REPORT OF THE LEGAL AND LEGISLATIVE SUBCOMMITTEE OF THE TEXAS ADVISORY COMMITTEE ON SEGREGATION IN THE PUBLIC SCHOOLS SEPTEMBER 1, 1956 Special Note: This report was completed and adopted by the subcommittee on September 24, 1956. However, due to the everchanging nature of the subject matter it was necessary that a fixed date be given to the report. REPORT OF THE LEGAL AND LEGISLATIVE SUBCOMMITTEE OF THE TEXAS ADVISORY COMMITTEE ON SEGREGATION IN THE PUBLIC SCHOOLS TO: THE MEMBERS OF THE FULL COMMITTEE HISTORY OF THE SUBCOMMITTEE The Texas Advisory Committee on Segregation in the Public Schools was appointed on July 27, 1955. The Committee met in Austin on August 1 and heard Governor Shivers• address requesting the examination of three major problems and the presentation of · recommendations leading to their solution. The problems are: ( 1) The prevention of forced integration. (2) The achievement of maximum decentralization of school authority. (3) The ways in which the State government may best assist the local school districts in solving their problems. This Legal and Legislative Subcommittee was set up and published its preliminary report on August 21, 1955. this report is attached as Appendix I. The text of On February 8, 1956, this subcommittee was requested to make a study of the recently revived doctrine of interposition. The results of this examination are accordingly set forth in this report. During the latter part of April a report was made by each member of the full committee, giving his views on community action on and z. attitude toward integration and his recommendations on the subject. When compiled, these reports gave a picture of majority opposition to integration throughout most of the State. the committee's survey. Later events confirmed The recommendations made at that time and further suggesth · :> made in the light of more recent occurrences form the foundation of the report of this subcommittee. The complex nature of the problem, together with the .need for obtaining data at the local level, has necessitated a deliberate pace in the preparation of this report. The fact that this is an election year has urged us to delay until after the primaries, in order to prevent this report's entanglement in primary politics. As a result of this delay, we have had the benefit of studying the actions taken by our sister states to solve this problem. We now submit to you our findings and recommendations. THE SUPREME COURT'S DECISION Viewed in the light of established legal principles and precedence, it is the opinion of this subcommittee that the decision of the Supreme Court in the case of Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka is clearly wrong and judicially unsound in that the present court has re-interpreted the Constitution to accord with the personal views of the present members of the court in disregard of the prior interpretatio.n of the . Constitution so long and firmly established; and in so doing has diverted from the well understood rules of proper judicial function. 3. The "'separate but equal"' doctrine was proclaimed in Plessy v. Ferguson, 163 U.S. 537, in 1896. Since that time it has been upheld eleven times in the U. S. Supreme Court, thirteen times in the U. S. Courts of Appeals, twenty-seven times in the U. S. District Courts, and 106 times in State Supreme Courts and the District of Columbia. Among the U. S. Supreme Court cases is that of Gong Lum v. Rice, 2 75 U. S. 78, decided in 192 7. Here we find another Chief Justice, Taft, a former President, reading an opinion for another unanimous court, which included such other outstanding jurists as Holmes, Brandeis, Stone, Van Devanter and McReynolds. "'The question here is whether a Chinese citizen of the United States is denied equal protection of the laws when he is classed among the colored races and furnished facilities for education equal to that offered to all, whether white, brown, yellow, or black. Were this a new question, it would call for very full argument and consideration, but we think that it is the same question which has been many times decided to be within the constitutional power of the State Legislature to settle without intervention of the Federal courts under the Federal Constitution. 11' On the State level, the courts of last resort of twenty-three of the ratifying states have held that the "'separate but equal"' doctrine does not violate the Fourteenth Amendment. Surely, if a doctrine has ever been the established and admitted law of the land, "'separate but equal"' is this doctrine. The Decision and The Constitution In view of the long settled and well established "'separate but equal"' doctrine of constitutional law so firmly embedded in the law of this nation from Plessy v. Ferguson in 1896 until May 17, 1954, 4. the Brown decision of that date not only represents a rejection of the judicial restraint expressed by the Supreme Court in 1927, when it unanimously stated that the same question had been many times decided to be within the constitutional power of the State legislatures to settle without intervention of the federal courts u.nder the federal constitution, but also represents a deliberate and willful departure from or violence to the United States Constitution in the followi.ng spheres: (1) Article I, Section I. "'All legislative powers herein granted shall be vested in a Congress of the United States.'" It is obvious that the Brown decision represents a radical alteration in the law and is, in effect, legislation. This powe·r was .not vested in the Federal judiciary. (2) Article I, Section 8. 11 'The Congress shall have power • • • to make all laws which shall be necessary and proper for carrying into execution the foregoing powers and all other powers vested by this Constitution in the Government of the United States, or in any department or officer thereof."' Congress has passed no law proscribing segregation. It is not the Supreme Court's function to do what it may think Congress should have done. (3) Article V. This provides for amendment of the Constitution by three-fourths of the States. The Supreme Court seeks to amend the Constitution without giving the people any option on the amendment. (4) Amendment X. 'The powers not delegated to the United 11 States by the Constitution nor prohibited by it to the States, are 5. reserved to the States respectively, or to the people. 11' The power to regulate the schools of the States is not delegated to the United States nor prohibited to the States, nor does segregation come under the discrimination ban of the Fourteenth Amendment, as witness every decision on this question for many decades prior to 1954. Therefore, the power to segre- gate the public schools is reserved to the States and their people. (5) Ame.ndment XIV, Section 5. · "'The Congress shall have power to enforce by appropriate legislation the provisions of this article.'" Even if the Brown decision properly interpreted the Fourteenth Amendment, which we categorically deny because it is diametrically opposed to the decisions of more than 157 major courts of record over a period of more than eighty years, the implementing decision of 1955 is a gross violation of the powers of Congress, which has the express duty of enforcing the provisions of the amendment. The Decision and Judicial Review Not only does the Brown decision undermine constitutional government, but it strikes at the heart of our traditional process of judicial review in the following ways: (1) As we have seen, the number of precedents supporting "'separate but equal'" is multitudinous. Stare decisis is the keystone to the orderly common law process of judicial review, but, without being able to cite a single case upholding its 6. decision, the Supreme Court sees fit to throw down the entire structure and overrule the case law of many decades. (Z) The Court cited as authority books which were never introduced in evidence. The fir st 'notice the defendants had of their existence came with the rendering of the opinion. In addition, the books were clearly inadmissible as evidence. (3) The Court says that in interpreting the amendment, 11 ·we cannot turn the clock back to 1868 when the amendment was adopted or even to 1896 when Plessy v. Ferguson was written,'" thus rejecting the cardinal principle of following legislative intent in interpretation of the law. (4) The Brown decision is admittedly based on psychology and sociology, the two least precise of all disciplines, for the Court said, "'Whatever may have been the extent of psychological knowledge at the time of Plessy v. Ferguson, this finding is amply supported by modern authority. 11' The Court based its decision entirely o.n inexact and controversial scie.ntific authority after first reviewing a long line of established legal precedence to the contrary. While showing great concern for the effect of segregation on the psyches of negro children, the Court neglected to display any concern whatsoever for the effect of integration on Southern white children and their parents. The Decision and. Historical Facts There are two particularly palpable examples in the decision of inattention to recorded, historical facts. 7. (1) The Brow.n decision says, 11 ln • • • Gong Lum v. Rice the validity of the doctrine itself was not challenged. 11' Yet, in that decision we find, "'The case then reduces itself to the question whether a State can be said to afford to a child of Chinese ancestry bor.n in this country, and a citizen of the United States, equal protection of the laws by giving her the opportunity for a common school education which receives only colored children of the brown, yellow, or black races. 11' (2) In discussing the intent of the Congress which proposed the Fourteenth Amendment, the Court said, "'This discussion and our ow.n investigation convince us that, although these sources cast some light, it is not enough to resolve the problem with which we are faced. At best, they are inconclusive.'" The same Congress which proposed the Fourteenth Amendme.nt provided for segregated schools in the District of Columbia; yet the Court says the evidence of Congressi'Onal intent is I The Court ch'Ose to over!l.oek the fact that Congress., which is specifically charged wH:h 1m.for-cing the Fourteenth Amendment, in lilts most recel!it a·cthm. bearing ion >the :suihjte-ct., passed a gr.aint·s-in-aid pro:gra.m in !1:94·6 w'hiodh recognized the school 1unches but e·qua>l'" ·doctrine.. "1 l'C!TSCA. lJ. ii&©... '['he Court's Scientific Authorilties Senator Eastland has exposed the "'modern authorities"' upon which the entire decision is based. Of the six '"authorities"' cited, K. B. Clark was an employee of the same NAACP whose lawyers were 8. arguing the case. Theodore Brameld has ten citations for Communistic activities by the House Committee on Un-American Activities, and E. Franklin Frazier has eighteen. The chief reliance of the Court was Gunnar Myrdal's An American Dilemma, which states that the U. S. Constitution is "'impractical and unsuited to modern conditions'", and its adoption was "'nearly a plot against the common people'". This, then, is the decision which has been used as the wedge which will force integration of not only our schools, but also our transportation system, our recreation system, and every other facet of our lives. Again, we reiterate our firm conviction that if this decision is left unchallenged in our law books, the beginning of the end of our liberty is upon us. ACTIONS OF OTHER STATES The initial decision of May 17, 1954, left the Southern people confused and despairing, but as time progressed the realization dawned that there are many courses left open to the States in their battle to preserve their dual school systems'. The first half of 1955 saw several States strengthen their segregation laws, but most of them waited for the implementing decision. On January 9, 1956, the people of Virginia gave overwhelming support to the report of the Gray Commission, and the great counterattack on the decision began. At the present time all the Southern States except Tennessee, Arkansas, and Texas have taken significant steps toward maintenance of their schools. Alabama, Florida, North Carolina, and South Caroli.na have passed bills providing for various types of pupil 9. assignment and transfer plans. Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, and South Carolina have either ended compulsory education or provided for an end thereof in districts which might have to integrate. also was a proposal of the Gray Commission. This South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, North Carolina, and Mississippi have taken measures for closing the public schools if integration is forced upon those States or districts thereof. Georgia, North Carolina, and Alabama have provided for tuition grants to students of districts in which the public schools may be closed, and the Gray Commission report embodies such a plan. Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, Florida, Alabama, Georgia, Mississippi, and Louisiana have interposed in behalf of segregation. Such is the present situation in the other Southern States. The pattern in each State varies, as it must, in order to represent the trend of thought in the respective States involved, but all plans have one thing in common: the dual school system shall be maintained, or the entire public school system will be in jeopardy. Before this subcommittee decided on its recommendations, it sought to evaluate the situation in Texas and to determine the will of our people in this matter. THE SITUATION IN TEXAS The situation in Texas as regards segregation is a varied one. The fact which strikes one immediately upon studying the problem is that there is not A problem, but rather there. are hundreds of problems. The situation varies from county to county and even from district to district within a county. The most recent figures given by the Texas 1o. Education Agency on the number of white and negro scholastics by county are attached as Appendix II. They show that there are forty-four counties without a single negro scholastic, while there are five counties in which the white scholastics are in the minority. An additional ninety counties have less than 50/o negro scholastics, while there are ten with 40-500/o. There are nineteen counties with 30-400/o negro scholastics, twenty-four counties with Z0-30%, ten with 15-20"/o, twenty with 10-15%, and thirty-two with 5-100/o. A map showing the location of these counties is hereby attached as Appendix ill. With . the exception of Hall, Wilbarger, and King Counties, all the counties with more than 10% negro scholastics are east of the line ·Goliad-SeguinAustin-Waco-Fort Worth-Bonham. In addition, the degree of opposition to integration varies even in counties in the same percentage bracket. It is clear that the problem must be handled at the local level to as great an extent as is possible. The Plight of the Negro Teachers Texas has an excellent public school system, one which attempts to provide substantially equal facilities for both races. The pay of negro and white teachers has been equalized by the Gilmer-Aikin Law. At the present time there are 56, 897 white, and 8, 493 negro, classroom teachers, including vocational teachers, who receive respectively a total of $259, 905, 819 and $3Z, 098, 320 in annual salaries. These negro teachers are the leaders of the negro communities throughout the State and have done an excellent job of helping to raise the standards of their people. Yet judging by the fact that there are fewer negro teachers 11. in all the North and West put together than there are in the State of Texas, and viewing the effects of integration on the hapless negro teachers of the border States, we must conclude that few indeed will be the number of negro teachers who will be hired by the local boards to teach white children in integrated schools. If integration were to come to Texas, our negro teachers will probably suffer the same fate as those of Oklahoma and Missouri. The Present Extent of Integration in Texas In seeking to determine the present extent of integration in Texas, we have found ourselves hampered by a lack of official information on the subject. The Texas Education Agency does not have full information on integration from the local districts and has no comprehensive figures available. We must therefore state that though our list of integrated districts is as complete as possible to the date of its compilation, it probably lacks the names of several integrated districts. The numbers of white and negro are those given in the most recent statistical report of the Texas Education Agency, which is for the 1954-55 school year. The figures given as the number of actually integrated pupils are approximatio.ns of the local superintendents in many instances. With the above qualifications, we now report our findings on integration in Texas. A total of eighty-four districts have integrated either partially or completely, all of which, except seven, are in counties that have less than 10"/o negro scholastics. The exceptions are: the Moody State 12. School at Galveston (Galveston County. 19. 3%), which school has 2. 4% negro scholastics; Nordheim (DeWitt County, 13. 8%), with 2. 6% negro scholastics; Austin (Travis County, 14. 8%), with 14. 5% negro scholasticsi and Marion, Navarro, Schertz Cibolo. and Seguin (Guadalupe County, 13. 7%), with 20. 6%, 10. 7%, • 6%, and 16. 7"/o negro scholastics respectively. Six integrated districts have more than 10% negro scholastics; the highest of these is Marion, with ZO. 6%, the only district with over 20% negro scholastics. Eleven districts have between 5% and 10%, thirty-seven districts have between 1% and 5%, and thirty districts have less than 1% negro scholastics. We have not included in the list of integrated schools those schools on military reservations. federal executive order. These schools were integrated by The boards are composed of military personnel appointed by the State Commissioner of Education with the approval of the State Board of Education. They receive State funds based on average daily attendance, and the remainder of their funds come from the federal government. The only requirement they must meet for State funds is that the quality of education meets the State standards. '"The Texas Commission on Race Relations'" No school district nor official should confuse the Texas Commission on Race Relations with any official agency of this State for 13. it has no official standing of any kind. It has issued a report or reports from time to time which we have checked and found to be inaccurate and unreliable. Action should be taken to prevent persons from operating under color of official title, thereby misleading the public. THE WILL OF THE PEOPLE Having examined the present situation in Texas in regard to the location of negro scholastics, the plight of the negro teachers, and the amount of integration in the State, we turn our attention to the dominant fact of the entire issue--the will of the people of Texas, which it is the function of representative government to execute. What is the will of the people of Texas? In the Democratic Primary of July 28, 1956, the people of this sovereign State rendered a verdict of unmistakable clarity. By a ratio of three and one-half to one, seventy-eight per cent of the voters expressed themselves as being in favor of maintaining segregation in the public schools. The percentage of voters favoring segregation and interposition in each county is shown in Appendix V. A map of the State showing the location of the vote for segregation is hereby attached as Appendix VI. A comparison of this map with the two foregoing maps provides several interesting observations. As might be expected, the percentage in favor of maintaining our racial mores is generally highest in those areas in which the percentage of the negr<> population is highest. This is only natural, for the people in these areas best understand the advantages which segregation offers to both races because segregation is a fact and not just a legal theory. As t.he percentage of negro 14. populatio.n declines, so declines the vote in favor of segregation, for those who have fewer contacts with the other race must by nature have less understanding of the necessity for and advantages of segregation. A detailed examination shows the following: The five counties with a .negro scholastic population of over 50% all approved the referendum by better than 80%. Ten counties with 40-50% negro scholastic populatio.n all approved by better than 80%. Of nineteen counties with 30-40%, eighteen approved by better than 80% and one by 79%. Of twenty-four counties with Z0-30%, sixteen carried by better than 80%, and the remaining "eight carried by 70-80%. Out of ten counties with 15-ZO% negro scholastics, eight carried by better than 80%, one by 74% and one by 64%. Of twenty counties with 10-15%, eleven carried by better than 80%, seven by 70-80%, and two by 60-70"/o. Of thirty-two counties with 5-10%, thirteen carried by more than 80%, twelve by 70-80%, six by 60-70%, and one did not carry the referendum on the ballot. Of 134 counties having less than 5% negro scholastics, twenty-three carried by more than 80%, forty-eight by . 70-80%, forty-three by 60-70%, sixteen by 50-60%, two did not carry, and two did not have the opportunity to vote on the referendum. It is interesting to note that in the two counties, Castro and Webb, which disapproved the referendum, there are z. 54% and • 03% negro scholastics respectively, and that all sixteen of the counties which approved the referendum by 50-60% have less than 5% negro scholastics. All in all, twenty-one counties approved the referendum by more than 90%, eighty-three by 80-90%, seventy-seven by 70-80%, fifty-two 15. by and sixteen by 50-60o/o; two disapproved, and three counties were illegally denied the right to vote. In Bexar, Uvalde, and Kleberg Counties, in which the major school districts, i. e., San Antonio, Uvalde, and Kingsville have integrated, the County Democratic Executive Committees denied their people the right to vote on this issue. It is unfortunate that the people in these three counties we re thus denied the right to express their opinion on this issue, but judging from the results in the State at large and in the counties adjoining these three, we think it safe to assume the results would have been in favor of segregation. A comparison of the results of the referendum with a map of the integrated school districts reveals that the people in those counties voted for segregation. This indicates that the people in such counties do not necessarily agree with the action taken by the school boards. There are indications that a substantial majority of negroe s do not wish to attend integrated schools. For example, in Fort Stockton the school board conducted a poll which showed that the majority of negroe s in the district favored segregated schools, and in Victoria 378 negroes were eligible for transfer to an integrated school, but only 52 applied for transfer. There are other examples, but these serve to illustrate our conclusion. INTERPOSITION A substantial number of the States and large segments of the people of this Nation are protesting and objecting to the federal 16. government invasion of various areas of rights reserved to the several States and their people, the segregation cases being but o.ne example. The third proposition on the referendum called for an expression by the people of Texas on the use of interposition to halt illegal federal e.ncroachment in those areas reserved by the Constitution to the States and their people. This proposition carried by a greater majority than the one on segregation. Eighty-one per cent (810/o) of the voters of Texas favored the use of interposition to halt such destructive and unconstitutional federal action. A map showing the location of this vote is attached as Appendix VII. The states of Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi, Virginia, North Carolina, Florida, Louisiana and Texas are protesting in various ways against invasion by the federal government of their historic and traditional right to operate and control their own schools. While the pr.otest by and in each of those States and their people is generally denominated ''interposition"', the actions and courses of action vary from state to state. Interposition, as we use the term, has the meaning attributed to it by Governor Allan Shivers and the State Democratic Executive Committee. Concisely stated, 'interposition°' in Texas is a one-word 11 description of the lawful and constitutional protest by the State and its people against the invasion of its reserved rights under the Constitution, including but not limited to the right to govern and operate its public free schools. As related to the segregation cases, it may fairly be stated that those who favor mixing the white and colored races have sought and are 17. still seeking to minimize the objections of the affected people by disparagement of the idea of protest and non-consent that is inherent in interposition. Such attempted disparagement has followed the line that interposition is the same thing as the historic doctrine of nullification, or the line that interposition has no standing in court as a judicial procedure similar to injunction, mandamus, etc., and hence has no meaning. During the current constitutional crises there has been no attempt by ballot, convention or legislative act on the part of Texas to declare any act of the federal government forever null and void within the borders of this State, which is of course the essence of nullification. The fact that inte'rposition is not a remedial, procedural court doctrine for judicial action such as the remedies of injunction or mandamus, etc., does not imply that it has no meaning. On the co.ntrary, our whole history shows that unpopular laws to which the people do not consent, whether established by judicial fiat, legislative act or executive edict, are ultimately changed; and this is especially true in the United States where the people have the freedom to express their dissent, to asset their protest and to petition for their rights rather than resort to revolution as practiced in those countries that are not governed by constitutional law similar to ours. The many instances of successful interposition by the people of this Nation against laws to which those people do not consent are recorded in the history of our country for all who will to see and read. Those who favor mixing the white and colored races are loudly proclaiming that the Supreme Court has spoken 18. in the segregation cases and that we should all accept those decisions without objection, protest or attempting to undo the manifest harm to the local communities directly affected thereby. The inevitable question arises, however, as to why the people, both white and colored, must accept the most recent judicial expression thereon when the fact is that we would .not now be faced with this explosive situation had the NAACP and its supporting politicians been as willing to accept the 157 or more previous judicial opi.nions and decisions which were directly contrary to that to which our submission is now demanded. The referendum shows beyond cavil the will of the people of Texas to use interposition to halt the illegal federal encroachment. In relation to the segregation cases, implementation of the will of 81"/o of the voting citizens of Texas to use interpositio.n lies in the following practical course: (1) Individual, personal rejection of compliance with what is merely the latest expression of judicial opinion; refusal by every individual to observe a judgment to which he was not a party and for the performance of which he is not liable, being subject to no penalty for such refusal. This individual protest and objection may and will be shown in every lawful act of omission and commission of such individual, as well as by written and spoken word. Such individual protest will find its reflection in appropriate action or non-action of those individuals holding any office of honor, trust or profit under 19. this State and every governmental subdivision thereof, as well as all private organizations of which the individuals are members. (2) Official action or non-action, as the case may be, of the Legislature, local, State and district officials, boards, bureaus and departments will be expressive of protest and objection to the extent and only to the extent that the incumbent officials utilize every legal means at their command to avoid and circumvent compliance, and to maintain a dual school system so long as the people of this State and the local communities desire it. (3) Adoption by the next Legislature of the State of Texas of an appropriate resolution calling for an amendment to the Constitution of the United States to clarify the State-Federal relationship and thereby halt illegal federal encroachment in those areas reserved to the several States and their people in the interests of their freedom. The State has the right, under the Constitution, to initiate such an amendment and the amendment should in .no wise be limited to the segregation cases, but must be applicable to the whole field of StateFederal governmental relations because the segregatio.n cases are but one aspect of the constitutional dilemma this Nation faces today. 20. GOUR T DECISIONS AND REQUIREMENTS In examining the requirements which the various courts have laid down regarding segregation, we reached the conclusion that there are five decisions which have particular bearing on the situation in Texas. These decisions are ( 1) Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka, May 17, 1954, 347 U. S. 483, 74 S. Ct. 686, 98 L. Ed. 873; (2) Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka, May 31, 1955, 349 U. S. 294, 75 S. Ct. 753, 99 L. Ed. 653; (3) Briggs v. Elliott, July 15, 1955, 132 F. Supp. 776; (4) McKinney v. Blankenship, October 12, 1955, 282 s. W. 2d 691; and (5) Jackson v. Mans.field Independent School District, June 28, 1956, in the United States Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit. We have studied these cases closely and believe they are quite clear as to what the States are and are not required to do. We now present our findings on the effects of these decisions. ( 1) Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka, May 17, 1954. ''We come then to the question presented: Does segregation of children in public schools solely on the basis of race, even though the physical facilities and other 'tangible 1 factors may be equal, deprive the children of the minority group of equal educational opportunities? We believe that it does. 11 "We conclude that in the field of public education the doctrine of 'separate but equal 1 has no place. 11 (2) Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka, May 31, 1955. "Full implementation of these constitutional principles may require solution of varied local school problems. School authorities have 21. the primary responsibility for elucidating, assessing, and solving these problems; courts will have to consider whether the action of school authorities constitutes good faith implementation of the governing constitutional principles." "But it should go without saying that the vitality of these constitutional principles cannot be allowed to yield simply because of disagreement with them. "While giving weight to these public and private considerations, the courts will require that the defendants make a prompt and reasonable start toward full compliance with our May 17, 1954, ruling. Once such a start has been made, the courts may find that additional time is necessary to carry out the ruling in an effective manner." "They {the courts) will also consider the adequacy of any plans the defendants may propose to meet these problems and to effectuate a transition to a racially nondiscriminatory school system. 11 "The judgments below, except that in the Delaware case, are accordingly reversed and the cases are remanded to the District Courts to take such proceedings and enter such orders and decrees consistent with this opinion as are necessary and proper to admit to public schools on a racially nondiscriminatory basis with all deliberate speed the parties to these cases. (3) Briggs v. Elliott. . 11 What do the above two decisions require? . The best interpretation of them is found in Briggs v. Elliott. 22. "It is important that we point out exactly what the Supreme Court has decided and what it has not decided in this case. It has not decided that the federal courts are to take over or regulate the public schools of the states. It has not decided that the states must mix persons of different races in the schools or must require them to attend schools or must deprive them of the right of choosing the schools they attend. What is has decided, and all that it has decided, is that a state may not cieny to any person on account of race the right to attend any school that it maintains. This, under the decision of the Supreme Court, the state may not do directly or indirectly; but, if the schools which it maintains ·are open to children of all races, no violation of the Constitution is involved even though the children of different races voluntarily attend different schools, as they attend different churches. Nothing in the Constitution or in the decision of the Supreme Court takes away from the people freedom to choose the schools they attend. The Constitution, in other words, does not require integration. It merely forbids discrimination. It does not forbid such segregation as occurs as the result of voluntary action. It merely forbids the use of governmental power to enforce segregation. The Fourteenth Amendment is a limitation upon the exercise of power by the state or state agencies, not a limitation upon the freedom of individuals." Thus there is nothing unconstitutional about the dual school system. Based upon voluntary segregation, it may be retained, provided that discriminatory features are removed. It may be Z3. assumed that segregation is voluntary if after original assignment to a negro school, the negro student does not file a transfer petition. Transfer from the negro system to the white system may not be denied because of race, but the meeting of other qualifications prior to such transfer is not prohibited. The courts do not seek to "'take over or regulate'" the transfer or monetary policies of the State, as long as they are nondiscriminatory. (4) McKinney v. Blankenship. Though the text of this opinion is both technical and tedious, it is necessary to include certain portions thereof in this report before we seek to interpret the decision. "'When the language of the Court is so limited it will be evident that what the Court condemned as unconstitutional and void, and all it condemned, was constitutional, statutory, and local law provisions which require or permit forced segregation through and by governmental officers and agencies. The Supreme Court did not direct immediate and complete integration in all schools. 11 · "'The parties have treated the word 'allotments• in the second sentence of Article Z9ZZ-13 as meaning 'funds'. funds. It does not mean Article 2922-12 defines the term 'professional units 1 as teachers and administrative personnel, who will be referred to hereafter as 'teachers'. The first sentence of Article 2922-13 provides that 'The number of professional units allotted' to each school district shall be based upon and determined by average 24. daily attendance of students for the preceding school year, 'separate for whites and separate for negroes. 1 Sub-sections (1), (2), (3), (4), (5), (6), and (7) of Section I of Article 2922-13 provide the basis for determining the .number of teachers to be allotted to each school district. Thus it appears the word 'allotments 1 as used in the sentence under consideration means 'teachers', and when it speaks of 'such allotments 1 it speaks of 'such teachers'. As reconstructed in this setting, the second sentence provides: 'Such teachers based upon white attendance shall be utilized in white schools, and teachers based upon negro attendance shall be utilized in negro schools.' It follows that the limitation, if any, imposed by the sentence on the use of public funds applies only to their use in the payment of salaries to teachers assigned to teach in integrated schools. "Counsel for the Board of Trustees and Superintendent of Big Spring School District admitted in oral argument that there is no necessity or occasion for declaring the last seven words in the first sentence of Section 1 of Article 2922-13 unconstitutional, and we agree. There is nothing in those words requiring segregation, and there is nothing in the Brown decision which can be interpreted as nullifying a state statute directing that white and negro students be enumerated separately, on the basis of average daily attendance, in determining the number of teachers to which a school district is entitled. 11' "The language of the sentence (the second sentence of Article 2922-13) is mandatory to accomplish its purpose but it is not ZS. prohibitory. While it requires the use of teachers allotted on the basis of attendance of white students in white schools, and the use of teachers allotted on the basis of negro attendance in negro schools, it does not provide fhat none of such teachers may be used in integrated schools. 11' "'Section 7 of Article VII of the Constitution is declared unconstitutional and void to the extent that it requires segregation of white and negro in the public schools. 11' 'The first sentence of Article 2900 is declared constitutional 11 and valid. The second sentence of the article is declared unconstitutional and void. 11 The third sentence is immaterial."' 'The first two sentences of Article 2922-13 are given a construction consistent with this opinion and are declared constitutional and valid. 11' Thus, the Gilmer-Aikin Law is valid in its entirety. The interpretation which the Court has placed on the second sentence of Article 2922-13 is somewhat puzzling. Does it mean that negro students in white schools, or vice versa, are not to be counted in calculating professional unit allotments for that school? If a white school in which one negro is enrolled, or vice versa, automatically becomes an integrated school, how are allotments then determined? Are they determined on the basis of the number of the students of the predominant race or on the basis of total enrollment, both negro and white? The decision does not answer these questions, nor does it indicate that it will not accept 26. whatever answers to them the Legislature sees fit to render. (5) Jackson v. Mansfield Independent S_i hool District. "We think it clear that, upon the plainest principles governing cases of this kind, the decision appealed from was wrong ln refusing to declare the constitutional rights of plaintiffs to have the school board, acting promptly, and completely wiinfluenced by private and public opinion as to the desirability of desegregation in the community, proceed with delibe:rate speed consistent with administration to abolish segregation in Mansfield's only high school and to put· into effect desegregation there. 11 LEGISLATIVE RECOMMENDATIONS This subcommittee finds itself confronted with a dilemma. The federal courts, correct or not, have ruled in favor of integration, but the people of the State of Texas have made their wishes in regard to segregation quite clear. We believe that the recommendations herein submitted reconcile the two as far as is possible. The Legal and Legislative Subcommittee recommends the enactment of legislation in substance as follows: (I) That schools should be designated by the local boards as either "white 11 or "negro". Negro students should be assigned at the beginning of the fall term to negro schools, and white students should be assigned to white schools. However, it should be specifically stated that such assignments are tentative, and no student is to be denied transfer from one school to another because of race or color. 27. With the removal of race or color as a bar to transfer, the dual school system should meet the test of "a racially nondiscriminatory school system". (2) That school districts which maintained both negro and white schools for the school year 1953-54 should be required to continue doing so or to re-establish the dual system if the schools for one race within the district have been dispensed with. Those districts which did not maintain facilities for both races in 1953-54 should be required to continue or to re-establish arrangements made for educating children of the race for which schools were not provided. In the latter case, the children of the race whose opportunity for education was so arranged should accept such arrangements as the local board made with neighboring districts for their education. The children might not be denied the right to transfer into schools within the district desigm·.ted for the other race because of race or color. This also should meet the test of "a racially nondiscriminatory school system 11 • (3) That as to transfers under these recommendatiors, · n shonk be paid by the State at a fixed rate per child in average daily attendance for and in behalf of sending districts which are financially unable to pay tuition for pupils transferred to a receiving district or districts. This is necessary in order that districts which did not maintain 28. schools for one race in may continue to send these children out of the district, as provided in recommendation number 2. (4) That the local school board should not have the power to abolish the dual school system or to abolish arrangements for transfer out of the district for the minority race in favor of a fully integrated system. The board of trustees shall have no authority without a prior vote of the people to abolish a dual school system, and they shall have no transfer authority that will result in an integrated school without a vQte of the people. To avoid harassment of the people in the district, such an election might be held no oftener than once every two years. An election might be required upon the petition of twenty per cent of the qualified voters in the district. Since the schools would already be on a racially nondiscriminatory basis, this provision would not conflict with the Mansfield decision. (5) That there should be a specific statement that negroes in schools designated as white and whites in schools designated as negro might not be included by either white or negro schools in the computations of average daily attendance of pupils for the 29. purpose of determining the number of professional units under Article 2922-13, schools integrated in accordance with the provision of number four excepted. We believe that this conforms to the interpretation of Article 2922-13 given by the decision in McKinney v. Blankenship and also to the decision in Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka, for the courts have not undertaken the task of directing the legislature as to how the schools are to be financed. (6) That any child may be exempted from compulsory attendance at integrated schools provided however that compulsory educational requirements are otherwise complied with. The referendum made the will of the people quite clear on this specific point. The abolition of compulsory education in such situation gives the parent a choice, the choice of integrated education for his children or no education. We do not believe that this is a satis- factory choice, and accordingly we recommend that the Legislature give serious consideration to some sort of tuition grant plan, whereby a parent who does not wish to place his child in an integrated school may receive State funds to have the child educated in a segregated, non-sectarian private school. Such aid should be given only upon affidavit that the child was being withdrawn from the public schools due to the parents' dislike of integration. Needless to say, the child could not then be enrolled in an integrated private school. Misuse of the tuition grant should be made a felony. 30. (7) That the Attorney General should furnish legal advice to persons seeking to charter non-sectarian educational corporations. (8) That substandard physical facilities of non- sectarian private schools should not cause loss of accreditation. (9) That, to retain accreditation, non-sectarian private schools should be required to give uniform tests devised by the Texas Education Agency for the purpose of determining whether or not educational standards in such schools meet State standards. (10) That members of the staff and administration of non-sectarian private schools should be allowed to participate in the State's teacher retirement program proportionate to the number of pupils attending under the provisions of number six above. ( 11) That transfer within a district should be only with the approval of the local school board upon the' recommendation in writing of the principal of the school from which the pupil seeks to transfer and the school superintendent. The petition for transfer should be filed with the local board within five days after notification of the assignment of the pupil, and the local board should act on the petition within ninety days from the time it is filed. A petition should be for only one year's duration, and to continue in a school other than that to which the pupil was originally assigned, a new petition should be filed every year. ( 12) That, in considering a petition for transfer, the local school board should take into consideration such factors as health, morals, family background, intellectual aptitude, course of study, location of residence, previous training, and welfare of the particular child, 31. his effect on the academic standards of the school to which he seeks to transfer, the welfare of the other children in that school, his compatibility with the children in that school, and any and all other reasonable factors which the local board sees fit to take into consideration. Race or color is not a reasonable factor. (13) That the permission of the local board should not be necessary for the transfer of a child from a school designated for the other race to one designated for his own race. · { 14) That a Joint Legislative Committee on School Assignments should be established by the Legislature, and that the course of an appeal from the decision of a local school board on assignments or transfers which involve constitutional questions should be to the State Commissioner of Education and thence to the Joint Committee. If the Commissioner of Education should rule contrary to the ruling of the local board, the local board should be allowed to request the aid of the Attorney General's Office, which might then carry the appeal before the Joint Committee. The action of the Joint Committee should be final, and all further jurisdiction in the matter should be removed from the local boards. Any action in the courts should have to be brought against the Joint Committee. The members of the local boards have full-time jobs in addition to their service on the school board. They do not have time to 32. handle routine district business and also suffer constant harassment by appeals from their decisions, nor should they be burdened by the threat of proceedings against them. This recoinmendation would enable the local boards to do their job as they saw best, and if someone objected thereto, it would no longer be the local board's worry. ( 15) That any parent who wishes to protest the transfer of any child from a school designated for his own race into a school designated for the other race, which his child attends, might appeal the decision of the local board through the channels provided for in Recommendation { 14) above. The transfer of such child should be denied until final disposition of the appeal. According to the opinion rendered on July 7, 1956, by Judge Thomsen in Rose Marie Robinson v. Board of Education of St. Mary's County in the U. s. District Court, Maryland, and according to many other cases, these administrative remedies would have to be exhausted before a case could be brought in the Federal courts. ( 16) That any district whose school board might violate any of the above provisions should lose all Foundation Program Funds and should also lose its accreditation. Individuals who might violate the above provisions should be liable to the penalty provisions of Article 2922-21. In addition, any school board guilty of such violation should have its offices declared vacant, and a special election should be held within twenty to thirty days. 33. (17) That a special assistant or assistants be designated in the Attorney General 1 s Office to assist the local districts, the Commissioner of Education, and the Joint Committee on School Assignments in any legal questions or controversies arising i.n the field of segregation, and the State should bear all costs adjudged against the local school board in these matters. (18) That the Legislature establish a perrnane.nt Joint Legislative Committee on Segregation to give attention to these matters as further developments take place. The continuing .nature of the problem necessitates a continuing study of that problem. (19) That the Joint Legislative Committee on Segregation should retain a State psychologist and/or sociologist to furnish advice to the local districts on these matters. (20) That the Texas Education Agency be required to gather statistics on the number of integrated school districts in Texas and the amount of actual integra"ti!on within those districts, and that failure of a district to cooperate in this matter be made punishable under Recommendation (16) above. These measures cannot be considered as separate measures but must be viewed as a whole. They are designed to be most effective when utilized thusly. We believe that the above recommendations will meet the requirements of the various court decisions of the last two years and will also 34. maintain our higher standard of public free school education for all the races. Our study has not included State colleges and universities, but we note that the legislatures of some of the affected states have adopted certain admission requirements which our Legislature might profitably study. This Subcommittee also recommends that the next Legislature pass a resolution to amend the Constitution of the United States, particularly Amendments IX and X thereof, to more specifically define the limited powers granted by such Constitution and the Amendments thereof to the United States government, and more specifically defining the powers reserved by the States and the people thereof, to accord in substance with the intention of the States originally ratifying such Constitution. We recommend that the Legislature give consideration to an amendment to the U. S. Constitution along these lines: "Congress and the courts in matters between the States or matters between the State and federal government shall use the level of government closest to the community for all public functions and utilize co-operative intergovernmental arrangements only when appropriate to attain economical performance, reserving national action for residue participation where State and local governments are not folly adequate. State responsibilities shall not be pre -empted by the United States except where a State has failed to meet its obligations to the nation and to the people. 11 In conclusion, we wish to thank Governor Allan Shivers, Attorney General John Ben Shepperd, Commissioner of Education Dr. J. W. Edgar, 35. and their staffs, and also the Dallas Morning News and Richard M. Morehead of its Austin staff for their advice and assistance in the compilation and writing of this report. Respectfully submitted, Hall E. Tim.anus, Chairman Mrs. Joe Fisher J. V. Hammett Charles Howell Will Crews Morris, Ex officio member Senator A. M. Aikin, Jr., a member of this subcommittee, has been unable tc attend any of the meetings or discussions concerning this report due to serious illness, and therefore is hot a .signer of this report. APPENDIX I Preliminary report of the Legal and Legislative Subcommittee, Texas Advisory Committee on Segregation in the Public Schools: "Austin, Texas August 18, 1955 Honorable Will Crews Morris, Chairman Texas Advisory Committee on Segregation in the Public Schools San Antonio, Texas Dear Sir: Pursuant to the authority given by the Texas Advisory Committee o.n Segregation in the Public Schools a.t its recent organization meeting in Austin, you appointed the Legal and Legislative Subcommittee. This Subcommittee was deemed essential by the Advisory Committee, and its Executive Comn1ittee, in the performance of its assigned task. This preliminary report is presented for submission to the Executive Committee and to the Advisory Committee. Because we feel so strongly that its contents should be broadcast as soon as possible, for whatever public benefit may accrue therefrom, we urge you to release it upon receipt. It should be emphasized that it represents the views of this subcommittee, and does not necessarily reflect those of the Advisory Committee Our obvious first step was to study the decision of the United States Supreme Court on May 17, 1954, in the school segregation cases, and its impact upon the laws of the sovereign State of Texas regarding segregation in its public schools. W.?. have given much time and thought to both. We have con£ erred with State and local officials •. However, we have not had sufficient time to study all of the related problems which are present, such as the effect of the decision on school administration, transportation, personnel, attendance areas, nor have we considered other Texas laws relating to segregation. Because of its basic importance, our initial study was directed to Senate Bill No. 116, 51st Legislature, 1949, more commonly known as one of the Gilmer-Aikin Laws, which set up the F. undation School Program. Under the terms of this Act, the State furnishes financial aid to local school districts. It provides for allotments based upon, and determined by, the average daily attendance in school districts, but on the. basis of separate schools for whites and negroes. In making this preliminary report your Legal and Legislative Subcommittee is evidencing its conviction that some type of advisory report on the status of this Gilmer-Aikin Ln.w in particular was needed prior to the forthcoming fall school term. We have taken cognizance of the suit filed recently at Big Spring, Texas, seeking a declaratory judgment. As long as this suit is pending it will not be possible, we are informed, to secure an Attorney General's Opinion covering its subject matter, since it is the policy of the Attorney General's Office not to issue such an opinion under the circumstances. However, your subcommittee felt that time is of the essence as it has learned that many school boards believe that under the decision of the Supreme Court integration was mandatory for the coming school year. Therefore, this preliminary report is made available to you at this time so that you may in turn make it available to any interested person or school district for whatever guidance it might afford. Your Subcommittee would like to point out that this report does not in any way attempt to solve the problems of segregation or desegregation, but it does recognize that they are of such character that well-considered solutions cannot be reached quickly, and that the period of transition must be entered into with extreme caution, and final steps taken only after a careful study of all of the problems facing each school district. As of this date, and in full light of the Supreme Court's decision which is recognized as the supreme law of the land, your Subcommittee finds the following: 1. That none of the segregation cases have attaci{g,d the GilmerAikin Laws nor have they been declared unconstitutional directly or indirectly, and that they are presently in full force and effect. Insofar as Texas is concerned, neither the State, its agencies, nor any of its school districts were before the Supreme Court in the school segregation cases. 2. That the Gilmer-Aikin Law setting up the Foundation School Program is not in itself a segregation law, but is merely a law by which State funds are made available to the various school districts. 3. That the Supreme Court decision does not specifically require integration, but rather prohibits segregation. This finding is based on the opinion of John J. Parker, Chief Judge, Fourth Circuit, District Court of the United States Eastern District of South Carolina. This decision was rendered in the case of Briggs vs. Elliott, which was one of the cases on remand from the Supreme Court of the United States. It was decided on July 15, 1955. According to information available to your subcommittee the school districts which were before the Supreme Court in segregation cases have not yet integrated, nor do they plan to integrate for the coming school term. Judge Parker stated in his opinion: 'Nothing in the Constitution or in the decision of the Supreme Court takes away from the people freedom to choose the schools they attend. The Constitution, in other words, does not require integration. It merely forbids the use of governmental power to enforce segregation. The Fourteenth Amendment is a limitation upon the exercise of power by the State or State agencies, not a limitation upon the freedom of individuals. t Judge Parker's opinion is the first clarifying analysis of the effect of the decision of the United States Supreme Court. He is well known as an outstanding jurist in this country. 4. That there is no danger of any school member or trustee held in contempt in carrying out the provisions of the Gilmer-Aikin Laws. Each individual school district has different fact situations and problems to consider rega.rding integration. This was clearly recognized by the Supreme Court in its decision in that it allowed time for studying and planning to carry out its edict. The Supreme Court itself set the pattern for calm deliberation when it took more than a year to formulate its decree. We are convinced that no Federal court in Texas will interfere in the operation of any school district until the district is involved in a law suit. Not until then will the particular school board be· subject to a Federal court order. Judge Parker, in the above quoted ·opinion, states that the Supreme Court did not say that the Federal courts were to take over and regulate the public schools of a state, nor did it decide that states must mix persons of different races in the schools, or must require them to attend schools, or must deprive them of the right of choosing the schools they attend. Your subcommittee wishes to point out that, in view·- of the above, every local school board should stop, look and listen before taking any steps regarding integration. School districts face a distinct possibility of jeopardizing the funds they are eligible to receive under the Gilmer-Aikin Program, if integration is prematurely effected. The Big Spring law suit undoubtedly will shed some light on this question; however, we see nothing from a legal standpoint to prevent schools starting in September on a dual basis, if the districts so desire, and continuing for the 1955-56 session in that status. We believe it highly unlikely that any court would order a school district to change its policy in this respect while the term is in progress. It should be noted that the Supreme Court decree was handed down shortly after the 54th Legislature had adjourned, consequently the Legislature did not have an opportunity to consider a revision of Texas laws in view of the Court 1 s decision. We are limiting our advice only to the 1955-56 school session. Beyond this we do not venture to forecast. Your subcommittee recognizes that the responsibility lies with the school districts to start implementation in accordance with the Supreme Court• s decision. It does feel, however, that in view of the Gilmer-Aikin Laws, which form the cornerstone of our present public free school system operation, state and local officials concerned should realize their obligation to advise and assist local school districts by providing them with any information available on the latitude they may have legally, within the framework of the decision, to work out their problems. Hasty, illadvised action should not be allowed to mar efforbs to build a better school system for all Texas children. Respectfully submitted., /s/ Eugene E. Sanders Eugene E. Sanders, Chairman For the Legal and Legislative $ubcommittee 11 AFrnlmIX II SCHOLJ'.STIC County .tinder son .Andrews Angelina 3 .Archer ..t\r111s·t,1•ong iltascosa Bailey B:mdcra Baylor aee Bell Bexar Blancc:> Do:-dcn Bosque Bowio Braz,:>ria Brazos Brewster Briscoe Brooks .Rr.y..;n Burleson Dur net Caldwell Cdhoun Cnllahan Crur1erc1n CMtp Carson Cass Cast.ro Chainbers Cherokee Childress ClP.,Y Cochran Coke Coleman Collin Coll incsr.,01°th Colnrado Co1r;.3l Corrtnnche Concho POPUI.i\TION No. ot' \·Jhite No. of C:olored %of Colored 4,119 2,450 31.30 2,116 6,A2J 1,160 l,.S25 390 5,234 l,S85 2,0l.i4 76o 2,550 1,217 5,266 13,140 115,369 8$0 . 198 2,160 13,80.5 5,572 1,3'79 71'2 2,389 4,915 23 1,353 17 51 81 l,5ob 44 . ,J.38 1.08 16.55 1.44 -- 1.08 28.90 3.81 37.10 J.h9 2.55 1,818 6,591 22 12.16 99 4.38 26.74 3,Roh 1,562 2,1JB 11 49 --150 5.38 -- 2.52 10.16 27.73 . • 19 6.1? - 2.96 . 3,000 1,075 3.3 670 162 36.83 1.72 15.18 35,h78 ll·g .33 42.77 l,Ahl.i 1,891 3,7hh 1,7!6 1,1?.J..i -- 840 -- 5.12 3,885 1,.536 2,297 4,827 1,937 122 9 80 28.64 6.69 95 J.47 12.33 9.63 1,711 1,101 1,801 1,526 873 2,645 1, 190 1,596 2,909 4,066 2,304 890 l.,O 455 1,096 170. 1,157 78 37.16 2.54 21.01 .50 4.98 2R.46 1.88 County Cooke Coryell Cottle Crane Crockett Crosby Culbers.,n Dallam Dallas l.>awson Deaf Smith Delta Denton .De i:1tt Dickens Dimmit DonlHy Duval J.!:astland &:to!' Edwai·ds !!:llis bll 1·aso Fnlls b'annin 1-;-nyc' t. t•;) l<'ishet' &'l:1:1d. fOf!l'd .F'o1•t Bend I•'rflrklin Frio No. of No. of Colored 4,.11 1.. 194 l,062 56 60 3,795 901 937 2,202 643 1,6JJ l29,J59 4,049 2,608 1,,303 7,414 4,862 l,,JS8 2, 774 1,044 J,968 4,042 Qµ i.ucs GAr.'M GU.lesi:;ie Gl)lia.d Oonz11.lf:s upe l Eale Hall Hamilton Hans.i'o1•d Hardeinrui 5.35 2.09 232 9.53 11 20, 710 245 17 .67 13.80 ... 206 572 775 61 17 77 5.71 .65 lJ.65 1.16 13.75 .61 6.87 1.80 J.82 6,hll 51,529 2,716 29.76 ),134 1,956 .79 .38. 3,,462 1,662 J.rJ3 942 21.39 2,756 4,772 2,!i2h 671.: 795 22 678 191 6,,h87 75 1,,755 ... l,68h 7SO 1 ,_ 22,1ii,5 1,l128 2,,075 243 .3,273 ]l"!l;t;t Grl;M.in s.a2 74 1 Gra:; so11 Or egg 20 3.90 4. 79 562 14,152 707 2, 795 3,02fi Galv(ir,t.1.m 191 %of Colored 127 30 72 5,352 s1 5 21.29 11.t .on S1.S1 1.06 2.32 19.25 --.3.45 2.02 li,,C.26 1,$05 26.39 $, 20? 7,932 r\24 1,,633 1,059 1,,703 7.30 1.Q') 11.11 1,369 1,, 763 6.10 150 957 182 12,789 ll,,232 l, 11.U l.52 51-lB 264 -- 182 . 22.62 2.95 9.67 45.3? 13.66 ."6.46 . 1.3 .02 9.66 Courit;r Enrdin P.arris Herrison Hartley HaskelJ Hays Hemphill Hellderson Hidaleo Hill Hockley Hood Hopkins Houston Howard Hudspeth Hunt Hutchinson Irion Jeck Jackson Jasper Jeff Devis Jeffer son Jin Jim Johnson .Jones Karnes Ka u!.'man KendBlJ. .Kenedy Kent Kerr Kimble v•i.ng •• Kinney Kleberg Knox Lamar Lamb Lampasas La Salle Lci.vaca lee L-eon Limestone Lipscomb Live Oak Llano Loving Lubbock Lynn Hadison r::arion Fart in No. of No. of' Colorf"jd ;; of Colorr:id Jh,762 803 15.23 17.08 2,551 13h !1.98 627 3,698 45,C..32 4,L;.L. 5,306 21) 1.i.56 1,307 88 1,19;; 26.11 .19 21.29 5.18 l.V L,1,71 168,823 5,.:..)t ,.,. , 258 4,Lt9c; .... 1,051 3,455 2,L2J 6,649 796 6,2n3 7,656 315 1,550 . 3,290 6,0 1)2 290 13 651 2,070 277 1,531 127 23 450 1 _,,__.,,,.. 3,913 436 .36,069 11, ·100 8,40.5 6,6oS 4,029 71 400 3.'31 l,3'13 3, 798 4,138 l,2L.o llt3 222 53.lil -· 15.85 46.07 boo. 1.63 --1.h6 . 12 .03 28.39 -- 24.h8 .84 134 2,184 J.hl 10 5 5.71 7.59 34.55 .Bo 2.20 2,671 105 161 19 l0.56 5,873 166 3.01 7.36 20.59 8.57 856 465 1,887 6,269 4,937 1,942 2, 717 J,u99 1,523 1,471 5,682 2,781 737 2,139 847 23 23,h85 2,416 IJ93 BBl l,J.4h 49 150 1,625 463 33 549 704 1,317 1,632 1,607 2 2,310 115 610 1,293 06 3.78 -- 9.53 1.67 13.$6 .31.61 h7.24 22.Jl .36.62 ..."!; 8.96 4.,4 40.59 59.hl.l 6.99 County Nason r!at.agorda HcCulloch I-le Lennan Medina Mena rel Niu land Mih.un Nil ls !"!itchell Hont.aeu9 . x.orr1s Motley '.,{ No. of ll'foit':' 871 :20.n 2,027 23,0.36 195 5,385 80 3.00 18.95 3, 716 4,707 628 9,536 910 2013 7.66 4,71+7 1,571 24.f.i7 1 , ,.•C-:n 1,045 36.37 2,J.37 36.11 29.97 37.?.4 3.88 954 3,Jl:il.i 3, 756 679 5 7f\q I . , 95·7 165 hl3,7CG 651 11, .... , , 20,678 1,529 699 l -:it,3 , ..... 1 .. 7JS 262 ')._, fi7 ., 0 4,n52 2,598 211 -:4,.,.;-:-i:..c ..... _,, 975 3,338 5 J'il.f') 1,282 1,181 619 12,367 i,Ite4 5'98 4 ') f C: , .... J ',,,- Bl.:2 3,6h7 9.35 3.81 1,172 1,311 10.60 1, 7;,:;h 40.?.3 1.78 .98 156 84 h:irkCI' Presidio 9.23 2,509 Kolan l'olk .68 1.57 1,119 ' .t·anols 33 10 4,o.c:. o L,6l.3 Ir o::.:: '. ·- Orang'J f alo fint.o l.:U1 1,169 li,lJS Oldbam 10 % of h,h73 lfacl'fScloches Ochiltri:-ie N'='• ct Colored l 25 ' o<'.l . ..,.,) 1,05.3 4.o4 .96 30.12 4.85 1 112 .01 13.81 52 6.58 1,165 ll.i5 28.83 3.45 2eo '?.13 -,502 l.11. "_,. _._,, 3,041 J6.oo ..;'/ 9h 33.9? 2.70 804 30.09 40.50 203 1.61 39 93 19 1,613 6.12 986 5. .34 2.08 2.21 J(•.67 County Sherman Smith Sornervell Sta.l•r Stephens Ste1•lin3 Stonewall Su"t,ton Swisher Ta.rI'nnt Taylor •rerrel.l ·rel·i.·y Throckmorton Titns Tom Green 'I'rnvls 'Irinit.y Tyler Upton Uv:;,·J.de Val lli:irrle Vnn Zmld.t. Vfot.oria '.ii2.1l·:e::o ;,:·;i.llcr bard ingt.on Webb Wharton \'1heeler :.'le hi ta ·;,ilbarger :·:nincy \'ij.JJ.lamson \'iil8on 1{tnkle't" :.bod Yo;-1kllln Y0tmg Za._pata Zavala Ho. or White 578 11,695 h.58 5,099 1,667 325 691 646 2,394 eo,435' 14,058 5?0 3,352 623 3,088 12 ,4.17 28,979 2,230 2,959 1,589 4,518 4,756 No. of Colored 31.84 67 l 32 18 66 3.86 - 645 80 673 627 s,01s 667 682 1,h83 67 J,8b9 1,6.54 3,300 i,007 3,395 l0..54 -... 4.39 2 l.80 4.81 14.75 23.42 33.38 4.os l,164 4.$.20 46 3,054 4.43 2.08 2.68 1.66 10.32 2,854 2,471 .Jo 41 91 451 195 1,621 2,348 16,113 7,576 l,957 18,070 3,307 .5,622 6,701 3,511 -- 5,t!.64 3,?18 8,967 1,704 1,411 %of Colored l,770 5 2,098 66 l,.317 385 21 1,286 86 59 42 700... 27 --24 .90 8.14 so.51 1.59 b2.98 .03 21.68 3.26 6.79 l0.43 .31 16.10 2.39 2.J3 1.36 15.39 .18 .81 .10 APPENDIX I I I PERCENTAGE OF NEGRO SCHOLASTIC POPULATION BY COUNTY of )UNTIES ). 5 10 i# 50% 0 40 - 50% •0 20 10 D 15 - 20% rn * 19 *• - •• •• •• •• •• •• --• •-··• ••• •• •• ••• *.** Di\a;'9A• 30 - 40% 30% 10 - 15% 5 - 10% 0 - 5% _.,.".., ........... ........,.... ........ Ol. . T._ _.. ...... o... .. IUU.\. ·-........ SCALE •-.;•5:111:11;i··-"ii::=:::i ...... .1· ·-- --· -·· - . ....... .......... .....""" TEXAS APPENDIX IV -A LOCATION OF INTEGRATED DISTRICTS fo. of Integrated Districts Per County )istricts Counties 9 l 6 1 1 5 4 3 2 1 0 84 3 2 3 .......... ---s .._ ··- ........ .-.&• 40 Z03 Z54 ...... ..................,. .S7 51 -·-· .JI** . . SCALE x y '! Mtl.I• llll.U9I TEXAS APPENDIX IV-B PUBLIC SCHOOLS INTEGRATED School District Number of Scholastics White Negro Per Cent Negro Scholastics Actual Integration Expected in 1956 White Negro 1. Abilene State Hospital ZlZ zo a. 6% Complete ZlZ zo z. 504 1 •zo/o Complete 504 1 Agua Dulce 3. Alamo Heights 4,068 1, 143 4. 5. Arnarillo 18,679 6. Aransas County, Rockport 1, 130 7. Aransas Pa·,s 1,760 ·s. Austin 9. Austwell-Tivoli 10. Beeville 22,956 zz 7 1,008 14 56 • 5o/o • 6% 5. 1o/o 1.4% 3.lo/o Permissive Z,100 lZ Complete 900 15 Complete 1,750 60 388 40 9. 3% Unknown 3, 143 107 3. 4% H. S. 450 Z78 5.zo/o 12. Bishop l,Z8Z 47 3.5% 14. Brownwood 8 14. 5o/o 5,024 13 Complete 950 3,901 11. Big SprinG 13. Brownsville Choice 3,850 H. S. Choice 7,000 13 40 Elem. Choice 3,150 15 H. S. 190 11, 988 17 • 1o/o Unknown 3,031 137 4. 30/o H. S. Unknown 10 Number of Scholastics White Negro SC:.-1001 District 15. Burnet 750 20 Per Cent Negro Scholastics Actu;d in l 'JS. --z. 6% H. S 20'.j 16. Cafovun County, 2, 938 Port Lavaca 17. Carrizo Springs 18. Corpus Chrinti 1, 663 30, 626 150 4. 9% G1·3.d•.,:; 3 -12 3,200 13 1,440 .8% 4. 5% Complete l, 663 Complete 15,000 25 1. 0(-)% Z 1. Edgewood, San A.ntonio 61 3. 9% 11,027 340 3.0% 7,342 Edinburg 1,200 36 • 5% 31,515 645 2. 0% 25. Fo:i:-tStccli:· r1 53 5.0(-)% Unknown l, 786 21 1. 2% H. S. 275 0 0% 10,128 3 .03% San A11t0nio 28, Harlingen 9, 160 62 • 7% Complete 10,200 1,578 16 1. 0% 1 1 7 H. S., Elem. Choice 8,500 29. Hondo 400 Complete 762 Z7. Ha:rlandalc, 30 Complete 1,014 754 120 Grades 4-12 35,000 24. Flor<:' svill0 zo Choice 5,000 23, El Paso 25 Choice 1,484 10,500 zz. 300 Complete 2,553 20. East Ccnt.t·al Flural H. S,, Sau Antonio 1.3 Unknown 60 School District 30. Ingleside 31. Karnes City Number of Scholastics White Negro 632 1, 279 3 64 Per Cent Negro Scholastics • 5% 4.8% 32. Kenedy l, 418 68 4. 6% 33. Kermit 1,937 31 1.6% 34. Kingsville 35. Kress 3 6. Lackland 37. La Feria 38. La Vernia 39. Llano 40. Littlefield 4, 611 584 361 1,706 223 172 25 7 16 27 3.4% 4.1% 1. 9% • 9% 10. 8% 893 2 • 2% 1,953 250 11. 3% 41. Marion 177 46 20. 6% 42. Mason 891 10 1.1% 43. Mathis 44. McAllen 45. Menard 46. Mercedes 2,326 6,740 681 3,482 11 23 12 0 .5% .3% 1. 7% 0% Actual Integration Expected in 1956 White Negro Complete 670 6 Complete 1,200 55 Unknown Grades 9-12 2,000 8 H. S. 450 25 Complete 600 25 Complete 460 12 Complete 1,500 8 Complete 250 25 Unknown Complete 1,700 200 Grades 7-12 Unknown Complete 850 9 Complete 1,891 10 Complete 6,000 20 Complete 550 15 Complete 2,498 2 School District 47. Mission Number of Scholastics White Negro 3, 191 7 Per Cent Negro Scholastics .2% Actual Integration Expected in 1956 White Negro Complete 3,600 48. Monahans 1,959 38 1. 9% Unknown School · 40 1 2. 4o/o Unknown 50. Navarro 299 36 10. 7% Complete 10 49. Moody State 260 51. Nordheim 346 9 2. 6% Complete 325 52. Northeast, 3,407 0 0% 53. Northside, 1, 811 93 4. 9% 54. Odessa 55. Pearsall 12,787 556 4.2% Complete No Mixing 1,884 23 1. 2% H. S. 453 56. Pecos 57. Pep 3,393 132 3. 7% 107 1 . 9% 59. Plains 703 435 0 0 0% 0% 337 0 0% 507 9 1. 7% Ben Bolt 61. Poth Complete 650 2,790 21 .7% 1,270 179 12. 3% 4 7 Complete Anyone Admitted Comple.te 6 H. S. 365 63. Refugio 1 Complete 630 62. Raymondville 7 Complete 540 60. Polito-Blanco, 20 Unknown 95 58. Pettus 0 Grades 9-12 375 San Antonio 5 Complete 3,407 San Antonio 29 H. S. Unknown 9 35 School District 64. Robstown Number of Scholastics Negro White 5,505 97 Per Cent Negro Scholastics 1. 7% Actual Integration Expected in 1956 White Negro Grades 9-IZ 500 65·. Runge 556 10 1.8% 66. San Angelo 8,492 62Z 6.8% 67. San Antonio 67,8Z6 5,381 7.4% Unknown 5,000 1,884 41 2.1% 125 Complete 18,038 68. San Felipe 25 250 Complete 1,600 69. San Marcos 3,061 180 5.6% H. S. 460 70. San Saba 1,078 9 .8% 835 5 .6% 1,277 60 4.5% 73. Seguin 3,140 629 16. 7% Grades 10-12 No Mixing 74. Sinton 2,453 51 2.0% Grades 9-12 308 33 1. 0(-)% 262 0 0% 78. Sundeen 632 6 .9% 1,235 9 • 7cy, 80. Uvalde 799 3,314 40 4.8% 1.3% 8 Complete 14 H. S. 850 42 46 Unknown 2,188 79. Tahoka 9 Choice 255 77. Stockdale 2 Complete 3,854 76. Spade 4 H. S. 300 75. South San Antonio 3, 389 5 Complete 900 72. Seymour 40 Complete 1,033 71. Schertz Cibolo 40 Unknown 3 School District 81. Victoria Number of Scholastics White Negro 6,689 612 Per Cent Negro Scholastics 8.4% 82. Weslaco 4,722 11 .2% 83. West Oso, 1,519 116 7.1% Grades 1-3 Choice Unknown 13,329 1,132 7.8% 52 Unknown H. S. 1,500 Corpus Christi 84. Wichita Falls Actual Integration Expected in 1956 White Negro Unknown 35 APPENDIX V COUNTY Anderson Andrews Angelina Aransas Archer Armstrong Atascosa Austin Bailey Bandera Bastrop Baylor Bee Bell Bexar Blanco Borden Bosque Bowie Brazoria Brazos Brewster Driscoe Brooks Brown Burleson Burnet Caldwell Calhoun Callahan Cameron Camp Carson Cass Castro Chambers Cherokee Childress Clay Cochran Coke Coleman Collin Collingsworth Colorado %FOR SEG. 87 69 86 61 68 62 60(-) 79 74 67 87 79 66 80(-) 65 64 83 85 80(-) 76 63 68 57 71 89 69 80 63 76 56 94 72 91 49 82 85 78 75 81 76 83 88 83 82 %FOR INTER. 88 78 86 74 76 72 69 80 82 73 88 84 73 85 70(-) 73 85 86 81 80(-) 73 73 61 79 90(-) 78 83 71 82 65 94 80 89 64 83 81 81 80(-) 85 81 88 89 85 82 COUNTY Comal Comanche Concho Cooke Coryell Cottle Crane Crockett Crosby Culberson Dallam Dallas Dawson Deaf Smith Delta Denton De Witt Dickens Dimmit Donley Duval Eastland Ector Edwards Ellis El Paso Erath Falls Fannin Fayette Fisher Floyd Foard Fort Bend Franklin Freestone Frio Gaines Galveston Garza Gillespie Glasscock Goliad Gonzales Gray o/oFOR SEG. 58 73 64 83 86 89 75 72 76 75 62 80(-) 76 64 82 85 75 62 68 82 60(-) 80 74 77 88 52 80 79 75 92 82 83 81 77 94 85 71 80(-) 64 73 59 73 82 80(-) 72 %FOR INTER. 64 77 76 83 88 89 79 76 82 82 75 82 83 76 84 78 78 67 75 82 65 84 79 79 89 63 84 81 76 92 85 87 85 81 94 86 74 86 71 78 67 81 84 81 81 COUNTY Grayson Gregg Grimes Guadalupe Hale Hall Hamilton Hansford Hardeman Hardin Harris Harrison Hartley Haskell Hays Hemphill Henderson Hidalgo Hill Hockley Hood Hopkins Houston Howard Hudspeth Hunt Hutchinson Irion Jack Jackson Jasper Jeff Davis Jefferson Jim Hogg Jim Wells Johnson Jones Karnes Kaufman Kendall Kenedy Kent Kerr Kimble King Kinney Kleberg Knox Lamar Lamb %FOR SEG. "/oFOR INTER. 85 91 90(-) 70(-) 78 83 76 84 84 88 73 86 75 90(-) 73 81 88 67 91 82 78 94 93 81 80(-) 91 79 81 86 82 95 75 81 84 90(-) 89 65 72 79 70 68 82 87 74 85 59 89 69 70(-) 87 56 89 77 97 95 91 75 77 90( ·) 71 72 82 79 94 62 82 57 64 87 75 65 86 69 82 80 74 75 87 64 70(-) 89 85 69 89 74 90 83 81 76 87 70 81 87 74 84 88 83 62 COUNTY Lampasas La Salle Lavaca Lee Leon Liberty Limestone Lipscomb Live Oak Llano Loving Lubbock Lynn Madison Marion Martin Mason Matagorda Maverick McCulloch McLennan McMullen Medina Menard Midland Milam Mills Mitchell Montague Montgomery Moore Morris Motley Nacogdoches Navarro Newton Nolan Nueces Ochiltree Oldham Orange Palo Pinto Panola Parker Parmer Pecos Polk Potter Presidio Rains %FOR SEG. 84 7Z 83 83 90 86 85 63 71 70(-) 85 73 78 86 91 82 58 79 57 75 81 69 67 62 64 80(-) 82 83 76 89 63 91 87 91 76 92 76 53 67 63 86 85 94 77 71 69 88 73 64 89 %FOR INTER. 87 75 84 84 9Z 87 89 73 76 76 89 81 84 88 93 84 64 83 65 79 84 75 72 73 75 83 85 84 80(-) 89 75 91 91 92 82 93 82 63 78 73 88 89 94 83 82 77 91 79 76 . 91 COUNTY Randall Reagan Real Red River Reeves Refugio Roberts Robertson Rockwall Runnels Rusk Sabine San Augustine San Jacinto San Patricio San Saba Schleicher Scurry Shackelford Shelby Sherman Smith Somervell Starr Stephens Sterling Stonewall Sutton Swisher Tarrant Taylor Terrell Terry Throckmorton Titus Tom Green Travis Trinity Tyler Upshur Upton Uvalde Val Vt,rde Van Zandt Victoria Walker Waller Ward Washington o/oFOR SEG. %FOR INTER. 72 78 62 87 77 65 79 81 91 77 90 93 93 89 68 75 80(-) 61 77 92 76 86 74 60(-) 80 76 80 65 64 84 78 78 81 79 91 69 66 82 90(-) 95 71 79 83 69 89 83 73 84 81 93 81 91 95 94 82 75 80 84 71 84 95 82 87 79 66 84 79 84 72 82 86 83 80 86 82 93 76 71 85 91 93 76 68 84 64 81 86 77 92 73 85 69 83 86 84 94 COUNTY Webb Wharton Wheeler Wichita Wilbarger Willacy Williamson Wilson Winkler Wise Wood Yoakum Young Zapata Zavala %FOR SEG. %FOR INTER. 24 76 8Z 74 84 70(-) 83 57 69 84 89 68 78 55 61 25 75 87 80(-) 87 78 84 61 83 86 89 76 87 62 71 APPENDIX VI PERCENTAGE OF VOTE FAVORING SEGREGATION BY COUNTY NO. OF COUNTIES 21 83 77 52 16 2 •• TEXAS 90% 0 0 * rJJ 80 90% 70 80% 60 70% 50 60% '(5 • ..... '" Less than 50% 3 Not on ballot ·- ..... ."" SCALE •• II .. 10 .. y ., APPENDIX VI I PERCENTAGE OF VOTE FAVORING INTERPOSITION BY COUNTY NO. of COUNTIES 0 28 90% * 80 90% 73 • 70 80% 23 0 60 70% 0 50 60% 1 0 50% 126 3 • • ......•. • ,., Not on Ballot - • •a....... . .. SCALE • •• • y '! ..... . TEXAS