGY FOR THE WHITEFEATHER FOREST
AND ADJACENT AREAS, PIKANGIKUM FIRST NATION
“The Land Use Strategy is guided by a vision which stems from Pikangikum First Nation’s relationship to the
land and responsibility as keepers of the land.”
(PFN and OMNR 2006)

Prepared by Pikangikum Anishinaabeg, approved in June 2006 by the First Nation and the Government of Ontario,
and adopted in 2010 under the Far North Act, the Strategy identifies Dedicated Protected Areas (included in the
nominated area) and lands to support a proposed community-led commercial forest enterprise (included in
the Management Area buffer zone). In April 2011, Cheemuhnuhcheecheekuhtaykeehn (the Whitefeather Forest
Dedicated Protected Areas) were designated under Ontario’s Provincial Parks and Conservation Reserves Act 2006.
Ontario Parks and Pikangikum First Nation continue to work towards the development of a management plan for
the Cheemuhnuhcheecheekuhtaykeehn, anticipated for completion in 2016.

9. PIMITOTAH: TO CARE FOR OUR LAND, BLOODVEIN FIRST NATION LAND USE PLAN
“The Elders and members of Bloodvein First Nation hold the knowledge of our ancestral lands and waters/
waterways and it is our responsibility as Anishinabe people to take care of our people and our lands.”
(BRFN and Manitoba 2014)

The management plan for the 3,914-square-kilometre Bloodvein planning area was prepared by Bloodvein River
Anishinaabeg and approved in December 2011, amended in November 2012, and amended in September 2014
by the First Nation and the Government of Manitoba in consultation with the public. The entire 3,914-squarekilometre area is protected and is included in the nominated area. Implementation of the Plan is guided by the
Pimitotah Advisory Board (planning team), established with equal representation of Bloodvein River First Nation
and Manitoba Conservation and Water Stewardship. The planning team meets at least four times a year to guide
plan implementation.

5.e  Pimachiowin Aki Management Plan
A management plan has been developed by the Pimachiowin Aki partners to guide integrated, adaptive, and
responsive management actions in the nominated area over the next 10 years. The complete Plan is included in
Appendix I.1.
The Pimachiowin Aki Management Plan has been adopted by the Board of Directors of the Pimachiowin Aki
Corporation and represents the partners’ collective commitment to protect Pimachiowin Aki’s proposed
Outstanding Universal Value in perpetuity through participatory means.
The Management Plan draws its primary direction from the First Nations Accord. The Plan reflects and supports
the policies and land use categories established in each of the First Nation and park plans, integrating and
coordinating their provisions across the nominated area.
The Management Plan is neither prescriptive nor binding, and it does not alter existing authorities or confer new
authorities for the protection and management of Pimachiowin Aki. Each partner retains its sphere of jurisdiction,
responsibility, and expertise and each brings different knowledge and strengths to the process. Input from all
partners is provided to guide management actions through regular meetings of the Pimachiowin Aki Corporation
5 Protection and Management of the Nominated Area   211

 and the planning teams. In this way, the Management Plan effectively builds on each partner’s individual
responsibilities, processes, and policies to ensure a cohesive approach to management and decision-making. The
Management Plan will be reviewed by the Corporation at five-year intervals.
The Pimachiowin Aki Management Plan is organized into three sections:
Section 1, the introduction, describes the current status and condition of the nominated area based on
existing knowledge. It also gives an account of potential threats to the important cultural and natural values of
Pimachiowin Aki and the attributes through which these values are expressed.
Section 2, the management cycle, includes the following elements:
1.  The legal and policy basis for establishment of Pimachiowin Aki;
2.  The vision, goals, and desired outcomes that provide policy direction for Pimachiowin Aki and guide the
implementation of specific management actions;
3.  Institutional arrangements for integrated and adaptive management among the partners and other
stakeholders; and
4.  Regulations and zoning to manage human activities and potential threats.
Strategic management direction for Pimachiowin Aki is established by a shared vision of Pimachiowin Aki as a
living cultural landscape in which:
1.  Anishinaabeg, the forest, waters, fish, and wildlife and other beings are understood and safeguarded as one
living entity;
2.  Five Anishinaabe First Nations and two provincial governments work together in a spirit of cooperation and
mutual respect to protect and care for Pimachiowin Aki;
3.  The tangible and intangible attributes of Pimachiowin Aki’s proposed Outstanding Universal Value are
celebrated and shared for the benefit of Anishinaabeg and all humanity; and
4.  Anishinaabe beliefs, values, knowledge, and practices are central to sustaining the cultural and natural
values of the landscape and fulfilling the sacred duty to protect Pimachiowin Aki for present and future
generations.
The vision statements in each of the First Nation and park plans are supported, integrated and coordinated in the
Management Plan to focus actions on safeguarding the proposed Outstanding Universal Value of the nominated
area.
Goals have been specified by the Pimachiowin Aki partners to provide a context for resolving issues, identify
and focus management actions, provide a rationale for decisions, and offer a link among management actions,
policies, best practice, and the public interest. These goals are:

212  

 1.  Protected lands and waterways maintained in accordance with Anishinaabe customary governance,
legislative, regulatory, and institutional means;
2.  Continued and respectful use and protection of Pimachiowin Aki, consistent with the cultural tradition of
Ji-ganawendamang Gidakiiminaan;
3.  Appreciation, interpretation, and promotion of the cultural and natural values represented by Pimachiowin
Aki and of the enduring bond between culture and nature for the benefit of Anishinaabeg and all humanity;
and
4.  Promotion and coordination of inter-agency research, monitoring and data management activities that
increase understanding of the state of conservation of Pimachiowin Aki and improve management decisionmaking.
Section 3, management actions, identifies activities that are necessary to realize desired management outcomes
over a 10-year planning horizon. These actions are summarized in relation to the goals they are intended to
achieve, as follows:
GOAL 1: Protected lands and waterways:
a.  Preserving and enhancing the attributes that provide testimony to Ji-ganawendamang Gidakiiminaan and
the enduring importance of Pimachiowin Aki to Anishinaabeg (cabin sites, campsites, harvesting sites,
processing sites, travel routes, trapline areas, sacred and ceremonial sites, and camp sites named places);
b.  Safeguarding and recovering species of conservation concern within Pimachiowin Aki by supporting and
implementing recovery strategies for the benefit of these species and the international community as a
whole;
c.  Integrating akiiwi-gikendamowining (land-based knowledge) and the best available scientific knowledge in
management decision-making and practice;
d.  Applying the governance model (e.g., Pimachiowin Aki Corporation and planning teams) to ensure that
Anishinaabe interests are heard, understood, and reflected in advice to regulatory authorities; and
e.  Developing performance measures to evaluate the effectiveness of management plan implementation
(annual benchmarking, management capacity assessment, and outcome assessment).
GOAL 2: Continued and respectful use of the Creator’s gifts:
a.  Offering experiential learning opportunities for youth in purposeful, land-based activities, emphasizing that
respectful behaviour is required for survival;
b.  Ensuring that local and regional schools are provided with sufficient information and resources to
incorporate the cultural, natural, and educational values represented by Pimachiowin Aki into their
curricula;
c.  Conducting domestic needs assessments in Anishinaabe communities in Pimachiowin Aki to inform
resource allocation and regulation strategies, sustain the Anishinaabe subsistence economy, and ensure
that the practice of Anishinaabe livelihoods remains a priority use of this region;

5 Protection and Management of the Nominated Area   213

 d.  Planning and managing visitor use to ensure that such use can occur in a way that minimizes potential land
use conflict and optimizes the possibilities for compatibility with Anishinaabe land use; and
e.  Facilitating local economic growth and diversification where appropriate.
GOAL 3: Appreciation, interpretation, and promotion:
a.  Further developing Anishinaabe community protocols to inform visitors to Pimachiowin Aki of the need to
be respectful of all aspects of the living cultural landscape, relayed through signage, brochures, regional,
national, and international media and other means;
b.  Ensuring that promotion of, and fundraising for, a Pimachiowin Aki World Heritage site is conducted in
accordance with UNESCO guidelines; and
c.  Integrating the results of existing and future research into educational and outreach partnership efforts to
engage students and the public in learning about and caring for Pimachiowin Aki.
GOAL 4: The conduct and coordination of research, monitoring, and data management:
a.  Supporting research and filling gaps in knowledge about the landscape and the cultural tradition of
Ji-ganawendamang Gidakiiminaan, including further characterization of Anishinaabe cultural relationships to
Pimachiowin Aki;
b.  Improving the collection, storage, and dissemination of data through the integration of inventories and
condition assessments maintained by the partner agencies, and the development of agreements with
researchers and information managers that address consent, confidentiality, intellectual property, and
indemnification; and
c.  Fully implementing the monitoring program, refining monitoring indicators and measures as necessary,
including adapting the Canadian Heritage Rivers System monitoring approach to the cultural waterways of
Pimachiowin Aki.
Each action listed under the above goals involves
several strategies and activities to achieve a desired
outcome. Additional activities to monitor the
protection of cultural and natural values are
described in Section 6.
Action plans will be implemented, and where
regulations apply, enforced, through collaborative
mechanisms based on the jurisdiction of
each partner agency. The Management Plan
will be reviewed and updated, incorporating
lessons learned and new data and information
from monitoring and the application of akiiwigikendamowining (Anishinaabe land-based
knowledge) and western scientific knowledge to
develop or refine management direction and actions
for Pimachiowin Aki.

214  

Monitoring supports the protection and management of cultural
waterways (Ontario Parks 2011)

 5.f  Sources and Levels of Finance
Funding for the protection and management of Pimachiowin Aki derives from four primary sources, in accordance
with the category of land ownership, responsibility, and expertise involved: the First Nations, the Province of
Manitoba, the Province of Ontario, and the Pimachiowin Aki Corporation.
Bloodvein River, Little Grand Rapids, Pauingassi, Pikangikum, and Poplar River First Nations have been
successful in securing funding from the public and private sectors for various initiatives during the past two
decades and continue to investigate potential funding sources for projects and programs described in First Nation
land management plans. Pimachiowin Aki benefits indirectly from funds allocated by the Government of Canada to
First Nations to fund staffing and programs for First Nation/Reserve lands.
The majority of funding for the protection and management of Pimachiowin Aki comes from the governments of
Manitoba and Ontario. The departments with primary land and resource management responsibilities are the
Manitoba Department of Conservation and Water Stewardship and the Ontario Ministry of Natural Resources
and Forestry. Other departments and agencies of the provincial governments (e.g., Historic Resources Branch,
Tourism Secretariat, Infrastructure and Transportation) also provide financial and/or in-kind support for
management actions and the achievement of desired outcomes in Pimachiowin Aki. Provincial government
departments are funded through allocations from the provincial legislatures as shown in the provinces’ budgets
each year.
Manitoba Conservation and Water Stewardship and the Ontario
Ministry of Natural Resources and Forestry maintain regional
operations (headquartered in Lac du Bonnet, Manitoba, and Red
Lake, Ontario, respectively) that serve the nominated area and
surrounding areas. These regional offices spend over $1 million
per year on staff and operations that directly affects the nominated
area.

Manitoba
Ontario
• Woodland Caribou
• Red Lake District

$570,000
$250,000
$520,000
$1,340,000

Additional funding support for Pimachiowin Aki is guaranteed by income earned from investment of a permanent
fund. The Pimachiowin Aki World Heritage Fund was established in 2010 when the Government of Manitoba
enacted The Pimachiowin Aki World Heritage Fund Act, C.C.S.M. c. P70, enabling donations to be made to support
the goals of the Pimachiowin Aki Corporation. The purpose of the Fund, as set out in the Act, is:
1.  To generate income to be used to protect, preserve, and celebrate the natural features and the cultural
landscape;
2.  To support programs and initiatives that are consistent with the Management Plan established for a
Pimachiowin Aki World Heritage site; and
3.  To support community-driven projects.
The Fund is established as an irrevocable trust regardless of whether Pimachiowin Aki is inscribed on the World
Heritage List.
The Government of Manitoba committed to contribute $10 million to the Fund and provided funding in support
of an awareness and fundraising campaign launched in 2010 by the Pimachiowin Aki Corporation. The goal of
the campaign is to raise $10 million for the Fund over the next several years, building on Manitoba’s $10 million
commitment, to attain a total endowment of $20 million. Effective, long-term management of the Fund is provided
by the Winnipeg Foundation, which pools and invests gifts from its donors. Through its spending formula the
Winnipeg Foundation will make annual grants to the Corporation.
5 Protection and Management of the Nominated Area   215

 The average annual expenditure of the Corporation since 2006 has been approximately $500,000, with the most of
this funding provided by the provinces of Manitoba and Ontario. The Corporation anticipates similar levels of direct
annual expenditures for the next several years. As the market value of the Fund grows, provincial government
grants to the Corporation would be adjusted accordingly.
The Pimachiowin Aki Corporation Board of Directors
ensures the effective use of financial resources
through business planning and other good
governance processes and moves the Corporation
closer to being self-reliant through both wellestablished and innovative fundraising methods.
The commitment of the partners to work together
to achieve management outcomes throughout the
integrated and adaptive cycle further enhances
the capacity of the Corporation to safeguard
Pimachiowin Aki’s proposed Outstanding Value into
the future.

Launch of the Campaign for the Land that Gives Life (JJ. Ali 2010)

5.g  Sources of Expertise and Training in Conservation
and Management Techniques
Expertise and training are, and will continue to be, available from a variety of sources: Pimachiowin Aki
Anishinaabeg; First Nation organizations; provincial and federal governments and agencies; non-government
organizations; the private sector; and through the efforts of the Pimachiowin Aki Corporation to provide learning
experiences and opportunities for its members.
A broad range of expertise and training opportunities is described below. Some sources are drawn upon for
specific needs (e.g., documentation and protection of heritage resources), while others are directed at broader
goals such as community economic diversification and climate change adaptation.

Akiiwi-gikendamowining
Anishinaabe elders and other keepers of akiiwi-gikendamowining
(Anishinaabe land-based knowledge) about Pimachiowin Aki are essential
sources of expertise and training in conservation and management
techniques. Ji-ganawendamang Gidakiiminaan is an ancient and vibrant
oral tradition, held and transmitted through Anishinaabemowin, which
is spoken widely by Anishinaabeg of Pimachiowin Aki. Community
gatherings, school curricula, meetings of the Pimachiowin Aki
Corporation, and planning teams are among the means of sharing this
intimate knowledge of the land.
Anishinaabe training and teaching methods are harmonized with
western scientific methods to provide the best possible learning context
for youth, combining experiential learning with existing classroom
approaches. Elders and others with land-based knowledge continue to
teach young apprentices by travelling, hunting, fishing, gathering, and
camping with them so that the youth continue to understand the land,
Ji-ganawendamang Gidakiiminaan, and the Anishinaabe way of life.
216  

Young boys pose in their dance regalia
(Pimachiowin Aki Corp. 2012)

 First Nation Organizations
WHITEFEATHER FOREST INITIATIVE
The Whitefeather Forest Initiative (WFI) is a community economic renewal and resource stewardship initiative of
Pikangikum First Nation. The Whitefeather Forest Community Resource Management Authority (established by
Pikangikum to oversee the WFI) has, since its inception, provided on-the-job training opportunities in the areas
of geographic information systems (GIS) and related mapping skills, community research, fieldwork, and office
administration.
In 2005, Pikangikum developed a comprehensive training strategy to prepare its youth to realize the opportunities
that could derive from the WFI and Pimachiowin Aki. Training opportunities are designed to meet the needs of
youth in Pikangikum and other First Nations. The strategy embodies the integration of knowledge traditions in the
conduct of research and training on topics including species of conservation concern and building cross-cultural
understandings of the Pikangikum cultural landscape. Those actively involved in research in the Whitefeather
Forest include students at the Natural Resources Institute at the University of Manitoba, and the Department of
Anthropology at Lakehead University (in Thunder Bay, Ontario).

SOUTHEAST COMMUNITY FUTURES DEVELOPMENT CORPORATION
The Southeast Community Futures Development Corporation (SCFDC) assists First Nations and businesses in
Manitoba that are affiliated with the Southeast Resource Development Council. The four Pimachiowin Aki partner
First Nations in Manitoba belong to this organization and have access to its programs and services. The SCFDC’s
mandate is to create a level of independence among First Nations by fostering organizational infrastructure and
the implementation of economic activities that create income for First Nations. The SCFDC provides services
in small business counselling, business planning, training, workshops and seminars, and financial assistance
through loans.

EASTSIDE ABORIGINAL SUSTAINABLE TOURISM INC.
Eastside Aboriginal Sustainable Tourism Inc. (EAST Inc.), is a not-for-profit corporation established to support
the development and expansion of new and existing aboriginal tourism businesses in eastern Manitoba, including
tourism infrastructure and product development, human resources and entrepreneurial development, marketing,
and promotion. EAST Inc. was contracted by Pimachiowin Aki Corporation in 2013 to provide direct, hands-on
immersion-style tourism training to Anishinaabeg in Pimachiowin Aki (in Manitoba and Ontario) and to further
develop market-ready visitor experiences.

Non-Government Organizations
THE INTERNATIONAL INSTITUTE FOR SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT
Based in Winnipeg, Manitoba, the International Institute for Sustainable Development (IISD) has established a
close working relationship with the Pimachiowin Aki Corporation. Specializing in policy research, analysis, and
information-exchange, IISD champions global sustainable development to improve the well-being of environment,
economy, and society through innovation, research, and relationships that span the world. In addition to
supporting the nomination process, IISD is working with Pimachiowin Aki First Nations to develop a broad
understanding of potential threats posed by climate change and ways that Pimachiowin Aki Anishinaabeg may
adapt to and mitigate potential effects of a changing climate in the future.

INTERNATIONAL BOREAL CONSERVATION CAMPAIGN

The International Boreal Conservation Campaign (IBCC) works with governments, First Nations, industry,
conservation groups, financial institutions, and scientists on ways to conserve and sustainably manage the boreal
forest ecosystem in Canada. In 2014, the Pimachiowin Aki Corporation signed a Memorandum of Understanding
with PEW Charitable Trusts, who lead the IBCC, regarding cooperation on public communications. IBCC is a
5 Protection and Management of the Nominated Area   217

 prospective partner in future research opportunities. Poplar River First Nation, through a partnership with the
IBCC and with support from the John D. and Catherine T. MacArthur Foundation, completed a study of the aboveand below-ground carbon inventory in the Poplar River area (Cooley et al. 2009). Poplar River youth participated in
field studies along with scientists, sharing knowledge and information.

Provincial Governments
The Manitoba and Ontario governments employ a diverse range of skilled professionals and technicians in
various fields of cultural and natural resources management. Staff in regional offices near the nominated area
(Lac du Bonnet, Manitoba, and Red Lake, Ontario) have access to additional human and financial resources from
department headquarters located in Winnipeg, Manitoba, and Peterborough, Ontario.
The provinces also directly support other land management training initiatives for First Nations. For example, in
Manitoba, the Wabanong Nakaygum Okimawin (WNO) is a broad area planning initiative that brings together local
communities, First Nations, industry, and other stakeholders to develop a vision for land and resource use that
respects both the value of the boreal forest and the needs of local communities on the east side of Lake Winnipeg.
Through this initiative, capacity for land management planning is supported by the provision of training and
equipment to First Nations for documentation and mapping of land use and occupancy data. The four Pimachiowin
Aki partner First Nations in Manitoba utilized WNO as a resource in preparing the Asatiwisipe Aki, Naamiwan, NiKes, and Pimitotah land management plans summarized in Section 5.d and included in Appendix J.

Federal Government
Parks Canada Agency leads implementation of the World Heritage Convention in Canada, on behalf of the
Government of Canada, as a State Party to the Convention. A representative of the Parks Canada Agency
participates as an advisor on the Pimachiowin Aki Corporation Board of Directors.
Aboriginal Affairs and Northern Development Canada and Western Economic Diversification are other federal
agencies that have supported capacity development in conservation and management of Pimachiowin Aki.

Private Sector
Pimachiowin Aki partners employ a variety of experts from the private sector, such as planning consultants,
ecologists, biologists, and archaeologists. Experienced professionals who have long-standing relationships with
the Pimachiowin Aki First Nations continue to be a valuable source of expertise.

Pimachiowin Aki Learning Initiatives
The Pimachiowin Aki partners have sought out information-exchange within a network of similar organizations on
such topics as: site and facilities management, business planning, marketing, and design of interpretive facilities.
For example, Pimachiowin Aki Corporation Directors and advisors have visited the Head-Smashed-In Buffalo
Jump World Heritage Site, the Joggins Fossil Cliffs World Heritage Site, and the Clayoquot Sound Biosphere
Reserve. The Corporation has also established and maintains a relationship with the American Philosophical
Society (APS) based in Philadelphia, the first learned society in the United States, established by Benjamin
Franklin more than 250 years ago. The APS is the custodian of a significant collection of Anishinaabe material
artefacts and photographs, including the work of anthropologist A. Irving Hallowell (see Appendix G.1.2).
Relationships through formal and informal agreements have also been established between Pimachiowin Aki, or
its partners individually, and the University of Manitoba, the University of Winnipeg, and Confederation College
(Thunder Bay, Ontario). Maintaining and building relationships with post-secondary educational institutions
fosters interest among Anishinaabe youth in attending university and promoting research opportunities in the
nominated area.

218  

 5.h  Visitor Facilities and Statistics
Visitor Facilities, Amenities, and Access
TRAVEL INFRASTRUCTURE
A winter road network, boat travel, and air travel are
the main means of accessing Pimachiowin Aki. With
the exception of Pauingassi First Nation, all of the
Pimachiowin Aki First Nations have airstrips. An allseason road has been completed to Bloodvein River
First Nation (November 14, 2014) and is projected
to reach the Poplar River, Pauingassi, and Little
Grand Rapids communities by 2040, depending
on funding levels for construction of the road
network. Bloodvein River First Nation is working
with the Government of Manitoba and the East Side
Road Authority (an agency of the Government of
Manitoba) to construct a boat launch and parking
facility east of the community at Longbody Creek to
manage visitor access to the Bloodvein River and
surrounding area.

Winter road on a frozen lake (Pimachiowin Aki Corp. 2009)

ATIKAKI PROVINCIAL PARK
Atikaki Park offers some of Manitoba’s finest
canoeing with approximately 1,000 kilometres
of interconnected waterways. The Pigeon River
offers some of the best wilderness white-water
canoeing and rafting in North America. Manitoba
Conservation and Water Stewardship estimates
an average of approximately 1,000 paddlers a year
in Atikaki Park, and lodges and fly-in outposts in
the park receive, on average, 1,000 visitors a year.
Backcountry camping and canoeing/kayaking
are encouraged in the park along with wildlife
viewing, photography, hiking, Nordic skiing, and
snowshoeing.
Most visitation to Atikaki Park occurs in the snowfree months. About two-thirds of visitors access
the Park by air and one-third by watercraft. Most
visitors stay an average of 10 nights; some stay as many as 30 nights. Due to the remoteness of the area, many
visitors are at an intermediate or advanced skill level in canoeing or outdoor survival. Most of the visitors are from
Manitoba, Ontario, and the United States of America, with some from Germany, France, and Switzerland.
Atikaki and Woodland Caribou parks are premier canoeing destinations
(© Eric Lindberg 2008)

5 Protection and Management of the Nominated Area   219

 WOODLAND CARIBOU PROVINCIAL PARK
Ontario’s Woodland Caribou Provincial Park offers
2,000 kilometres of connecting lakes and rivers, and
has an average of 750 paddlers a year. The average
length of stay is six to seven days (Ontario Parks
2007). The Woodland Caribou Park Superintendent
reports that approximately 70 percent of paddlers
come from the United States (Minnesota and
Wisconsin), 22 percent from Canada (Manitoba
and Ontario), and 3 percent from overseas.
Approximately 1,000 backcountry campsites are
marked. There are commercial outpost cabins
located within the park that accommodate about
1,500 guests a year, primarily visitors from the
United States participating in sport fishing. Sport
hunting is not permitted in Woodland Caribou Park.

Red Lake Heritage Centre (D. Gilmore 2011)

Red Lake, Ontario, east of the Park, is the gateway to Woodland Caribou Provincial Park and has a variety of
accommodations, sport outfitters, retail outlets, and restaurants (Marr and IISD 2008).

FIRST NATION COMMUNITIES
Small commercial accommodations exist in
Bloodvein River (Bloodvein River Lodge) in Poplar
River (Sagatay Lodge), Little Grand Rapids (Little
Grand Rapids Lodge), and Pikangikum (Pikangikum
Hotel). In addition, Pikangikum First Nation
operates a network of 10 outpost hunting and
fishing camps (PFN and OMNR 2006).

Sharing a traditional teaching at Bloodvein River Lodge (JJ. Ali 2011)

PUBLIC SAFETY AND RISK MANAGEMENT
Because the area is remote, visitors (predominantly canoeists) must have wilderness travel and survival skills and
engage in trip planning. Visitors are encouraged to register their travel plans with park offices. Most visitation is
facilitated by private tourism operations though which visitors are guided, and safety and risk management are
important factors in operations management.
On occasion, visitors to and residents of Pimachiowin Aki are evacuated due to forest fires. People are restricted
from entering or returning to an area until the fire poses no threat to their health and safety.

220  

 FUTURE CONSIDERATIONS REGARDING VISITOR FACILITIES
First Nation land management plans, park plans and the Pimachiowin Aki Management Plan envision the
development and enhancement of new and existing sustainable eco-cultural tourism opportunities. The
Pimachiowin Aki partners welcome tourism-based commercial enterprise in the area as a means of animating
and sharing the values and philosophy of Ji-ganawendamang Gidakiiminaan and of bringing Pimachiowin Aki and
the cultural tradition that has sustained it to life through storytelling and demonstration of cultural practices.
Enhancing the visitor economy will benefit local economies in Pimachiowin Aki (both subsistence and wage
sectors) and reinforce customary governance and akiiwi-gikendamowining (land-based knowledge) into the future.
The Pimachiowin Aki Corporation has completed an assessment of eco-cultural tourism potential to assist
in identifying needs and opportunities in the context of a World Heritage site. Some of the findings and
considerations for tourism planning and potential development in Pimachiowin Aki are as follows:
1.  The process of tourism planning benefits First Nations through training and education, communication and
learning between elders and youth, new infrastructure and increased community pride;
2.  Partnerships with the existing tourism industry are being considered to enhance or expand current
products, and bundle tourism in Pimachiowin Aki with experiences and facilities in surrounding regions
and urban attractions in Manitoba and Ontario (for example, the new Canadian Museum of Human Rights in
Winnipeg, Manitoba); and,
3.  Short-and long-term financial support and investments from either public and/or private funding sources
will enable the development and marketing of the destination and eco-cultural tourism products, and the
cultivation of successful businesses.

COMMUNITY INITIATIVES
Two First Nations have completed proposals for interpretive/
teaching centres in the nominated area. One initiative, the Lucy
Strang Teaching and Training Centre proposed by Pikangikum
First Nation, will provide opportunities for training, indigenous
knowledge education, and research needs identified by elders.
The Centre will support post-secondary education and the
development of visitor experiences that provide interpretation
of Pimachiowin Aki’s cultural attributes and natural features.
Once operational, the Centre will provide eight, one-week ecocultural tourism packages offered for 10 people at a time, and
eight canoe trips for six participants, each involving two nights of
accommodation at the Centre (Whitefeather Forest Teaching and
Training Centre Feasibility Study, May 2005).
Poplar River First Nation has also initiated development planning
for an interpretive/visitor centre. This facility as proposed will
house offices for land management staff and be a place for
people to meet and celebrate Anishinaabe traditions as well as a
place to welcome visitors. A development plan was completed in
2011. Visitation is estimated at 500 people annually participating
in teaching, healing, and education programs (Asatiwisipe Aki
Cultural/Natural Interpretive and Visitors Centre Development
Plan, December 2011).

Elder Lucy Strang (J. Driedger 2004)

5 Protection and Management of the Nominated Area   221

 FIRST NATION–PROVINCIAL GOVERNMENT INITIATIVES
In June 2012, Pikangikum First Nation and Ontario Parks entered into an agreement to guide the planning and
management of Cheemuhnuhcheecheekuhtaykeehn (Whitefeather Forest Dedicated Protected Areas). Ongoing
planning addresses such topics as access management, infrastructure (campgrounds), eco-cultural tourism
opportunities, opportunities for partnerships, and development of the Lucy Strang Teaching and Training Centre.
Pikangikum First Nation was host to a group of five
adults and five youth aged 11 to 14 from Japan in
August 2013. This cultural landscape tour was
organized by Pikangikum and Hidehiro Otake, a
nature photographer and great friend of
Pimachiowin Aki, with the assistance of Ontario
Parks. Elder Harry Quill provided cultural teachings
along with six guides who drove the boats, prepared
food for the guests, and assisted with the teachings.
The guests helped with the harvest of fish while
they learned about the customary stewardship
approach of Pikangikum Anishinaabeg.
Bloodvein River First Nation and Manitoba
Conservation and Water Stewardship have initiated
Japanese visitors watch as fish is prepared for a shore lunch
(©H. Otake 2013)
a planning process to address the potential for
community-operated tourism facilities and services
(e.g., interpretive/orientation facilities, campground, and hiking trails) that may be appropriate for the area, in
addition to the proposed boat launch and parking facility mentioned at the beginning of Section 5.h.

PIMACHIOWIN AKI CORPORATION INITIATIVES
The Corporation sponsored two familiarization
tours to Pimachiowin Aki in 2011 and 2012. Each
tour provided valuable learning experiences for
the Pimachiowin Aki partners in planning and
conducting tourism activities. These types of
tours present a potential model for an ongoing
eco-cultural tourism product. In 2013, with the
assistance of EAST Inc., the Corporation sponsored
a Best Practice Mission for Pimachiowin Aki
Anishinaabeg interested in eco-cultural tourism.
This initiative continues to build capacity and
support product development and diversification.
The Pimachiowin Aki Corporation continues
to examine ways to implement eco-cultural
tourism development by encouraging grassroots
involvement. By focusing on and supporting
Participants in tourism training mission with elders from Poplar River
(East Inc. 2013)
community-led discussion and identification of
needs related to training and human resource development, education and transfer of knowledge, local business
development, employment, and community infrastructure, the Corporation strives to assist Anishinaabeg
individuals and communities to identify and act on opportunities in the short-term, while maintaining a longerterm strategic perspective about tourism in Pimachiowin Aki.

222  

 Eco-cultural tourism guidelines have been developed and are being applied in promoting and delivering visitor
experiences in Pimachiowin Aki. Well-planned and culturally appropriate tourism is perceived as benevolent, a
way to promote prosperity and maintain and strengthen cultural values through the celebration of Anishinaabe
history, language, beliefs, values, knowledge, and practices.

5.i 

Policies and Programs Related to the
Presentation and Promotion of the Property

Pimachiowin Aki Corporation
The Corporation has identified management
actions and outcomes related to presentation and
promotion that will be delivered both directly and
in collaboration with other organizations. The
Corporation continues to develop plans that feature
education and community outreach, including
linkages to school curricula and visitor experiences,
and to develop key messages and marketing
strategies for Pimachiowin Aki.
In preparing the nomination, the Corporation
established and refined a Pimachiowin Aki brand,
including a dynamic website (www.pimachiowinaki.
org), which features information on “the land, the
people, our past, and our future.” The website
Pimachiowin Aki community members participated in an indigenous
makes extensive use of video and photographs to
cultural celebration at the World Parks Congress in Sydney, Australia
(Pimachiowin Aki Corp. 2014)
promote awareness, understanding, and support.
This website and evolving sub-sites will continue to
be an important promotional and educational tool in the future.
Prominent magazines (e.g., Canadian Geographic, National Geographic) have developed or are exploring articles on
Pimachiowin Aki. Media and fundraising strategies have been and will continue to be developed by the Corporation
to identify and take advantage of opportunities to promote Pimachiowin Aki through this medium.
Pimachiowin Aki partners have attended conferences in Australia, New Zealand, the United States, and Canada
and continue to maintain the relationships established with people in these places to help the Corporation present
the nominated area to diverse audiences.

First Nation Policies and Programs
Pimachiowin Aki First Nations are developing eco-cultural tourism programs and facilities that sustain the
cultural landscape and its associated boreal shield ecosystem through interpretation and cultural appreciation.
As discussed in Section 5.h, Pikangikum and Poplar River First Nations are investigating the potential for visitor/
education centres where Anishinaabeg and visitors can learn about, and are encouraged to respect, Pimachiowin
Aki’s cultural and natural values; Bloodvein River First Nation is developing infrastructure and a visitor
information protocol related to the all-season road.

5 Protection and Management of the Nominated Area   223

 Provincial Parks
Management plans for Woodland Caribou and Atikaki Provincial Parks are a source of information about policies
and programs for the presentation and promotion of the parks. The Pimachiowin Aki Corporation is building on
these policies and programs as part of a presentation and promotion strategy for Pimachiowin Aki.

WOODLAND CARIBOU PROVINCIAL PARK, ONTARIO
The Park Management Plan (2007) identifies a Natural Heritage Education policy that gives specific program
direction to education initiatives designed to enhance awareness of, and involvement in, the park by schools and
interest groups such as naturalist clubs and youth groups. The Plan also promotes structured and unstructured
recreation opportunities for the exploration and appreciation of Anishinaabe culture, the fur trade, the earth and
life science features, and the Bloodvein Canadian Heritage River.
Opportunities to learn about the natural and cultural values of the park are presented in a newsletter, trail and
canoe route maps, signs, and information kiosks and through park staff. Emphasis is placed on wilderness ethics,
safety in the outdoors, good relations and respectful behaviour, and the use of designated campsites.
Park policy identifies the goal to work in partnership with local First Nations to ensure that any interpretation of
Anishinaabe culture is accurate and appropriate. Through a partnership with Ontario Parks, Pikangikum First
Nation is directly involved in interpretive programs and activities.
People also learn about the park through Ontario Parks’ publications and website, commercial tourism operators,
local tourism organizations, word of mouth, and various publications and internet sites which promote adventure
travel. Care is being taken to ensure that marketing initiatives for Woodland Caribou Provincial Park result in
compatible activities that protect the values for which the park was created.

ATIKAKI PROVINCIAL PARK, MANITOBA
Atikaki’s remoteness precludes the more familiar methods of interpreting its features such as on-site
interpretation and amphitheatre programs. Manitoba Conservation and Water Stewardship continues to publish
and sell maps of canoe routes on the Kautunigan and Sasaginnigak Rivers and provides information on natural
and human history, rock paintings, camping, canoeing, angling, and fly-in lodges in the park. A video on Atikaki
Provincial Park is shown at amphitheatres in other provincial parks.
The Park Management Plan (2008) identifies opportunities for orientation and interpretive displays and materials
at key entry points and tourist lodges, and in neighbouring communities. Other priorities include the production
of brochures and publications on management and interpretive issues, including an educational video on
woodland caribou, and the provision of interpretive training and information to commercial operators in the park.
Presentations on the Manitoba Conservation and Water Stewardship website and the development of publications
are among the management plan’s proposed strategies to increase awareness of and respect for the natural and
cultural values of the park and the Bloodvein Canadian Heritage River.

5.j 

Staffing Levels

First Nations
Each of the Pimachiowin Aki First Nations employs staff (lands managers, coordinators, guardians) with
responsibilities for land planning, implementation, monitoring, and reporting. Many of these people represent
the First Nations on the Pimachiowin Aki Corporation and the planning teams described above. Lands staff work
directly with established Elders’ Councils, Trappers’ Councils, and other holders of akiiwi-gikendamowining to
guide land management plan implementation in accordance with Anishinaabe customary governance. Future

224  

 staffing direction at the First Nations level is provided in the First Nation land management plans (presented in
Appendix J) and is consistent with current practice.

Provincial Governments
The Ontario Ministry of Natural Resources and Forestry and Manitoba Conservation and Water Stewardship
maintain offices adjacent to the nominated area in the communities of Red Lake, Ontario, and Lac du Bonnet,
Manitoba. Staff complements within the two provincial jurisdictions have responsibility for planning and
management activities related to Pimachiowin Aki and the surrounding area. In total, there are 30 staff in the
Red Lake District in Ontario and 37 in the Lac du Bonnet regional office in Manitoba, including planners, land
managers, biologists, enforcement personnel, fire management staff, and technical and administrative support
(Graeme Swanwick, personal communication; Bruce Bremner, personal communication).
In Ontario, a full-time Park Superintendent position is dedicated to Woodland Caribou Provincial Park. The
remaining (part-time) staff complement for the park includes:
•  Assistant Park Superintendent
•  Park Biologist
•  Park Wardens (two)
•  Summer experience employment positions (three)
•  Aboriginal youth work experience program position
Manitoba has a Regional Park Superintendent who is responsible for Atikaki Provincial Park as well as other
provincial parks in the region. Additional full-and part-time staff that oversee management of Atikaki and other
nearby parks include:
•  Chief of Park Operations
•  District Park Supervisor
•  Parks Work Supervisor
•  River Stewards (part-time positions created in 2003 for tourism industry training that has now grown into an
important management and monitoring resource. Duties include: patrolling the Bloodvein, Poplar, Berens,
and Pigeon Rivers and increasing public awareness of natural and cultural values; assisting in the registration
of historical and cultural sites; portage repair; campsite maintenance; garbage removal; and canoeist
surveys).

Pimachiowin Aki Corporation
The Corporation currently has a Secretariat that reports to the Board of Directors. The Secretariat is staffed by two
positions, Executive Director and Community Coordinator, and retains financial and legal support services. The
size and composition of the Secretariat will evolve and grow, commensurate with financial capacity and the range
of functions assumed in the future. A number of functions and activities of the Corporation (e.g., fundraising) will
be carried out by contractors.

5 Protection and Management of the Nominated Area   225

  

szoEzoE

 

6
Monitoring
“Ji-ganawendamang Gidakiiminaan is itself a tradition of monitoring, of keeping the land by watching over the
land.”
Enil Keeper (October 9, 2014)

Monitoring is an important commitment for the long-term protection and management of the nominated area.
Both condition and effectiveness monitoring are components of the adaptive management cycle described in
Section 5. This section addresses the periodic assessment of the condition of attributes, features, and values
that can be reviewed and reported on to identify trends over time—to answer “the most important question of all:
whether the World Heritage site is protecting its values and achieving its objectives” (Hockings et al. 2008: 60).

6.a  Key Indicators for Measuring State of Conservation
The framework for conditions monitoring (Figure 6.1) identifies two themes: the Anishinaabe cultural landscape
and ecosystem health. Indicators linked to these themes reflect elements of the proposed Outstanding Universal
Value of Pimachiowin Aki as a mixed cultural and natural heritage site under World Heritage criteria (iii), (vi), and
(ix).
Six indicators are identified for the Anishinaabe cultural landscape theme, four of which address community
well-being: population trends, First Nations governance/leadership, community benefits, and traditional livelihood
activities. These measures are important because the Anishinaabe communities are integral to the nominated
area. The other two indicators are archaeological sites and oral traditions, key examples of the attributes that
provide testimony to the cultural tradition. Most of these indicators can be measured through data that is currently
being collected or through replication of past research studies.
Regarding ecosystem health, five indicators have been identified. The status of species of conservation concern
and the presence of invasive species will be monitored as surrogate measures of characteristic conditions of
boreal shield biodiversity. These indicators provide an early warning of potential major biodiversity shifts. The
ongoing status of wildfire regimes will be monitored as a key ecological driver that operates at a temporal scale
at which land managers also operate. Site integrity will be monitored through periodic assessment of the human
footprint using standard Earth observation techniques. Reference to applicable studies and reports will be the
means used initially to monitor climate change; however, opportunities for site-specific research within the
nominated area will be pursued.
Monitoring indicators are summarized below.

228  

 Figure 6.1 Monitoring Indicators
Anishinaabe Cultural Landscape Theme
Indicators

Potential Measures

Periodicity

Location of records

Anishinaabe
community
populations

Population growth and
stability (out-migration)

2 years

Pimachiowin Aki Corporation, Winnipeg,
Manitoba

Anishinaabe
governance/
leadership

Implementation of land use
plans

Annual

Pimachiowin Aki Corporation, Winnipeg,
Manitoba

Community
benefits

Involvement in eco-cultural
sustainable heritage tourism

5 years

Pimachiowin Aki Corporation, Winnipeg,
Manitoba

Traditional
livelihood
activities

Level of trapping, hunting
and fishing

5 years

Pimachiowin Aki Corporation, Winnipeg,
Manitoba
Ontario Natural Resources and Forestry, Red
Lake, Ontario
Manitoba Conservation and Water Stewardship,
Winnipeg, Manitoba

Anishinaabe
oral tradition

Rates of language retention
and use

10 years

Pimachiowin Aki Corporation, Winnipeg,
Manitoba

Archaeological
sites

Integrity/condition of
archaeological sites,
including pictographs

5 years

Pimachiowin Aki Corporation, Winnipeg,
Manitoba
Ontario Natural Resources and Forestry, Red
Lake, Ontario
Manitoba Conservation and Water Stewardship,
Winnipeg, Manitoba

Mapping cultural sites (I. Davidson-Hunt 2006)

6 Monitoring   229

 Figure 6.1 Monitoring Indicators
Ecosystem Health Theme
Indicators

Potential Measures

Periodicity

Location of records

Species of
conservation
concern

Condition of habitat and
status of populations for
woodland caribou and lake
sturgeon

5 years

Pimachiowin Aki Corporation, Winnipeg,
Manitoba
Ontario Natural Resources and Forestry, Red
Lake, Ontario
Manitoba Conservation and Water Stewardship,
Winnipeg, Manitoba

Invasive
species

Species reported in buffer
areas and/or within
Pimachiowin Aki

5 years

Pimachiowin Aki Corporation, Winnipeg,
Manitoba
Ontario Natural Resources and Forestry, Red
Lake, Ontario
Manitoba Conservation and Water Stewardship,
Winnipeg, Manitoba

Wildfire
regime

Frequency and size per each
large-area ecosystem

2 years

Pimachiowin Aki Corporation, Winnipeg,
Manitoba
Ontario Natural Resources and Forestry, Red
Lake, Ontario
Manitoba Conservation and Water Stewardship,
Winnipeg, Manitoba

Intactness

Change in human footprint

10 years

Pimachiowin Aki Corporation, Winnipeg,
Manitoba

Climate
change

Number of studies
and reports relevant to
Pimachiowin Aki

5 years

Pimachiowin Aki Corporation, Winnipeg,
Manitoba

Biologists monitor lake sturgeon populations (©D. Watkinson 2011)

230  

 6.b  Administrative Arrangements for Monitoring
The Pimachiowin Aki Corporation will assemble information and report on monitoring for the nominated area as
part of its responsibilities. The Corporation maintains a library of baseline data that will be expanded over time
to promote research, monitoring, and data management (Section 5.e). For example, under the Memorandum
of Understanding respecting Transboundary Protection and Management of the Proposed Pimachiowin Aki World
Heritage Site (described in Section 5.c), the provinces of Manitoba and Ontario coordinate and share the results
of information gathering related to wildlife, wildfire, and waterways. Monitoring activities undertaken as part of
the implementation of First Nation and park plans will provide relevant information on cultural attributes and
natural features. In addition to monitoring data provided by its members (i.e. five First Nations and two provincial
governments), the Corporation also has access to data collected by the Government of Canada (e.g., community
populations).

“The process to use is the same as when we hunt: gaa-izhi-nametoong (‘looking for signs on the land’).... If
a person is good in tracking then they would be a successful hunter. To be successful you need to understand
this process, to look for signs on the land. When you hunt a moose, you must use the wind, to see that it is
blowing in the right direction. You must also look in the right direction, to observe what is around you’.”
Elder Jake Kejick (in translation, October 13, 2006)

Full implementation and continuous improvement of monitoring is a priority. In this regard, the Corporation’s
Board of Directors is considering the establishment of a Monitoring Committee. Under the Board’s guidance,
the Committee would address both effective implementation as well as future improvements in monitoring.
For example, the Pimachiowin Aki partners recognize that a customary system of monitoring inherent in
Ji-ganawendamang Gidakiiminaan has kept Pimachiowin Aki Anishinaabeg attuned to ecological variability.
Maintaining and enhancing Anishinaabeg customary monitoring approaches (Shearer 2008) is a shared goal of the
partners and a potential refinement of the monitoring framework shown in Figure 6.1. Better reflection of both
Anishinaabe and Western understandings about the condition of attributes, features, and values will provide the
most holistic and effective cross-cultural understanding of the state of conservation of Pimachiowin Aki.
Adapting the current Canadian Heritage Rivers System monitoring approach more broadly to the cultural
waterways of Pimachiowin Aki is another future consideration (see Section 6.c).
The results of monitoring will be reviewed, evaluated, and applied by the Board of Directors on a regular basis as
part of the management cycle. Reporting on monitoring will be part of the Annual General Assembly of Partners
where the Corporation’s Annual Report and audited financial statements are reviewed and opportunities are
provided for community interaction, information sharing, and planning.
The Corporation communicates publicly on all of its activities though annual reports made available on its
website. Monitoring results will be communicated through annual reporting as well as to the World Heritage
Committee through Canada’s reporting on the State of Conservation of World Heritage sites in the country.
Contact information:
Pimachiowin Aki Corp.
220 Rochester Avenue
Winnipeg, Manitoba, Canada
R3T 3W2

Fax: (204) 275-1572
Email: whp@shaw.ca
www.pimachiowinaki.org

6 Monitoring   231

 6.c  Results of Previous Reporting Exercises
This section provides a brief overview of monitoring completed to date through the Canadian Heritage Rivers
System.

BLOODVEIN CANADIAN HERITAGE RIVER MONITORING
The Bloodvein River traverses 306 kilometres through Pimachiowin Aki and has been the subject of monitoring
through the Canadian Heritage Rivers System (CHRS) for two decades. The portion of the river in Manitoba was
designated as a Canadian Heritage River in 1987 and the portion in Ontario was designated in 1998, in recognition
of the river’s outstanding human and natural heritage, recreation, and river integrity values (HTFC 2000).
Through the CHRS, designations are reviewed at least every 10 years and monitoring is required to ensure that
all Canadian Heritage Rivers continue to possess the outstanding heritage values for which they were originally
designated.
Monitoring reports for the Bloodvein River were published in 2000 and 2007. The 2007 report prepared for the
Ontario Ministry of Natural Resources and Forestry, Manitoba Conservation and Water Stewardship, and the
Canadian Heritage Rivers Board (see Appendix F.3) concludes that:
1.  There have been no significant changes or threats to the natural heritage values for which the river was
nominated;
2.  There have been no significant changes or threats to the cultural heritage values for which the river was
nominated;
3.  There have been changes to some recreational heritage values for which the river was nominated. In
general the changes relate to reducing mechanized travel and land occupations that could adversely affect
the wilderness experience; access to the river was improved at the headwaters; and non-mechanized
recreational use of the river increased; and
4.  There were no changes to the river integrity values except for the removal of an outcamp and boat-caches
as a means of improving the wilderness canoeing experience along the river.
The report concludes that the river is worthy of continued designation as a river of national significance within the
Canadian Heritage Rivers System.
Monitoring of the Bloodvein River system will continue, with reporting at seven- to ten-year intervals.

232  

  

?Monitoring I 233

 



 

7
Documentation
7.a  Image Inventory and Photograph and
Audiovisual Authorization Form
7.a(i)  Appendix A
Slides (with thumbnails) and Authorization Table

7.a(ii) Appendix B
Videos of the area (DVDs) and Authorization Table

7.a(iii) Appendix C
World Heritage Nomination Proposal for Pimachiowin Aki (electronic)

7.b  Texts Related to Protective Designation, Area Management Plan,
First Nation Land Management Plans, and Provincial Park Plans
7.b(i)  Appendix D
Large-scale maps of the nominated area:
Map 1.  Pimachiowin Aki Proposed World Heritage Site
Map 2.  Pimachiowin Aki Proposed World Heritage Site – Topographic Map
Map 3.  Pimachiowin Aki Proposed World Heritage Site – Nominated Area and Buffer Zones
Map 4.  Pimachiowin Aki Proposed World Heritage Site – Nominated Area Buffer Zones – Topographic Map
Map 5.  Pimachiowin Aki Proposed World Heritage Site – Eastern Boundaries

7.b(ii) Appendix E
Pimachiowin Aki Cultural Landscape Atlas

236  

 7.b(iii) Appendix F
Related Published Works and Reports
F.1. 

Pikangikum Cultural Landscape Guide. (Pikangikum, Ontario: Whitefeather Forest Management
Corporation, 2010). Iain J. Davidson-Hunt and R. Michael O’Flaherty.

F.2. 

Ojibwa of Berens River, Manitoba (Fort Worth: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1992), A. Irving Hallowell,
Ed. Jennifer S.H. Brown.

F.3. 

Bloodvein River Monitoring Report (prepared for the Ontario Ministry of Natural Resources, Manitoba
Conservation and the Canadian Heritage Rivers Board, 2007), Candace Newman and Doug Gilmore.

7.b(iv) Appendix G
Background Studies
G.1. 

Cultural Landscape Study
G.1.1.  Pimachiowin Aki Cultural Landscape Study: Summary of Discussion Papers for the Pimachiowin
Aki UNESCO World Heritage Site Proposal. Maureen Matthews. February 2011.
G.1.2.  A. Irving Hallowell on the Berens River in the 1930s: Culture and Experience in Pimachiowin Aki.
Jennifer S.H. Brown. October 2009.
G.1.3.  Land Tenure Report for Pimachiowin Aki Nomination. Nathan Deutsch. 2010
G.1.4.  Recent Aboriginal History in Pimachiowin Aki. Scott Hamilton. 2010.
G.1.5.  The Anishinaabeg in the Fur Trade of the Petit Nord and Pimachiowin Aki. Victor Lytwyn. 2010.
G.1.6.  Anishinaabemowin: The Language of Pimachiowin Aki. Maureen Matthews, Roger Roulette,
and Rand Valentine. April 2010.
G.1.7.  Mapping the Ojibwe Universe, Giishkaanadong: Ojibwe Cosmology Discussion Paper. Maureen
Matthews and Roger Roulette. May 2010.
G.1.8.  Aaajitaawinan izhiitwaawining: Material Culture of the Pimachiowin Aki Region. Maureen
Matthews and Roger Roulette. August 2010.
G.1.9.  Giigoowag zhigwa Noojigiigoo’iweg: Fish and Fisheries in the Pimachiowin Aki Region. Maureen
Matthews and Roger Roulette. February 2011.
G.1.10.  Cultural Landscape: Macro Scale Document. Virginia Petch. August 2010.
G.1.11.  Woodland Art as a Tool of Decolonization. Carmen Robertson. 2010.
G.1.12.  Rock Paintings in the Eastern Lake Winnipeg Watershed: With Attention to the Proposed
Pimachiowin Aki World Heritage Area. Jack Steinbring. 2010.
G.1.13.  Cultural Documentation Summary: Pimachiowin Aki World Heritage Nomination Cultural
Landscape Study. R. Michael O’Flaherty. October 2011.
7 Documentation   237

 G.2. 

Ecosystem Study
G.2.1.  Background Information for Section 2.A Description of Natural Features. Helios Hernandez.
September 2011.
G.2.2.  Ecological Description of Pimachiowin Aki World Heritage Project Area. Rosemary Dohan.
October 2010.
G.2.3.  Global and Canada Boreal/Taiga Perspectives regarding Key Ecological Criteria. Peter Lee and
Matt Hanneman. 2010.
G.2.4.  Aquatic Ecosystems of Pimachiowin Aki: Lakes, Rivers and Wetlands. Terry Marshall. March
2010.
G.2.5.  Preliminary Assessment: Criteria IX and X. Robert F. Foster and Allan G. Harris. September
2011.
G.2.6.  Pimachiowin Aki Draft Feasibility Study for Inclusion under World Heritage Site Nomination
Criterion VIII (Geological Heritage Themes 1 and 11) and Description of Site Geology and
Geological Values. Daryl W. Cowell and Charlie E. Blackburn. January 2010.
G.2.7.  History of Woodland Caribou and Atikaki Provincial Parks. Helios Hernandez. September 2011.
G.2.8.  Species Lists. ECOSTEM Ltd. and Wildlife Resource Consulting Services MB Inc. November
2014.

G.3. 

Economic Study
G.3.1.  A Socio-Economic Profile of the Pimachiowin Aki Area. Rosemary Dohan, Christa Rust and
Vivek Voora. December 2010.
G.3.2.  Tourism Context and Opportunities. Marr Consulting Services and International Institute of
Sustainable Development. March 2008.
G.3.3.  Pimachiowin Aki World Heritage Project Area Ecosystem Services Valuation Assessment. Vivek
Voora and Stephan Barg. November 2008.

7.b(v) Appendix H
Pimachiowin Aki Corporation and First Nation Participation
H.1. 

Annual Reports 2009, 2010, 2011

H.2. 

Pimachiowin Aki and First Nation Participation

H.3. 

Pimachiowin Aki Communications

H.4. 

Biographies

H.5. 

Pimachiowin Aki Governance Study

238  

 7.b(vi) Appendix I
Management Framework/System
I.1. 

Management Plan, Pimachiowin Aki World Heritage Site Nomination

7.b(vii) Appendix J
First Nation Community Land Management Plans and Park Plans
J.1. 

Asatiwisipe Aki Management Plan. Poplar River First Nation, June 2011

J.2. 

Atikaki Provincial Park and Bloodvein Heritage River Management Plan. April 2008

J.3. 

Little Grand Rapids First Nations Community Based Land Use Plan.

 

Little Grand Rapids, Ontario Planning Area, July 2011

J.4. 

Ni-Kes Lands Management Plan. Little Grand Rapids, Manitoba Planning Area, December 2012

J.5. 

Pauingassi Community Based Land Use Plan. Pauingassi, Ontario Planning Area, July 2011

J.6. 

Naamiwan: The Land of Fair Wind Lands Management Plan. Pauingassi, Manitoba Planning Area,
December 2012

J.7.  

Woodland Caribou Signature Site Management Plan, April 2007

J.8. 

Keeping the Land: A Land Use Strategy for the Whitefeather Forest and Adjacent Areas. Pikangikum
First Nation, Ontario, June 2006

J.9. 

Pimitotah: “To Care for Our Land”. Bloodvein First Nation, Manitoba, November 2014

7.b(viii) Appendix K
Comparative Analyses
K.1 

Cultural Comparative Analysis in support of the Nomination of Pimachiowin Aki under World
Heritage Criteria (iii) and (vi)

K.2.1 

Evaluation of Pimachiowin Aki as an Outstanding Example of Boreal Ecosystems

K.2.2 

Natural Values Comparative Analysis: Gap Analysis and Site Profiles

7 Documentation   239

 7.b(ix) Appendix L
Legislation and Agreements
Legislation, Manitoba
L.1. 

The Provincial Parks Act

L.2. 

The East Side Traditional Lands Planning and Special Protected Areas Act

L.3. 

The Mines and Minerals Act

Regulations, Manitoba
L.4 

Provincial Parks Designation Regulation, M.R. 37/97

L.5 

East Side Traditional Lands Planning and Special Protected Areas Regulation, M.R. 149/2010

L.6 

Asatiwisipe Aki Traditional Use Planning Area Regulation, M.R. 77/2011 (Poplar River)

L.7 

Pimitotah Traditional Use Planning Area Regulation, M.R. 197/2011 (Bloodvein)

L.8 

Little Grand Rapids First Nation Traditional Use Planning Area Regulation, M.R. 154/2012

L.9 

Pauingassi First Nation Traditional Use Planning Area Regulation, M.R. 155/2012

Legislation, Ontario
L.10. 

Far North Act

L.11. 

Provincial Parks and Conservation Reserves Act

L.12. 

Mines Act

L.13. 

Public Lands Act

Regulations, Ontario
L.14. 

Woodland Caribou Provincial Park
Designation of Provincial Parks Regulation 343/83
Ontario Regulation 316/07
Ontario Regulation 198/08 (amends 316/01)
Ontario Regulation 347/07
Ontario Regulation 22/11 (amends 347/07)
Woodland Caribou Signature Site Wilderness Park additions: Order No. W-LL-P 2370/02 ONT, and
Order No. W-LL-P 2370/06 ONT

L.15.  Eagle–Snowshoe Conservation Reserve
Ontario Regulation 208/03
Ontario Regulation 315/07
240  

 L.16. 

Little Grand Rapids First Nation
Order No. W-KRL-88/10

L.17. 

Pauingassi First Nation
Order Na. W-KRL-89/10

L.18. 

Pikangikum First Nation
Whitefeather Forest Dedicated Protected Areas Policy Report
Whitefeather Forest DPA Order No. W-KRL-1 1/07

Agreements
L.19. 

Memorandum of Understanding respecting a Manitoba/Ontario Interprovincial Wilderness Area

L.20. 

Protected Areas and First Nation Resource Stewardship: A Cooperative Relationship Accord

L.21. 

Memorandum of Understanding respecting Transboundary Protection and Management of the
Proposed Pimachiowin Aki World Heritage Site

7.c  Form or Date of Most Recent Records or Inventory
Pimachiowin Aki Corporation maintains current paper copies and electronic files of related data and information.
The Corporation has also assembled electronic geographic data on cultural and natural values into a GIS
database.

7.d  Address where Inventory, Records and Archives are Held
Inventory, records and archives are held by the Pimachiowin Aki Corporation located at 220 Rochester Avenue,
Winnipeg, Manitoba, R3T 3W2. Electronic data is held at the firm of Hilderman Thomas Frank Cram, 500-115
Bannatyne Avenue East, Winnipeg, Manitoba, R3B 0R3. Each of the official local institutions listed in Section 8.c
below also retains paper and electronic copies of information related to this nomination.

7 Documentation   241

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Personal Communication
Archibald, Margaret (Member of Cooperative Management Board of Saoyú-ʔehdacho), telephone interview with
Susan Buggey, June 2, 2011; email to Susan Buggey, July 1, 2011.
Artuso, Christian (Manitoba Program Manager, Bird Studies Canada). Telephone interview with Gord Jones
(Pimachiowin Aki Corporation), September 1, 2011.
Bremner, Bruce (Assistance Deputy Minister, Manitoba Conservation and Water Stewardship), interview with Gord
Jones (Pimachiowin Aki Corporation), May 25, 2011.
Gagnon, Jean (Service des Parcs, Government of Québec). Telephone interview with Gord Jones and Susan
Buggey, June 23, 2011.
Pascal, Solomon (Pauingassi First Nation). Telephone discussion with Alison Haugh (Manitoba Conservation and
Water Stewardship) and Joe Owen (Pauingassi First Nation), January 7, 2014. Orally translated by Joe Owen.
Swanwick, Graeme (District Manager, Ontario Ministry of Natural Resource and Forestry), interview with Gord
Jones (Pimachiowin Aki Corporation), May 25, 2011.
Wells, Jeff (Senior Scientist, Boreal Songbird Initiative). Telephone interview with Gord Jones (Pimachiowin Aki
Corporation), May 28, 2014.
Windsor, Steve (Far North Planner, Sioux Lookout District). Teleconference with Mike Saunders (Ontario Ministry
of Natural Resources and Forestry), Gord Jones (Pimachiowin Aki Corporation) and Michael O’Flaherty,
January 10, 2014.

252  

  

Documentation 253

 

0

CONTACT INFORMATION
0F RESPONSIBLE
AUTHORITIES

 

8
Contact Information of
Responsible Authoritites
8.a Preparer
Name:  Pimachiowin Aki Corporation Board of Directors,
Gordon Jones, Project Manager, Pimachiowin Aki Corporation
Address: 220 Rochester Avenue
City, Province, Country: Winnipeg, Manitoba, Canada
Tel: 1.204.275.1564
Fax: 1.204.275.1572
E-mail: whp@shaw.ca

8.b  Official Local Institution
The responsible local institution is the Pimachiowin Aki Corporation.
Organization Name: Pimachiowin Aki Corporation
Address: 220 Rochester Avenue
City: Winnipeg
Province: Manitoba
Postal Code: R3T 3W2

256  

 8.c  Other Local Institutions
8.c(i) Bloodvein River First Nation
General Delivery
Bloodvein, Manitoba, Canada
R0C 0J0

8.c(ii) Little Grand Rapids First Nation
General Delivery
Little Grand Rapids, Manitoba, Canada
R0B 0V0

8.c(iii) Pauingassi First Nation
PO Box 60,
Pauingassi, Manitoba, Canada
R0B 2G0

8.c(iv) Pikangikum First Nation
General Delivery
Pikangikum, Ontario, Canada
P0V 2L0

8.c(v) Poplar River First Nation
General Delivery
Negginan, Manitoba, Canada
R0B 0Z0

8.c(vi) Ontario Ministry of Natural Resources and Forestry
PO Box 5003
Red Lake, Ontario, Canada
P0V 2M0

8.c(vii) Manitoba Conservation and Water Stewardship
PO Box 25
200 Saulteaux Crescent
Winnipeg, Manitoba, Canada
R3J 3W3

8.d  Official Web Address
The official website address is www.pimachiowinaki.org and
is maintained by the Pimachiowin Aki Corporation.

8 Contact Information of Responsible Authoritites   257

 8.e Acknowledgements
This nomination has been prepared by the Pimachiowin Aki Corporation with the assistance, support, and
encouragement of many people. The Board of Directors, advisors, and staff of the Corporation express sincere
appreciation for the contributions and commitment of organizations and individuals that have helped with the
preparation of the nomination and supported this cross-cultural journey that began with the signing of the First
Nations Accord in 2002. Brief biographies of key contributors are included in Appendix H of the dossier.

The Government of Canada
The Honourable Leona Aglukkaq, P.C., M.P., Canada’s Environment Minister and Minister Responsible for Parks
Canada and the staff of Parks Canada

The Government of Manitoba
Premier Greg Selinger, responsible Ministers and staff of the department of Manitoba Conservation and Water
Stewardship

The Government of Ontario
Premier Kathleen Wynne, responsible Ministers and staff of the Ministry of Natural Resources and Forestry

Pimachiowin Aki First Nations
Chief Roland Hamilton, the Council, and the people of Bloodvein River First Nation
Chief Martin Owens, the Council, and the people of Little Grand Rapids First Nation
Chief Michael Owens, the Council, and the people of Pauingassi First Nation
Chief Paddy Peters, the Council, and the people of Pikangikum First Nation
Chief Russell Lambert, the Council, and the people of Poplar River First Nation

Organizations
Aikens Lake Wilderness Lodge, A+LTG Environmental Planning and Resource Management, American
Philosophical Society, Bloodvein River Lodge, Cafesonique, Canadian Boreal Initiative, Centre for Indigenous
Environmental Knowledge, Clayoquot Sound Biosphere Trust, Eastside Aboriginal Sustainable Tourism, Eastside
Road Authority, Ecostem Ltd., Fineline Communications, Global Forest Watch Canada, Head-Smashed-in Buffalo
Jump Provincial Historic Site, Hidehiro Otake Photography, Hilderman Thomas Frank Cram, J.J. Ali Photography,
Joggins Fossil Institute, Lakehead University, Lost Art Cartography, Marr Consulting International Ltd., Nelson
Architecture, Northern Bioscience Ecological Consulting, Northern Lights Heritage Services Inc., Overdrive Design
Labs Ltd., RBC Royal Bank, Red Lake Heritage Center, Scatliffe, Miller, Marry Inc., Silva Ecosystem Consultants
Ltd., Simon Hall Chartered Accountant, Southeast Resource Development Council Corp., TAG Creative Studios
Inc., The Boreal Songbird Initiative, Taylor McCaffrey LLP, The David Suzuki Foundation, The International
Institute of Sustainable Development, The McArthur Foundation, The Media Bank, The Richard Ivy Foundation,
The Winnipeg Foundation, Travel Manitoba, University of Manitoba, University of Winnipeg, Wabanong Nakaygum
Okimawin, Whitefeather Forest Corporation, WordTec Communications

258  

 Individuals
Richard Aishton, Michelle Alderton, J.J. Ali, Bill Anderson, Karen Aquino, Sue Barkman, Jim Bear, Dean
Berezanski, R. Fikret Berkes, Maggie Bonnetta, Elly Bonny, Sue Boning, Jenna Boone, Dennis Brannen, Dawn
Bronson, Jennifer S.H. Brown, Rhonda Bruchanski, Wendy Buelow, Susan Buggey, Iona Bulgin, Catie Burlando,
Christina Cameron, Heather Carter, Geneviève Charrois, Karen Chudobiak, Kathy Clark, Lynda Clark, Michael
Cobus, Daryl Cowell, Greg Crawford, Jane Curran, Iain Davidson-Hunt, Steven DeRoy, Christin Didora, Nathan
Deutsch, Gary Dickson, Nicole Dixon, Rosemary Dohan, Rob Dokuchie, James Ehnes, Rob Foster, Rick Frost,
Gordon Fulton, Tom Garrett, Lee Gerrish, Doug Gilmore, Greg Girard, Martin Gerrard, Sherri Glugosh, Leah Gold,
Rick Groom, Scott Hamilton, Herb Hammond, Mat Hanneman, Joann Hebert, David Hems, Helios Hernandez,
Marilyn Hernandez, Martha Hickman Hild, Arthur Hoole, Carlos Julian Idrobo, Melanie Jichuk, Merit Jensen
Carr, Wade Kearley, Sharon Jones, Rebecca Kennedy, Shaun Klassen, Allan Latourelle, Kelly Leavesley, Peter
Lee, Gerald Lux, Victor P. Lytwyn, Micheline Manseau, Ruth Marr, Terry Marshall, Maureen Matthews, Murray
McColm, Andy Miller, Alanna Mitchell, Marie M’Lot, Cindy Moncrief, Faisal Moola, Shawna Morgan, Marcel Morin,
Shirley Muir, Patrice Nelson, Henry Neufeld, Michael O’Flaherty, Larry Ostola, Hidehiro Otake, Ashley Pereira,
Virginia Petch, Doug Peterson, John Pinkerton, Tim Powell, Jeff Provost, Paul Rabliauskas, Sophia Rabliauskas,
Gerry Racey, Carmen Robertson, Roger Roulette, Ken Schykulski, Gilles Seutin, Janene Shearer, Carol Sheedy,
Lori Skitt, Anita Smith, Marianne Smith, Jack Steinbring, Don Sullivan, Jill Taylor-Hollings, Jim Thomas, Rand
Valentine, Hank Venema, Vivek Voora, John Waithaka, Jeff Wells, Christopher Werner, Jared Whalen, Darryl
Whetter, Rachel Whidden, Matthew Williamson, Bernie Wood, Dave Wotton
Finally, the Board of Directors of the Pimachiowin Aki Corporation expresses sincere appreciation to members
of the public and organizations who have demonstrated their support for this World Heritage Project through the
Campaign for the Land that Gives Life. Meegwetch!

The Pimachiowin Aki Board of Directors
Bruce Bremner, Ed Hudson, Augustine Keeper, Joseph Owen, Alex Peters, Graeme Swanwick, William Young

Advisors to the Pimachiowin Aki Board of Directors
Stephan Barg, Andrew Chapeskie, Alison Haugh, Marilyn Peckett, Ray Rabliauskas

Pimachiowin Aki Staff
Gordon Jones, Lisa Staschik

Additional Photo Credits
Document Cover
H. Otake, D. Watkinson
Section Pages
Section 1: Pimachiowin Aki Corporation
Section 2: H. Otake
Section 3: R. Pengelly, Pimachiowin Aki Corporation
Section 4: H. Otake
Section 5: C. Burlando
Section 6: H. Otake
Section 7: N. Deutsch
Section 8: N. Deutsch, American Philosophical Society
Section 9: Ontario Ministry of Natural Resources and Forestry, H. Otake

8 Contact Information of Responsible Authoritites   259

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Signature on Behalf of the State Party
Signed (on behalf of the State Party)

George Green
Head of the Canadian Delegation
to the World Heritage Committee

DATE

9 Signature on Behalf of the State Party   263

 PIMACHIOVVIN AKI

WORLD HERITAGE PROJECT
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