Original Article

Sexually Objectifying Environments:
Power, Rumination, and Waitresses’
Anxiety and Disordered Eating

Psychology of Women Quarterly
1-11
ª The Author(s) 2017
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DOI: 10.1177/0361684317709438
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Dawn M. Szymanski1 and Renee Mikorski1

Abstract
In this study, we investigated the relations between sexually objectifying restaurant environments (SOREs) and anxiety and
disordered eating in a sample of 252 waitresses working in restaurants located in the United States. Supporting our
hypotheses, results indicated that higher levels of SOREs were positively correlated with waitresses’ anxiety and disordered
eating. Our findings also supported a theorized four-chain mediation model in which higher levels of SOREs were related to
both anxiety and disordered eating directly and indirectly via, in serial: less organizational power, less personal power and
control, and more rumination. In addition, SOREs and a lack of organizational power had direct, unique links to rumination.
Our findings highlight the importance of both contextual and intrapersonal factors in understanding waitresses’ mental health
problems. These findings underscore the need to implement both system-level and individual-level interventions to combat
the existence of SOREs and the negative effects these environments may have on women who work in the industry.
Keywords
objectification, sexism, working conditions, anxiety, eating disorder

Gender differences in anxiety (McLean & Anderson, 2009;
McLean, Asnaani, Litz, & Hofmann, 2011) and disordered
eating attitudes and behaviors (Keel & Forney, 2013;
Neumark-Sztainer, Wall, Larson, Eisenberg, & Loth, 2011;
Striegel-Moore et al., 2009) have been well-documented.
Research shows that women report more anxiety and disordered eating symptoms than men. Objectification theory
(Fredrickson & Roberts, 1997) and other feminist models
(e.g., American Psychological Association, 2007a; Brown,
2010; Jack & Ali, 2010; Jordan, 2010) provide some insight
into why these differences might occur.
Objectification theory (Fredrickson & Roberts, 1997) postulates that mental health problems that disproportionately
affect women, such as anxiety and disordered eating, are
influenced by experiences of being sexually objectified. Sexual objectification occurs when women are treated as fragmented and dehumanized objects to be valued for their use by
men (Fredrickson & Roberts, 1997). Sexual objectification
and other traditional restrictive gender socialization processes expose women to negative life events; disempower
them; lower their social status; and limit their personal
agency, mastery, and control (Brown, 2010; Fredrickson &
Roberts, 1997; Jack & Ali, 2010; Johnson, 2005; NolenHoeksema, 1991; Nolen-Hoeksema, Larson, & Grayson,
1999). These factors in turn are thought to contribute to
women’s increased risk for problematic coping responses
(e.g., rumination) and the development of certain psychological

problems (e.g., depression, eating disorders; Brown, 2010;
Fredrickson & Roberts, 1997; Nolen-Hoeksema, 1991;
Nolen-Hoeksema et al., 1999).
In the current study, we examined an environmental form
of sexual objectification (i.e., sexually objectifying restaurant
environments [SOREs]) and its relation to both anxiety and
disordered eating among female servers/waitresses. In addition, we examined a theoretically driven four-stage chain of
serial mediation from SOREs to these two mental health outcomes via less organizational power, less personal power, and
more rumination. We focused on an environmentally specific
form of sexual objectification because such contexts are ever
present in United States’ culture and have been given limited
attention in sexual objectification research (Szymanski, Moffitt, & Carr, 2011). We focused on restaurant environments
because the restaurant industry is one of the fastest-growing
areas of the U.S. economy (Restaurant Opportunities Centers
United, 2014), and sexually objectifying restaurants (e.g.,
Tilted Kilt and Pub Eatery; Twin Peaks), in particular, are not
only growing but flourishing (Associated Press, 2012).
1

Department of Psychology, University of Tennessee, Knoxville, TN, USA

Corresponding Author:
Dawn M. Szymanski, Department of Psychology, University of Tennessee,
Knoxville, TN 37996, USA.
Email: dawnszymanski@msn.com

 2
Furthermore, waitressing is 1 of the 20 most prevalent professions for working women (U.S. Labor Department, 2014).
Thus, it seems likely that psychologists, other mental health
professionals, and career counselors will see some of these
workers as clients.
Finally, recent media has focused on SOREs including
their requirements for sexualized uniforms, their strict standards for physical appearance, the negative experiences
female employees report (cf. Leonard, 2014; Tierney, 2015;
Vagianos, 2014), and the discrimination and sexual harassment lawsuits against restaurants that have been filed on
behalf of female employees, for example, Tilted Kilt and Pub
Eatery (The Huffington Post, 2012) and Hooters (Barkacs &
Barkacs, 2011; Chuck, 2015). The high-profile attention
given to these issues underscores the need to study if, how,
and when SOREs might be linked to mental health problems
in this population. In addition, efforts to understand and disseminate through empirical research the widespread experiences of women working in SOREs could lead to validation
and collective empowerment of these populations.

SOREs
Restaurant environments range on a continuum in terms of
how much they encourage and intensify the sexual objectification of women (Szymanski et al., 2011). On one end of this
continuum are family-style restaurants (e.g., O’Charleys,
Olive Garden, and P. F. Chang’s) and at the other end are
restaurants that overtly advertise their sexually objectifying
environments (e.g., Hooters, Twin Peaks, and Bikinis Sports
Bar & Grill). SOREs objectify women by (a) putting
women’s bodies and sexuality on display and (b) eliciting
and approving of the male gaze (Szymanski et al., 2011;
Szymanski & Feltman, 2015). SOREs promote these two
features of objectification by regulating female servers’
appearance and clothing in ways that draw attention to their
sexual and physical characteristics and by sanctioning
men’s “right” to look at, stare at, and visually scrutinize
waitresses’ bodies and to judge their physical appearance
and sexual desirability.
According to a recent large-scale national study conducted
by Restaurant Opportunities Centers United (2014), many
waitresses work in environments that encourage sexual
objectification of their bodies. For example, 20% of female
servers (compared to 3% of male servers) had been told by
restaurant managers to change their appearance to “be more
sexy,” 7% of women (compared to 2% of men servers) had
been instructed to expose more of their body or body parts,
and 16% of female (compared to 6% of male) servers were
told to flirt with customers. Qualitative comments from the
2014 study illustrate these quantitative numbers (e.g., women
were told, “You need to be ‘date ready’ . . . you need to wear
more make-up, you need to wear short shorts; you have the
assets, you need to flaunt it, kind of deal,” p. 25). Not surprisingly, 40% of female servers who were required to wear

Psychology of Women Quarterly XX(X)
uniforms (compared to 13% of male servers) reported feeling
uncomfortable wearing them, and rates of sexual harassment
were highest in restaurants that had different uniform requirements for female and male servers.

SOREs and Mental Health
A few researchers have begun to empirically link working in
SOREs with poor psychological health among waitresses.
Moffitt and Szymanski’s (2011) qualitative study of Hooters’
waitresses revealed that each of the 11 participants interviewed reported experiencing negative emotions associated
with their work environment including sadness, anxiety,
degradation, disgust, anger, insecurity, confusion, and guilt.
Quantitative researchers report that higher levels of SOREs
were significantly related to more depressive symptoms and
less job satisfaction (Szymanski & Feltman, 2015) and to
greater emotional exhaustion or burnout and more intentions
to leave one’s job (Szymanski & Mikorski, 2016) among
waitresses. In addition, Szymanski and Feltman (2015) found
support for a theorized five-chain serial mediation model in
which SOREs were related to less job satisfaction both
directly and indirectly via classic objectification theory
routes (i.e., interpersonal experiences of restaurant-based
sexual objectification, body surveillance, body shame, and
depressed mood). However, no other researchers have examined the associations between SOREs and anxiety or disordered eating. Thus, our study extends current research by
investigating how SOREs may be associated with mental
health outcomes beyond depression.
Scholars have postulated that certain environments and
subcultures may heighten risk for anxiety and disordered
eating by creating excess stress, increasing exposure to negative events, and amplifying sociocultural pressures to be thin
and beautiful (Striegel-Moore, Silberstein, & Rodin, 1986;
Szymanski et al., 2011). Qualitative (Moffitt & Szymanski,
2011) and quantitative (Szymanski & Feltman, 2015;
Szymanski & Mikorski, 2016) studies suggest that SOREs
expose waitresses to stressful conditions, such as increased
exposure to problematic and demeaning interactions with
customers, unwanted sexual comments and advances, and a
lack of organizational and coworker support. Furthermore,
waitresses experience pressures to maintain weight and
appearance ideals, create the unrealistic “dream girl” image,
and engage in submissive and fake “fantasy” relationships
with male customers (Moffitt & Szymanski, 2011). Research
has shown that women who work in other careers (e.g., modeling, dancing, and athletics) that dictate appearance ideals,
such as body weight regulations, are more likely to evidence
disordered eating than women who do not work in these
careers (Striegel-Moore et al., 1986). In addition, previous
research has linked other forms of sexual objectification
(e.g., interpersonal, cultural) to women’s mental health problems, including disordered eating and posttraumatic stress
symptoms (Miles-McLean et al., 2015; Moradi & Huang,

 Szymanski and Mikorski

3

Lack of
Organizational
Power

Lack of
Personal
Power
Rumination

Anxiety

Sexually
Objectifying
Environments

Disordered
Eating

Figure 1. Conceptual model of hypothesized relations.

2008; Szymanski et al., 2011). Thus, it seemed likely to us
that working in SOREs would be linked to more anxiety and
disordered eating.

A Serial Mediation Model
Our study extends previous research by investigating
potential variables––beyond those articulated in objectification theory (Fredrickson & Roberts, 1997)––that might
help explain how sexually objectifying contexts may influence psychological outcomes among waitresses. More specifically, we empirically examined the roles of power and
rumination in understanding the links between SOREs and
anxiety and disordered eating (see Figure 1 for our conceptual model).
We predicted that through its enforcement of sexualized,
traditional, and restrictive gender roles, SOREs would create
work contexts in which waitresses have less organizational
power and status in the restaurant than men, which in turn
would limit their personal power and control in that setting
(Szymanski et al., 2011; Szymanski & Mikorski, 2016). Findings from both qualitative and quantitative studies support
this prediction. In Moffitt and Szymanski’s (2011) qualitative
study of Hooters waitresses, gendered power dynamics
and feelings of powerlessness emerged as a significant
theme discussed by each of the 11 participants (Moffitt &
Szymanski, 2011). These women described uneven workplace power dynamics that included men (typically in supervisory/managerial positions) having more power than women
in the restaurant. They also reported double standards for
women and men (e.g., different appearance standards and
dress codes) and abuses of power by male supervisors and
managers via body surveillance, control, and mistreatment of
female servers. For example, supervisors and managers often
enforce the appearance and sexualized behavior rules established, whether formal or informal, by SOREs. Their role

gives them the power to (a) inspect, and even grade, waitresses’ appearance and behaviors; (b) demand that women be
more sexually appealing and seductive to entice and keep
male customers; and (c) send them home, and even fire them,
if they do not meet the restaurant’s presentation standards
(Leonard, 2014; Moffitt & Szymanski, 2011). Participants
also described supervisors and managers who mistreated
waitresses with disdain and disrespect and their personal
sense of powerlessness that resulted from this mistreatment
(Moffitt & Szymanski, 2011). In Szymanski and Mikorski’s
(2016) quantitative study of waitresses working in U.S. restaurants, higher levels of SOREs were negatively related to
gender-based organizational power and organizational power
was positively related to personal power and control in the
restaurant setting.
Disempowering contexts (i.e., SOREs and less organizational power) are likely to be both directly and indirectly
(through a lack of personal power) related to more rumination. Rumination refers to “a perseverative self-focus that is
recursive and persistent in nature” (Spasojevic, Alloy,
Abramson, Maccoon, & Robinson, 2004, p. 43). It consists
of passively comparing one’s current circumstance with some
unattained ideal (e.g., “Why can’t I handle things better?”;
“Why do I always react this way?”; Treynor, Gonzalez, &
Nolen-Hoeksema, 2003). Rumination may be particularly relevant for understanding waitresses’ anxiety and disordered
eating because research indicates that women are more likely
to ruminate than men, and rumination has been found to
explain or mediate the links between gender and the mental
health outcomes that disproportionately affect women (e.g.,
depression; Treynor et al., 2003). Perhaps one reason women
ruminate and experience anxiety and disordered eating more
often than men is that they are more likely to inhabit stressful
work environments where gender and job contexts interact
and result in women being treated as sexual objects without
power or control.

 4
Job contexts that are characterized by a lack of power
are likely to breed passivity and helplessness in those who
are disempowered (Brown, 2010). They are likely to promote passive coping responses, such as rumination, rather
than active coping responses, such as self-advocacy, due
to fears about possible criticism, conflict, retaliation, and
negative interpersonal and job-related consequences.
Women may also ruminate because they are looking for
ways to comprehend and control troubling circumstances
in their environment but don’t feel efficacious about exercising that control or lack the resources to leave the environment (Nolen-Hoeksema, 2000; Nolen-Hoeksema et al.,
1999). We posited that rumination would be related to
more anxiety and disordered eating.
Women may experience anxiety due to vigilance to
their environment and uncertainty about how to respond;
anxiety and uncertainty may be associated with their ruminations (Nolen-Hoeksema, 2000). Women may engage in
disordered eating behaviors (e.g., binge eating) to escape
from their situation, to subdue their self-directed thoughts
and self-consciousness (Nolen-Hoeksema, Wisco, &
Lyubomirsky, 2008), or both. Numerous studies have
shown that rumination is a robust and consistent correlate
of both anxiety (Etu & Gray, 2010; Michl, McLaughlin,
Shepherd, & Nolen-Hoeksema, 2013; Nolen-Hoeksema,
2000; Nolen-Hoeksema, Stice, Wade, & Bohon, 2007) and
disordered eating (Hilt, Roberto, & Nolen-Hoeksema,
2013; Nolen-Hoeksema et al., 2007; Rawal, Park, & Williams,
2010). In addition, experimental (e.g., Etu & Gray, 2010) and
longitudinal (e.g., Hilt et al., 2013; Michl et al., 2013) findings
indicate that rumination predicts more mental health and body
image problems.

Purpose of the Current Study
In the current study, we hypothesized that working in
SOREs would be positively related to waitresses’ anxiety
and disordered eating. In addition, we hypothesized a theoretically driven four-stage chain of serial mediation from
SOREs to these two mental health outcomes through two
types of power and rumination. More specifically, we posited that higher levels of SOREs would be related to less
organizational power, which in turn would be related to
less personal power. This in turn would be related to more
rumination, which would be related to more anxiety and
disordered eating (see Figure 1). Above and beyond these
mediating links, we also hypothesized direct links between
SOREs and rumination and less organizational power and
rumination, given feminist assertions that disempowering
contexts/situations may lead to more passive coping
responses (Brown, 2010; Nolen-Hoeksema, 1991; NolenHoeksema et al., 1999). Because disordered eating is regularly affected by body mass (Slevec & Tiggemann, 2011;
Stice, 2002), we included body mass index (BMI) as a
covariate in our analyses.

Psychology of Women Quarterly XX(X)

Method
Participants
The initial sample comprised 790 participants who began
the online survey. We eliminated 150 participants who left
the entire survey blank, 275 respondents who left at least
one measure entirely blank (85% of whom filled out less
than half of the survey items), 16 participants who indicated
they were not currently a waitress, and 7 respondents who
left more than 20% of items missing on one or more measures (Parent, 2013). This process resulted in a final sample
of 252 participants.
Of the 252 participants in the final sample, 87% identified
as White, 3% Biracial/Multiracial, 5% Latina, 2% African
American/Black, 2% Native American, and 1% Asian. Age
of participants ranged from 18 to 66 years old (M ¼ 30.63,
SD ¼ 12.01). Just under half of the participants (49%) were
currently enrolled in a college or university, with 31% being
first-year undergraduates, 27% sophomores, 13% juniors, 7%
seniors, 2% graduate students, and 20% other sources. Of the
51% who were not currently students, 8% attained less than a
high school diploma, 51% a high school diploma, 25% a 2year college degree, 12% a 4-year college degree, and 4% a
graduate degree. Participants self-identified as being a member of the following social class categories: 1% wealthy, 8%
upper middle, 31% middle, 16% lower middle, 36% working
class, and 8% poor. Participants resided in the United States’
South (48%), Midwest (20%), Northeast (20%), and West
(12%).
Missing data analysis conducted on this final sample
showed that 73% of the items were not missing data for any
case, 93% of participants had no missing data, and no single
item had more than 1% missing values. Given the very small
amount of missing data, we used available case analyses
procedures at the scale level (Parent, 2013). This is a type
of conditional mean imputation where missing values are
imputed from each person’s observed scores on the measure
where missing points occur. Thus, available data were used
to compute scale scores resulting in complete data for all
252 participants.

Measures
SOREs. We used Szymanski and Feltman’s (2015) Sexually Objectifying Environment Scale—Restaurant Version to
assess SOREs. This 15-item scale measures SOREs along
two dimensions: (a) Women’s Bodies and Sexuality on Display and (b) Male Gaze. Sample items include “In the restaurant I work, female servers/waitresses are encouraged to
wear sexually revealing clothing” and “In the restaurant I
work, male customers stare at female servers/waitresses,”
respectively. Each item was rated on a 7-point Likert-type
scale from 1 (Strongly disagree) to 7 (Strongly agree). Mean
full-scale scores were used, with higher scores indicating
more SOREs. Cronbach’s a (.96) as well as structural (via

 Szymanski and Mikorski
exploratory factor analyses) and construct validity were
demonstrated (Szymanski & Feltman, 2015). The a for the
current sample was .94.
Organizational power. We used Szymanski and Mikorski’s
(2016) 3-item Gendered Structural/Organizational Power
Scale. Sample items include “In the restaurant I work, male
workers are promoted to managerial positions more often
than female workers” and “In the restaurant I work, male
workers have more power than female workers.” Each item
was rated on a 7-point Likert-type scale from 1 (Strongly
disagree) to 7 (Strongly agree). Mean scores were used,
with higher scores indicating less organizational power.
Cronbach’s a (.84) as well as structural (via exploratory
factor analyses) and construct validity were demonstrated
(Szymanski & Mikorski, 2016). The a for the current sample
was .85.
Personal power. We used Ashford, Lee, and Bobko’s (1989)
3-item Powerlessness Scale to assess personal power and
control in the work environment. Although this measure is
older, it is one of the few measures that exist that assesses this
construct, is still applicable today, and has been successfully
used in recent studies (e.g., Szymanski & Mikorski, 2016;
Vander Elst, Van den Broeck, De Cuyper, & De Witte,
2014). Sample items include “In this organization/restaurant,
I can prevent negative things from affecting my work
situation” and “I have enough power in this organization/restaurant to control events that might affect my job.” We added
the word “restaurant” to 2 items to make the meaning clearer to
our participants. Each item was rated on a 5-point Likert-type
scale from 1 (Strongly disagree) to 5 (Strongly agree). All
items were reverse scored. Mean scores were used, with higher
scores indicating less personal power. Cronbach’s a (.83) and
construct validity were demonstrated (Ashford, Lee, & Bobko,
1989). The a for the current sample was .76.
Rumination. We used Treynor, Gonzalez, and Nolen-Hoeksema’s (2003) 5-item Brooding subscale of the Response
Styles Questionnaire to assess rumination. Participants were
instructed to indicate how often during the past 90 days they
experienced various thoughts. Sample items include “Think:
What am I doing to deserve this?” and “Think: Why can’t
I handle things better?” Each item was rated on a 4-point
Likert-type scale from 1 (Almost never) to 4 (Almost always).
Mean scores were used, with higher scores indicating greater
rumination. Cronbach’s a (.77), two-year test–retest reliability (.62), as well as structural (via exploratory factor analyses)
and construct validity were demonstrated (Treynor et al.,
2003). The a for the current sample was .85.
Anxiety. We used Spitzer, Kroenke, Williams, and Löwe’s
(2006) 7-item Generalized Anxiety Disorder (GAD-7) Scale
to assess generalized anxiety disorder symptoms. Participants
were instructed to indicate how often over the last 2 weeks,
they were bothered by various problems. Sample items
include “Feeling nervous, anxious or on edge” and “Not

5
being able to stop or control worrying.” Each item was rated
on a 4-point Likert-type scale from 0 (Not at all) to 3 (Nearly
every day). Mean scores were used, with higher scores indicating greater anxiety. Cronbach’s a (.92), 1-week test–retest
reliability (.83), as well as structural (via exploratory factor
analyses) and construct validity were demonstrated (Spitzer,
Kroenke, Williams, & Löwe, 2006). The a for the current
sample was .93.
Disordered eating and body mass. We used Garner, Olmsted,
Bohr, and Garfinkel’s (1982) Eating Attitudes Test-26 (EAT26) to assess disordered eating. This measure is one of the most
popular methods of assessing disordered eating in research,
and researchers of numerous recent studies (e.g., Brewster
et al., 2014; Reilly, Stey, & Lapsley, 2016; Watson, Velez,
Brownfield, & Flores, 2016) have used this scale. The EAT26 consists of 26 items, and includes three subscales: Dieting,
Bulimia and Food Preoccupation, and Oral Control. Sample
items include “I am terrified about being overweight,” “I vomit
after I have eaten,” and “I avoid eating when I am hungry.”
Each item was rated on a 6-point Likert-type scale from 1
(Never) to 6 (Always). Mean full-scale scores were used, with
higher scores indicating greater disordered eating. Cronbach’s
a (ranging from .83 to .90) as well as structural (via exploratory factor analyses) and construct validity were demonstrated
(Garner, Olmsted, Bohr, & Garfinkel, 1982; Koslowsky et al.,
1992). The a for the current sample was .89.
BMI was calculated based on participants’ self-reported
height and weight according to the calculation provided by
the Center for Disease Control (2014). To compute BMI, a
participant’s weight (in pounds) was divided by her height (in
inches) squared and then multiplied by a conversion factor of
703: weight ðlbs:Þ = ½height ðin:Þ 2   703.

Procedure
The institutional review board at our university approved this
study. Participants were recruited through advertisements
placed on the online social network, Facebook. The ads
invited our target population to participate in an online study
examining attitudes and experiences associated with being a
waitress. This advertisement was shown to specific Facebook
users who indicated that they identified as female, were at
least 18 years old, lived in the United States, spoke English,
and had Facebook interests related to one of these key words:
waitress, cocktail waitress, waitstaff, or names of known
sexually objectifying restaurants (e.g., Hooters, Twin Peaks).
We also recruited participants via a department of psychology’s human participants’ research pool at a large
U.S. Southeastern public university.
After participants clicked on the advertisement (or a
hypertext link provided to the psychology research pool),
they were directed to an online web-based survey located
on a secure firewall-protected server. After participants read
the informed consent, they indicated consent to take the

 6

Psychology of Women Quarterly XX(X)

Table 1. Means, Standard Deviations, and Correlations for All Study Variables.
Variable
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.

Sexually objectifying restaurants
Lack of organizational power
Lack of personal power
Rumination
Anxiety
Disordered eating
Body mass index

Possible Range

M

SD

1

2

3

4

5

6

1–7
1–7
1–5
1–4
0–3
1–6

2.42
3.13
2.43
2.07
1.37
2.43
25.86

1.23
1.84
0.84
0.75
0.90
0.72
5.46

—
.34*
.16*
.32*
.31*
.27*
 .04

—
.36*
.37*
.26*
.27*
.00

—
.30*
.13*
.13*
.07

—
.59*
.36*
.13*

—
.37*
.08

—
.14*

*p < .05.

survey by clicking a button and were then directed to the
survey webpage. The survey included the aforementioned
measures, which were presented in random order followed
by a demographic questionnaire. Respondents could either
enter into a raffle for a US$50 Amazon.com gift card awarded
to six randomly selected persons or they could receive course
credit to satisfy a requirement for their undergraduate course.
Participants’ names were not linked to their survey responses
because we used a separate raffle or course credit database.
Respondents reported hearing about the survey from a Facebook advertisement (74%), an undergraduate class (24%),
and Other (2%).

Results
Preliminary Analyses
Examination of absolute values for skewness (range ¼ 0.35–
1.43) and kurtosis (range ¼ 0.13–2.12) for each variable
indicated sufficient normality (i.e., skewness < 3, kurtosis
< 10; Weston & Gore, 2006). Descriptive statistics and
bivariate correlations among all study variables are shown
in Table 1. At the bivariate level, we found that waitresses
working in SOREs were at greater risk for anxiety (r ¼ .31)
and disordered eating (r ¼ .27). These were both medium
effect sizes, according to Cohen’s (1988) guidelines of .10
for small, .30 for medium, and .50 for large effect sizes. In
addition, effect sizes for all other significant relations shown
in Table 1 were largely medium size; there was a large effect
size for the correlation between rumination and anxiety; there
were small effect sizes for the correlations between SOREs
and lack of personal power, lack of personal power and both
anxiety and disordered eating, and BMI and both rumination
and disordered eating. Examination of multicollinearity
indexes for all analyses indicated that multicollinearity was
not a problem (i.e., variance inflation factors < 10, tolerance
values > .20, and condition indexes < 30; Field, 2013;
Tabachnick & Fidell, 2001).

Test of Hypothesized Model
We used maximum likelihood estimation with AMOS 23 to
test our hypothesized path model of direct and indirect
(mediated) relations shown in Figure 1. BMI was entered as

a control variable by correlating it to all of the variables in the
model, and the error variances for anxiety and disordered
eating were allowed to covary. Our sample size of 252
exceeded Weston and Gore’s (2006) recommendations of
200 minimum for path analysis and at least 10 cases per
estimated parameter in the hypothesized model. Weston and
Gore also recommended that when sample sizes are less than
500, models with a comparative fit index (CFI), Tucker–Lewis
index (TLI), and incremental fit index (IFI) of .95 or greater
and root mean square residual (RMR) and root mean square
error of approximation (RMSEA) values below .06 indicate an
excellent fitting model. Models with CFI, TLI, and IFI values
between .90 and .94 and RMR and RMSEA values between
.06 and .10 indicate an adequate fit to the data.
The results of our theorized hypothesized mediation
model are shown in Figure 2. Our control variable, BMI, was
significantly (p < .05) related to rumination (b ¼ .12). Consistent with our hypothesis, SOREs had a positive direct link
with less organizational power, less organizational power had
a positive direct link to less personal power, less personal
power had a positive link to rumination, and rumination had
positive links to both anxiety and disordered eating. In addition, SOREs had a positive unique direct link with both anxiety and disordered eating. Finally, SOREs and less
organizational power both had direct links to rumination.
Model fit indexes were good: CFI ¼ .998, TLI ¼ .991, IFI
¼ .998, RMR ¼ .027, RMSEA ¼ .022.
To test whether the indirect effects of our four-stage chain
of serial mediation from SOREs to both anxiety and disordered eating were significant, we followed Mallinckrodt,
Abraham, Wei, and Russell’s (2006) recommendation to use
bootstrap analyses to create 10,000 bootstrap resamples from
our data set. Mediation analysis experts increasingly recommend bootstrap confidence intervals because they can be
applied with confidence to smaller samples and do not erroneously assume normality in the distribution of the mediated
effect and the analysis (Mallinckrodt, Abraham, Wei, & Russell, 2006; Preacher & Hayes, 2008). If the confidence interval does not contain zero, one can conclude that mediation is
significant and meaningful (Preacher & Hayes, 2008).
Consistent with our hypotheses, our four-stage chain of
mediation from SOREs to anxiety via less organizational
power, less personal power, and more rumination in serial

 Szymanski and Mikorski

7

.36*
Lack of
Organizational
Power

Lack of
Personal
Power

.17*

Rumination

.54*

.24*
Anxiety
.34*

.21*
.14*
.28*

Sexually
Objectifying
Environments

Disordered
Eating
.19*

Figure 2. Path coefficients for our theorized mediated model. All values are standardized; *p < .05; body mass index was entered as a
covariate.

was significant at p < .001. The mean indirect (unstandardized) effect was .12, the standard error of the mean indirect
effect was .03, the 95% confidence interval for the mean
indirect effect was [.074, .181], and the standardized indirect
effect was .17. Similarly, our four-stage chain of mediation
from SOREs to disordered eating via less organizational
power, less personal power, and more rumination in serial
was also significant at p < .001. The mean indirect (unstandardized) effect was .05, the standard error of the mean indirect effect was .02, the 95% confidence interval for the mean
indirect effect was [.023, .092], and the standardized indirect
effect was .09. Finally, R2 was .36 (a large effect size, according to Cohen & Cohen, 1983) for anxiety and .17 (a moderate
effect size) for disordered eating. This indicated that the variables in the model accounted for just over one third of the
variance in anxiety and just under one fifth of the variance in
disordered eating.

RMR ¼ .124, RMSEA ¼ .155. Comparisons of Akaike information criterion (AIC) values for this model (AIC ¼ 91.16)
with our theoretically driven hypothesized model (AIC ¼
51.60) revealed that our hypothesized model, with a much
smaller AIC value and a large AIC difference (39.56), was a
better fit to the data (Burnham & Anderson, 2002; Weston &
Gore, 2006). Next, we examined the possibility that mental
health problems come earlier in the serial model. More specifically, women who are high on rumination may have more
anxiety and disordered eating, which may in turn be related to
more perceptions that their work environments are more
sexually objectifying, which then relates to less organizational power and less personal power in serial. We also
included a direct link from rumination to less personal power.
Model fit indexes were poor: CFI ¼ .864, TLI ¼ .644, IFI ¼
.870, RMR ¼ .112, RMSEA ¼ .138, and the AIC difference
(86.31   51.60 ¼ 34.71) indicated that this model was inferior to our hypothesized model.

Test of Alternate Models
Although our hypothesized model provided an excellent fit to
the data, alternate conceptual models are plausible. For example, it may be that waitresses who are high on maladaptive
coping responses and/or mental health symptoms are more
likely to perceive their environments as more sexually objectifying or are more likely to choose to work in SOREs. Thus,
we examined two additional models, while controlling for
BMI. First, we examined the possibility that rumination
comes first in the serial mediation model. That is, women
who are high on rumination may perceive their environments
to be more sexually objectifying, which sets off the chain to
less organizational power ! less personal power ! poorer
mental health outcomes. We also included a direct link from
rumination to both anxiety and disordered eating. Model fit
indexes were poor: CFI ¼ .851, TLI ¼ .552, IFI ¼ .858,

Discussion
Our study drew from feminist theoretical models that posit
that women’s mental health problems, especially those that
affect women more than men, are often rooted in the culture
of patriarchy (Brown, 2010; Fredrickson & Robert, 1997) and
embodied in organizations and sanctioned sexist organizational practices. We examined a theorized model where
SOREs reinforce women’s subordination and serve as a critical tool of disempowerment (Johnson, 2005). Our findings
reveal the important role that contextual factors may have on
waitresses’ coping responses and mental health symptoms.
More specifically, our findings support a theorized fourchain mediation model in which SOREs is related to both
anxiety and disordered eating directly and indirectly via, in
serial: less organizational power, less personal power and

 8
control, and more rumination. Furthermore, SOREs and
a lack organizational power had direct, unique links
to rumination.
Our findings are consistent with other research that has
linked SOREs to a lack of power and other mental
health challenges (e.g., depression, emotional exhaustion;
Szymanski & Feltman, 2015; Szymanski & Mikorski,
2016). Our theorized model is consistent with a study that
found that personal power and control in the work environment mediated the relations between another type of job
stressor (i.e., job insecurity) and emotional exhaustion over
time (Vander Elst et al., 2014). Our findings also support
feminist theoretical assertions that disempowering contexts
can influence women’s problematic coping responses, which
in turn may increase risk for mental health problems that
disproportionality affect women (Brown, 2010; Fredrickson
& Roberts, 1997; Nolen-Hoeksema, 1991; Nolen-Hoeksema
et al., 1999). These findings are consistent with studies showing that rumination mediates the links between other forms of
disempowering experiences (e.g., peer alienation, racist discrimination, heterosexist discrimination) and psychological
distress outcomes (i.e., eating pathology, negative affect,
anxious and depressed mood) over time and when experimentally manipulated (Hilt et al., 2013; Hatzenbuehler, NolenHoeksema, & Dovidio, 2009). Furthermore, our findings are
consistent with a fairly large research base (American
Psychological Association, 2007b; Moradi & Huang, 2008;
Szymanski et al., 2011) that has linked other forms of sexual
objectification (e.g., cultural, interpersonal, internalized) to
women’s mental health problems.
Finally, our findings provide empirical evidence for previous descriptive and anecdotal accounts related to SOREs
that are receiving media attention (cf. Barkacs & Barkacs,
2011; Leonard, 2014; Tierney, 2015). Although media coverage is important in shedding light on issues these waitresses
are facing, empirical evidence is needed that backs up these
reports and documents, validates, and elevates women’s challenges and responses in SOREs. Our findings can be used to
empower women working in SOREs to speak out and oppose
discriminatory policies and harmful practices that may negatively affect their mental health.

Limitations and Future Research Directions
Although one-time surveys of waitresses can provide an
insightful snapshot of their current beliefs and life experiences, such data do not test causal hypotheses (Maxwell &
Cole, 2007). Our study offers some groundwork for researchers to conduct future experimental and longitudinal studies to
address the directions of causality proposed in our theoretical
model linking SOREs, power, and rumination to anxiety and
disordered eating. Because we used an online study, those
who did not have access to a computer and the Internet did
not have the opportunity to participate. In addition, our sample was primarily White and may not represent the

Psychology of Women Quarterly XX(X)
experiences of racial or ethnic minority waitresses. Future
research using more diverse recruiting methods that specifically target racial and ethnic minority women is needed to
gain a more representative sample of female servers. As is
true with all self-reported data, participants may have
responded in socially desirable ways and results could be
influenced by method variance, a general tendency to respond
negatively, and memory recall.
Future research might explore moderators of links
between contextual variables assessed in our study and rumination, anxiety, and disordered eating. Variables that might
exacerbate or attenuate these links include self-efficacy,
locus of control, interpersonal dominance, boundary setting,
assertiveness, feminist identity, conformity to traditional
feminine norms, resilience, and social support. Researchers
might also examine additional mediators not proposed in our
theoretical model or Fredrickson and Roberts’ (1997) objectification theory. These might include social comparisons
between female servers, fairness or procedural justice concerns, high-pressure customer-service-focused atmospheres,
and both supervisor and coworker aggression and maltreatment in the links between SOREs and mental health outcomes (Szymanski & Mikorski, 2016). Finally, researchers
might extend this line of research to other types of sexually
objectifying environments and subcultures, such as aesthetic
sports, modeling, cheerleading, and sororities.

Practice Implications
Our findings suggest that women working in SOREs may be
at greater risk for experiencing less organizational power, less
personal power and control in their work environment, more
rumination, higher levels of anxiety, and more disordered
eating. Thus, psychologists working with female clients currently employed in SOREs might explore the role of the job
and gender context on their coping responses and mental
health. They might link both contextual factors (e.g., objectification and lack of power) and intrapersonal ones (e.g., rumination) to their clients’ understanding of why they might be
experiencing anxiety and/or disordered eating symptoms.
Furthermore, they might help the client explore ways they
might alter their work situation, change the internalized
effects of working in that type of environment, and gain more
power and control through strategies such as setting boundaries and creating psychological and physical distance to
resist objectification (Moffitt & Szymanski, 2011). Exploring
other restaurant employment and/or career options might also
be helpful. Psychologists might explore with clients the possibility of getting involved in organizations that promote
workers’ and women’s rights as a means of empowering them
in the face of oppressive aspects of SOREs.
Using interventions that have been shown to decrease
rumination, such as short-term positive distractions followed
by behavioral activation strategies that facilitate problemsolving, mindfulness training, interpersonal therapy,

 Szymanski and Mikorski
and cognitive restructuring, may be particularly useful
(Nolen-Hoeksema et al., 2008). Finally, social justice advocacy interventions aimed at increasing awareness of the
potentially damaging effects of SOREs on waitresses’ mental health among the relevant industries (e.g., owners and
managers of restaurant establishments), government agencies, and the public might improve working conditions for
women in the restaurant industry. For example, psychologists could implement programs (e.g., gender-based intergroup dialogues; multimedia presentations to the public;
billboard, television, and radio advertisements; outreach
interventions targeting college women who might work in
the restaurant industry and men who might frequent them)
aimed to increase awareness of sexual objectification practices and their potentially harmful effects in hopes of facilitating sociocultural changes toward greater gender equality
(Szymanski, Carr, & Moffitt, 2011). Psychologists could
work directly with the restaurant industry to help them
reduce double standards for male and female servers and
improve their sexual harassment policies and procedures.

Conclusion
Our study extends and supports feminist theoretical models by demonstrating that SOREs are linked to more anxiety and disordered eating among waitresses. In addition, it
provides support for the explanatory roles of organizational power, personal power and control in the work
environment, and rumination in these links. Our findings
link both contextual and intrapersonal factors to understanding waitresses’ mental health problems. These findings underscore the need to implement both system-level
and individual-level interventions to combat the existence
of SOREs and the negative effects they may have on
women who work in the industry.
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect
to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding
The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

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