Supreme Court. US. FILED JAN 29 2017 OFFICE OF THE CLERK 3m Tithe ?upreme Qtuurt of the @Hniteh ?tatw Brian McCann, Daphne Goggins, Carl Edward Pfeifer, Jr., Michael Baker, Ann Robbins, Ginny Steese Richardson, Carol Lynne Ryan, Joel Sears, Kurtes D. Smith, C. Arnold McClure, Karen C. Cahilly, Vicki Lightcap, Wayne Buckwalter, Ann Marshall Pilgreen, Ralph E. Wike, Martin C.D. Morgis, Richard J. Tems, James Taylor, Lisa V. Nancollas, Hugh H. Sides, Mark J. Harris, William P. Eggleston, Jacqueline D. Kulback, Timothy D. Cifelli, Ann M. Dugan, Patricia J. Felix, Scott Uehlinger, Brandon Robert Smith, Glen Beiler, Tegwyn Hughes, Thomas Whitehead, David Moylan, James R. Means, Jr., Barry 0. Christenson, Kathleen Bowman, and Bryan Leib, Applicants, v. League of Women Voters of et al., Respondents. EMERGENCY APPLICATION FOR STAY PENDING RESOLUTION OF APPEAL TO THIS COURT To the Honorable Samuel A. Alito, Jr. Associate Justice of the United States and Circuit Justice for the Third Circuit OBERMAYER REBMANN MAXWELL HIPPEL LLP JEFFREY S. BATOFF LAWRENCE J. TABAS REBECCA L. WARREN Centre Square West 1500 Market Street, Suite 3400 Philadelphia, 19102 Phone: (215) 665?3000 Facsimile: (215) 665-3165 Attorneys for Applicants TABLE OF CONTENTS OPINION BELOW 3 JURISDICTION 3 STATEMENT OF THE CASE 3 REASONS FOR GRANTING THE APPLICATION 8 I. There is a reasonable probability that the Court will consider the case on the merits and a fair prospect that the Court will vacate or reverse the decision below 9 A. The Supreme Court indicated no departure from its precedent of relying on federal law for partisan gerrymandering 10 B. This Court?s pending decisions in Gill and Benisek could impact this case. 12 II. Given impending 2018 election deadlines, voters will suffer irreparable harm without a stay. 14 A. The Order harms the Applicants and other who have been preparing for the 2018 elections 15 B. By directing the 18th District special election to proceed under the existing districts, the Order ignores the impact of circulating nomination petitions for a new district 17 The balance of equities favors a stay. 19 CONCLUSION AND RELIEF REQUESTED 22 PROOF OF SERVICE 23 TABLE OF AUTHORITIES Cases Baker 0. Carr, 369 U.S. 186 (1962) 10 Benisek v. Lamone, 266 F. Supp. 3d 799 (D. Md. 2017). 12 Benisek v. Lamone, No. 17-333 (U.S. Dec. 8, 2017). 12 Butcher 1). Bloom, 203 A.2d 556 (Pa. 1964). 6, 14 Common Cause U. Rucho, 2018 U.S. Dist. LEXIS 5191 (NI.D.N.C. Jan. 9, 2018) Common Cause U. Rucho, 22018 U.S. LEXIS 758 (U.S. Jan. 18, 2018) 13 Commonwealth v. Edmunds, 586 A.2d 887 (Pa. 1991) 11 Davis v. Bandemer, 478 U.S. 109 (1986) 10 Erfer v. Commonwealth, 794 A.2d 325 (Pa. 2002) 10, 11 Gill v. VWiitford, 137 S. Ct. 2289 (2017) 12 Holliugsworth v. Perry, 558 U.S. 183, 190 (2010) .1 9 In re 1991 Legis. Reapportionment Co'mm?n, 609 A.2d 132 (Pa. 1992) 10 League of United Latin Am. Citizens v. Perry, 548 U.S. 399 (2006) 10 Love U. Borough of Stroudsburg, 597 A.2d 1137 (Pa. 1991) 11 Lucas v. Forty-Fourth Gen. Assembly, 377 U.S. 713 (1964). 6, 14 Md. Cmte. for Fair Representation v. Tawes, 377 U.S. 656 (1964) 6 Michigan v. Long, 463 U.S. 1032 (1983) 10, 11 Newbold v. Osser, 230 A.2d 54 (Pa. 1967) 10 Purcell U. Gonzalez, 549 U.S. 1 (2006) 2, 14, 19 Vieth v. Jubelirer, 541 U.S. 267 (2004) 10 Whitford v. Gill, 218 F. Supp. 3d 837 (W.D. Wis. 2016) 3, 12 WMCA, Inc. v. Lomenzo, 377 U.S. 633 (1964) 6 United States Constitutional Provisions and Statutes U.S. Const. artU.S.C. 2 12 ii 28 U.S.C. 1257 .. 3 28 U.S.C. ?2101(f) 3 Constitutional Provisions and Statutes Pa. Const. art. I 1 4 ?Pa. Const. art. I 5 4 Pa. Const. art. I 7 4 Pa. Const. art. I 20 4 Pa. Const. art. I 26 4 25 Pa. 0.8. 2868 7 TO THE HONORABLE SAMUEL A. ALITO, R., ASSOCIATE JUSTICE OF THE UNITED STATES AND CIRCUIT JUSTICE FOR THE THIRD CIRCUIT: Since November 2016, the Applicantsl?Lthirty-six registered Republican voters residing in each of eighteen congressional districts, including candidates for Congress, county party committee Chairpersons, and active Republicans?have worked to elect their preferred candidates to the United States Congress in 2018 in reliance on existing congressional districts. GiVen the impending elections and the Applicants? constitutionally protected activities, the Applicants urged courts not to implement a remedy in time for the 2018 elections. They argued that a remedy would cause serious disruption of the 2018 elections and eradicate all activities undertaken by Applicants to date in the exercise of both their state and federal constitutional rights to participate in the political process. Now, on the eve of May 15, 2018 primary election and a March 13, 2018 special election for a vacancy in 18th Congressional District, the Supreme Court has done precisely what the Applicants 1 Brian McCann, Daphne Goggins, Carl Edward Pfeifer, Jr., Michael Baker, Ann Robbins, Ginny Steese Richardson, Carol Lynne Ryan, Joel Sears, Kurtes D. Smith, C. ArnOld McClure, Karen C. Cahilly, Vicki Lightcap, Wayne Buckwalter, Ann Marshall Pilgreen, Ralph E. Wike, Martin C.D. Morgis, Richard J. Tems?, James Taylor, Lisa V. Nancollas, Hugh H. Sides, Mark J. Harris, William P. Eggleston, Jacqueline D. Kulback, Timothy D. Cifelli, Ann M. Dugan, Patricia J. Felix, Scott Uehlinger, Brandon Robert Smith, Glen Beiler, Tegwyn Hughes, Thomas Whitehead, David Moylan, James R. Means, Barry 0. Christenson, Kathleen Bowman, and Bryan Leib. warned against. In an order unaccompanied by an opinion, it enjoined the use of the existing congressional districts in the 2018 primary and general elections. The Order struck down congressional districts as unconstitutional, but remarkably cited no authority?neither state nor federal?to do so. The Supreme Court gave the General Assembly less than three weeks to pass a new redistricting plan. It directed several factors for the legislature to consider?again, offering no authority for the factorsand no legal theory to guide the legislature. Compounding the chaos, since the Order was issued, the Department of State has disregarded statutory election deadlines, and announced two nomination petition circulation periods: one for all candidates except for Congress, and a separate, late period for candidates for Congress. Notwithstanding the resulting equal protection concerns for all congressional candidates, the nomination petition circulation period for ?new? congressional districts is now likely to occur in the midst of the special election for the ?old? 18th District, risking voter confusion and voter turnout. Dissenting in part, Supreme Court Justice Max Baer called it ?naive to think that disruption will not occur.? The Applicants have warned of these risks all along. There are ?considerations specific to election cases? because ?[c]ourt orders . . . can themselves result in voter confusion and consequent incentive to remain away from the polls.? Purcell v. Gonzalez, 549 US. 1, 4?5 (2006). The Supreme Court?s Order does just that: create voter confusion 'and incentive to stay away from the polls. Thus, Applicants respectfully request that this Honorable Court stay this case?as it has stayed the same equal protection and free speech claims in Gill 0. Whitford, Benisek v. Lamone, and Common Cause U. Rucho?until it can decide federal law at issue in the Supreme Court?s Order. OPINION BELOW The Order of the Supreme Court striking the Congressional Redistricting Act of 2011 as unconstitutional and enjoining its use in elections for seats in the United States House of Representatives, commencing with the upcoming May 15, 2018 primary, is reproduced at Appendix A. The Recommended Findings of Fact and Conclusions of Law of the Commonwealth Court are reproduced at Appendix B. The Order of the Supreme ?Court denying the Application to Stay ?led by the Applicants is reproduced at Appendix C. JURISDICTION This Court has'jurisdiction under 28 U.S.C. 1257. A party to a judgment sought to be reviewed may present to a Justice an application to stay the enforcement of that judgment. Id. 2101(f). STATEMENT OF THE CASE On June 15, 2017?little more than six months after a federal three-judge panel granted relief in a partisan gerrymandering claim for the first time in decades in Whitford v. Gill, 218 F. Supp. 3d 837 (W.D. Wis. 2016), and four days before the United States Supreme Court granted certiorari in that case?the League of Women Voters of and eighteen Democratic voters ?led their own Petition for Review in the Commonwealth Court challenging the constitutionality of congressional districts. These Democratic challengers (?Challengers?) claimed that congressional districts were designed to punish and prevent voters who consistently vote for the Democratic Party from electing their candidates to Congress. Challengers asserted that the vehicle of discrimination was the Congressional Redistricting Act of 2011?the redistricting plan which created the map for the current congressional districts?Which allegedly violates the free expression and free association clauses of the Constitution. Pa. Const. art. I, 20, the equal protection guarantee, id. 1, 26, and the free and equal elections clause, id. 5. Challengers waited three election cycles and almost six years after the enactment of the Congressional Redistricting Act of 2011 to bring their claims. App. B, Findings 111] 19, 21. Until the Petition for Review, no challenge had been brought to congressional districts created by the 2011 map. The Applicants, who are thirty-six registered Republican voters residing in each of eighteen congressional districts, intervened. App. B, Findings 11 45. They include announced or potential candidates for Congress, county party committee Chairpersons, and active Republicans. App. B, Findings 1T 45. The Applicants have been actively involved in election activities?protected by both the United States and Constitutions?intended to bene?t 2 LV WPA was subsequently dismissed as a party. Republican congressional candidates in the 2018 elections. App. B, Findings 1111 471, 473. Campaigns for members of the United States Congress start far in advance of the year of the election. App. B, Findings 1] 469. The Applicants introduced evidence that they have been actively preparing for the 2018 elections since November 2016. App. B, Findings 470, 473. The Applicants are working to elect their preferred candidates to the United States Congress in reliance on the existing congressional districts. App. B, Findings 1] 469. The Applicants maintained that the courts should not tamper with the map in the midst of the 2018 elections. At a hearing on October 4, 2017, the Commonwealth Court indicated that it would grant an Application to Stay the case pending this Honorable Court?s decision in Gill v. Whitford. App. at 3. Only then, Challengers then ?led an Application for Extraordinary Relief with the Supreme Court, requesting the exercise of plenary jurisdiction over the case, over three months after filing their Petition for Review. App. at 4. On November 9, 2017, the Supreme Court granted the Application and directed the Commonwealth Court to develop an evidentiary record. App. at 4. After a five-day trial, the Commonwealth Court issued Recommended Findings of Fact and Conclusions of Law. App. B. The Commonwealth Court concluded that the Challengers ?failed to meet their burden of proving that the 2011 Plan, as a piece of legislation, clearly, plainly and palpably violates the Constitution. For the judiciary, this should be the end of the inquiry.? App. B, Conclusions 64. The Supreme Court then scheduled brie?ng and oral argument. The Applicants argued that the Challengers? requested relief?new congressional districts for the pending 2018 elections?could not ?practically be effectuated? in time for the 2018 congressional elections. Butcher v. Bloom, 203 A.2d 556, 564 (Pa. 1964) (internal quotation marks omitted) (quoting Lucas 0. Forty- Fourth Gen. Assembly, 377 U.S. 713, 739 (1964); and citing Md. Cmte. for Fair Representation v. Tawes, 377 U.S. 656, 676 (1964); and WMCA, Inc. v. Lomenzo, 377 U.S. 633, 655 (1964)). Applicants stressed that no viable alternative to the statutorily required election schedule could be accomplished this close to the 2018 congressional elections without changing long-standing state election law provisions, imposing signi?cant costs and logistical challenges, and causing signi?cant voter confusion. If the existing Congressional Districts are reconfigured for the 2018 elections, these candidates and activists would need to start over and direct their activities toward new voters and demographics, rendering meaningless all or a significant portion of their protected activities up to that date. On January 22, 2018, the Supreme Court issued its order (?Order?). App. A. Without stating the grounds for the decision, the Court struck the Congressional Redistricting Act of 2011 as unconstitutional. App. A, Order at 2. The Court further enjoined the use of the existing congressional districts for the May 15, 2018 primary election. App. A, Order at 2. The General Assembly was directed to create a new map in less than three weeks. App. A, Order at 3. Completely devoid of any authority, the Order directed that the new congressional redistricting plan ?consist of: congressional districts composed of compact and contiguous territory; as nearly equal in population as practicable; and which do not divide any county, city, incorporated town, borough, tov'vnship, 0r ward, except Where necessary to ensure equality of population.? App. A, Order, slip op. at 3. Supreme Court Justice Max Baer disagreed with the remedy in the Order. Justice Baer recognized that ?the dangers of implementing a new map for the May 2018 primary election risks ?[s]erious disruption of orderly state election processes and basic governmental functions.? . . . It is naive to think that disruption Will not occur.? App. A, Concurring Dissenting Stmt. at 2 (Baer, J.) (citation omitted). The Supreme Court?s Order comes on the eve of the 2018 primary elections in Candidates of both parties have already declared their candidacies and have been actively campaigning in the districts. See, App. B, Findings 1W 462?65, 470?73. The first statutory deadline of the 2018 elections is February 13, 2018, the ?rst day to circulate and file nomination petitions. App. B, Findings 1] 423 (citing 25 Pa. C.S. 2868). Nomination petitions must be filed by March 6, 2018. App. B, Findings 11 424. In light of the Supreme Court?s Order, the Department of State has announced on its website two different nomination petition circulation periods: a separate late circulation period for candidates for Congress, while all other candidates must continue to comply with the statutorily required circulation period. Typically, state and local political parties circulate petitions for candidates for all of?ces together. In addition, the Order impacts a special election for the vacancy in 18th District. The Order expressly directs that ?the March 13, 2018 special election for 18th Congressional District, which will ?ll a vacancy in an existing congressional seat for a term: of of?ce which ends in 11 months, shall proceed under the Congressional Redistricting Act of 2011 and is unaffected by this Order.? App. A, Order, slip op. at 3. The special election will be held a mere twenty-eight days after the nomination petition circulation period for the May primary for the 18th District had been scheduled to commence. App. B, Findings 1] 467. ow, candidates for a new congressional district will be circulating petitions for a ?new? 18th District in the home stretch of the special election for the ?old? 18th District. Justice Baer recognized that ?electing a representative in March in one district While nomination petitioners would be circulating for a newly?drawn district, which may or may not include the current candidates for the special election? will result in ?likelihood for confusion, if not chaos.? App. A,-Concurring Dissenting Stmt., slip op. at 3 (Baer, J.). In light of great concern regarding the impact of the Supreme Court?s Order on the impending elections, on January 23, 2018, the Applicants filed an Application for Relief to Stay the Court?s Order with the Supreme Court. On January 25, 2018, the Supreme Court denied the Application. App. C. REASONS FOR GRANTING THE APPLICATION To obtain a stay pending appeal, an applicant must show (1) a reasonable probability that the Court will consider the case on the merits; (2) a fair prospect that a majority of the Court will vote to reverse the decision below; and (3) a likelihood that irreparable harm will result from the denial of a stay. Hollingsworth 0. Perry, 558 US. 183, 190 (2010). The Applicants meet all three factors, and the balance 'of equities favors a stay. I. There is a reasonable probability that the Court will consider the case on the merits and a fair prospect that the Court will vacate or reverse the decision below. This case meets the ?rst two elements for a stay by this Court?a reasonable probability that the Court will consider the case On the merits and vote to reverse the decision below?for three reasons. First, this Court can and should consider this case on the merits because the Supreme Court failed to state the grounds for striking the Congressional Redistricting Act of 2011 as unconstitutional, which necessarily implicates federal law which is subject to this Court?s review. In addition, the Supreme Court mandated the General Assembly to consider factors in the remedial redistricting plan in Violation of the Elections Clause of the United States Constitution. US. Const. art. I 4. Second, this Court is already considering the same legal claims raised in this case in the Gill and Benisek cases?cases in which this Honorable Court similarly granted stays, as it recently did in Rucho. This Court?s ruling in those cases could necessarily cabin what law on partisan gerrymandering can or cannot do as a matter of federal law. Thus, the ?rst two factors support a stay. 10 A. The Supreme Court indicated no departure from its precedent of relying on federal law for partisan gerrymandering claims. While the Supreme Court struck down the Congressional Redistricting Act of 2011 as unconstitutional, the Court offered absolutely no guidance as to the rationale for its decision. App. A, Order, slip op. at 2. The Supreme Court offers no ?plain statement? that its order rests upon adequate and independent state grounds. Michigan v. Long, 463 US. 1032, 1042 (1983). Therefore, this Court can and should consider the case on the merits. Historically, the Supreme Court relies on federal law to decide partisan gerrymandering claims. It followed this Court?s lead by holding that partisan gerrymandering claims are nonjusticiable. Newbold v. Osser, 230 A.2d 54, 57?60 (Pa. 1967) (citing Baker v. Carr, 369 US. 186 (1962)). It followed this Court?s lead when the Supreme Court adopted a test for partisan gerrymandering. In re 1.9.91 Legis. Reapportionment Comm?n, 609 A.2d 132, 142 (Pa. 1992) (citing Davis v. Bandemer, 478 US. 109, 139 (1986) (plurality 015)). It continued to follow this Court?s lead in the last partisan gerrymandering case decided in Erfer v. Commonwealth, 794 A.2d 325, 333 (Pa. 2002) (citing Bandemer, 478 US. at 139). The instant case is first partisan gerrymandering case since this Honorable Court?s decision in Vieth v. Jubelirer, 541 US. 267 (2004), and League of United Latin Am. Citizens 1). Perry, 548 US. 399 (2006). Importantly, in those decisions, the Supreme Court did not 11 regard this Court?s opinions as mere guidance. See Long, 463 US. at 1041. Rather, the Supreme Court ?has previously determined that this [equal protection] right is coterminous with its federal counterpart.? Erfer, 794 A.2d at 332 (citing Love u. Borough of Stroudsburg, 597 A.2d 1137 (Pa. 1991)). The Supreme Court has also recognized that free and equal elections clause, Pa. Const. art. I 5, is not ?more expansive than the guarantee found in the federal constitution.? Id. (citing Commonwealth v. Edmunds, 586 A.2d 887 (Pa. 1991)). Notwithstanding such uninterrupted precedent, the current Supreme Court has enunciated no basis for its dramatic departure from more than half a century of unwavering reliance on federal law to address partisan gerrymandering claims. But this pending challenge to congressional map is not an isolated attack on congressional district maps. Wisconsin, Maryland, and North Carolina state legislative and congressional maps are likewise being challenged on equal protection and free speech grounds in Gill v. Whitford, Benisek U. Lamone, and Common, Cause U. Rucho, respectively, which are pending before this Court. As such, this Court can and should also consider the case on its merits. Moreover, under the Elections Clause of the United States Constitution, our founding fathers conferred the sole authority to each state Legislature to prescribe ?[t]he Times, Places and Manner? of its congressional elections. US. Const. art. I 4. The only exception to this constitutional right is the power of Congress to ?make 12 or alter such Regulations.? Id.; see, 2 U.S.C. 2 (making regulations). Remarkably, however, it is not Congress, but the? judiciary imposing new requirements for congressional elections on the legislature in this case. Speci?cally, the Supreme Court is usurping legislative authority and directing that congressional redistricting plans ?consist of: congressional districts composed of compact and contiguous territory; as nearly equal in population as practicable; and which do not divide any county, city, incorporated town, borough, township, or ward, except where necessary to ensure equality of population.? App. A, Order, slip op. at 3. Moreover, the Order states that, if the General Assembly and the Governor cannot agree on a plan, the Court Will order its own map. App. A, Order, slip 0p. at 3. In. fact, given the short timeframe, this may be the likely outcome. These directives Violate the Elections Clause by usurping legislative authority, thereby warranting this Court?s consideration of this case on the merits. B. This Court?s pending decisions in Gill and Benisek could impact this case. This Court is currently considering two cases which could further impact the Applicants? rights?an equal protection partisan gerrymandering claim in Whitford v. Gill, 218 F. Supp. 8d 837 (W.D. Wis. 2016), stayed pending diSposition, 137 S. Ct. 2289 (2017), and a First Amendment partisan gerrymandering claim in Benisek v. Lamone, 266 F. Supp. 3d 799 (D. Md. 2017), postponing jurisdictional statement, No. 17-333 (U.S. Dec. 8, 2017). These cases involve the same claims as this case: equal protection and free speech. To avoid the possibility of added harm to the 13 Applicants, this Court should stay the Order below until further clarity can be provided regarding partisan gerrymandering claims. See App. A, Order, slip op. at 2. Indeed, in light of the Gill and Benisek cases, supra, this Court stayed the North Carolina partisan gerrymandering case of Common Cause U. Rucho just last week. Common Cause U. Rucho, 2018 U.S. Dist. 5191 (M.D.N.C. Jan. 9, 2018), stayed, 2018 U.S. LEXIS 758 (U.S. Jan. 18, 2018). Since Gill and Benisek?involve analogous issues to the case at bar, this Honorable Court?s decisions in those cases will most likely in?uence and affect jurisprudence. Historically and without exception, partisan gerrymandering law has relied upon federal law. Therefore, Applicants now face the possibility that after six years of justifiable reliance on the 2011 maps, congressional districts will be redrawn not once but in light of the Supreme Court Order, and then a second time to comply with the United States Supreme Court pronouncements in Gill and Benisek. The possibility of multiple redistricting before the 2018 general election is especially concerning to the Applicants, who need certainty in district boundaries to effectively carry out their politicallactivities by directing those activities to the correct eligible voters. Multiple redistrictings would result in the unbelievable and extremely burdensome need to prepare for the 2018 elections under a third iteration of maps. This etch-a-sketch approach to redistricting is irreparably damaging to the constitutional rights of all voters. 14 II. Given impending 2018 election deadlines, voters will suffer irreparable harm without a stay. Since the ?ling of their original Application for Leave to Intervene, the Applicants have demonstrated that ordering new congressional districts would cause ?[s]erious disruption? in the 2018 elections. Butcher, 203 A.2d at 568?69. This Court has long recognized this concern, including for impending primary elections. In Lucas, the United States Supreme Court remanded a reapportionment case to determine whether the imminence of the 1964 primary and general elections requires- that utilization of the apportionment scheme contained in the constitutional amendment be permitted, for purposes of those elections, or whether the circumstances in Colorado are such that appellants' right to cast adequately weighted votes for members of the State Legislature can practicably be effectuated in 1964. Lucas, 377 US. at 739 (emphasis added). Relief in election cases, such as this case, involve ?considerations speci?c to election cases? because ?[c]ourt orders affecting elections, especially con?icting orders, can themselves result in voter confusion and consequent incentive to remain away from the polls.? Purcell v. Gonzalez, 549 US. 1, 4?5 (2006). The Applicants have proven on the record below that voters will suffer irreparable harm if new congressional districts are imposed on the 2018 congressional elections, both in light of the impending May primary election and the impending special election in the 18th Congressional District on March 13, 2018. Thus, this Court has a plethora of reasons to stay the Supreme Court?s Order. 15 A. The Order harms the Applicants and other who have been preparing for the 2018 elections. The Supreme Court?s Order directly harms the Applicants? exercise of their constitutional rights to participate in the political process. The Applicants have record evidence that they have been preparing for the 2018 elections since November 2016. App; Findings 470, 473. The Order forces the Applicants to start anew with only a fraction of the time remaining before the May 2018 primary and the imposition of new changes to the statutory election provisions; Now, the Applicants may no longer have the same representatives, voters they previously targeted may no longer remain in the district, and declared candidates may no longer be viable in new constituencies. involved in campaigns for Congress engage in activities in reliance on congressional district boundaries. App. Findings 469. Congressional district boundaries affect activities such as recruiting candidates, volunteers, and donors; organizing grassroots activities; constructing public political communications in support of congressional candidates; and allocating campaigning activities and County Committee resources amongst other candidates on the ballot. See App. Findings 1W 470, 471, 473. A candidate decides Whether to run for of?ce based on whether she is demographically or geographically Viable Within a particular district. If the district changes, a candidate may no longer be viable. Candidates may drop out of races if new district lines are unfavorable, and voters may not support them if they no longer live in the districts. The Supreme Court is effectively dictating who will be the candidates and directly 16 interfering in purely political issues. Compounding the harm from the Order, the Department of State has announced on its website two different nomination petition circulation periods: a separate late circulation period for candidates for Congress, while all other candidates must continue to comply with the statutorily required circulation period. By separating the nomination periods, the Order and the Department of State are Violating the equal protection rights of candidates for Congress, including certain Applicants. Typically, state and local political parties circulate petitions for candidates for all offices together. Candidates for Congress will not have the advantage of state and local parties to circulate petitions or volunteers who circulate petitions for all offices. With a later nomination circulation period, they will have less time to campaign. And voters may be confused and sign petitions for their old?and now incorrect?congressional district. The Order harms of all political parties who have already invested time, money, and effort in political campaigns in reliance on the existing districts. The remedy renders meaningless all the activities that the Applicants have engaged in to date. App. Findings 47 2, 473. While the relief benefits the Challengers, it directly harms other including Democrats who have already been actively contesting congressional races for 2018. App. Findings 111] 462?465. In essence, the proposed relief chooses to provider greater constitutional rights to one group at the expense of and by ignoring the same constitutional rights of a competing group. 1'7 B. By directing the 18th District special election to proceed under the existing districts, the Order ignores the impact of circulating nomination petitions for a new district. The Supreme Court?s Order expressly states, ?as acknowledged by the parties, the March 13, 2018 special election for 18th Congressional District, which will ?ll a vacancy in an existing congressional seat for a term of of?ce which ends in 11 months, shall proceed under the Congressional Redistricting Act of 2011 and is unaffected by this Order.? App. A Order, slip op. at 3. The effect, however, is that nomination petitions for a ?new? 18th Congressional District will now be circulated before the special election under the ?old? district is even held. This concern is especially acute in light of the Department of State?s decision to disregard statutory deadlines and schedule a separate, late circulation period for candidates for the new cengressional districts. As Supreme Court Justice Baer recognized, ?electing a representative in March in one district while nomination petitions would be circulating for a newly? drawn district, which may or may not include the current candidates for the special election? will result in ?likelihood for confusion, if not chaos.? App. A Concurring Dissenting Stmt., slip op. at 3 (Baer, .). The March 13, 2018 special election will be held a mere twenty-eight days after petitions had been scheduled to circulate for the May primary for the 18th District. App. Findings 1} 467. Thus, the special election campaign will take place during the circulation of nomination petitions for the primary election, but the districts may not be the same. The confusion that this would create amongst voters 18 during an ongoing special electionifor a federal of?ce with different district lines is unfathomable. Under the Court?s Order, the Executive Branch respondents are directed to anticipate a new cOngressional districting plan by February 19, 2018 and to take all measures, including adjusting the election calendar, to ensure that the May 15, 2018 primary election takes place as scheduled. App. A Order, slip op. at 3. The first statutory deadline of the 2018 elections is February 13, 2018, the ?rst day to circulate and file nomination petitions. App. Findings 1] 423 (citing 25 Pa. 0.8. 2868). Now?notwithstanding that nomination petition circulators have already started training under the current congressional districts?the Department of State has announced that it will disregard the statutorily required nomination petition circulation period for a separate, late circulation period for candidates for Congress. In the 18th District, voters will be asked to sign petitions for new candidates for a new 18th Congressional District in the home stretch of the campaign for special election in the current district. As lntervenor Carol Lynne Ryan testified, changing congressional districts during the nomination petition circulation period could cause a higher risk that a voter may sign a nomination petitiOn for the wrong district. Voters may not know what districts they are in when signing the petitions. She believes that there is not enough time to inform voters of a change in congressional districts before nomination petitions begin circulation. Ryan likens a change in congressional districts to changes in a voter?s polling place: it would take time to educate voters of 19 a change in the political and election process, similar to efforts to inform voters when their polling place changes at or near an election. The Supreme Court?s Order could impact the outcome of the special election for a federal office. Voters signing nomination petitions for new congressional districts may believe they are no longer in the 18th District and no longer eligible to vote in the special election, thereby affecting turnout. These concerns are especially acute in the 18th Congressional District, on the eve of the special election. The Applicants share the same concerns as pronounced by this Honorable Court in Purcell. Ordering a change in the election process so close to the primary election and the special election for the 18th District risks irreparable harm to voters. Given the ?imminence of the election,? this Court should stay the Order. See Purcell, 549 U.S. at 5. The balance of equities favors a stay. The balance of equities also favors a stay. A stay will not substantially harm the Challengers. Without a stay, bewever, the Applicants and countless other will suffer irreparable harm for the reasons stated above. The Challengers claim that the 2011 Plan blatantly violates the Constitution, and provided data from previous elections to support that contention. But instead of immediately contesting the 2011 Plan after passage, Challengers waited three election cycles and almost six years to bring their claims. App. B, Findings 19, 21. In other redistricting casese?Erfer and Vieth, for example?plaintiffs filed actions before the first elections under the new 20 redistricting plan were even held. Every ten years after the Census is conducted, are aware that new congressional districts may be drawn. App. B, Findings 11 83. Once a redistricting plan is enacted and no legal challenge ensues, however, have a valid expectation that the congressional districts will not be changed mid-Plan. With the 2018 election process nearing conclusion, had no reason to expect the congressional district lines would be redrawn on the cusp of the 2018 elections. App. B, Findings 1] 469. Three election cycles have passed since Challengers knew or should have known of their claims. Even Challengers? experts relied on election data available at the time the 2011 Plan became law. At best, Challengers could have raised their claims after the 2011 Plan was enacted. At worst, Challenge-rs could have raised their claims well before the commencement of the 2018 election cycle. They did not. By contrast, the Applicants have absolutely no other remedy to the Supreme Court?s Order. The Order eradicates all activities undertaken by Applicants in the exercise of both their state and federal constitutional rights to participate in the political process. Applicants have no recourse. In sum, the balance of equities favors a stay. 21 CONCLUSION AND RELIEF REQUESTED For the foregoing reasons, the Applicants respectfully request that this Court grant this emergency application for a stay of the Supreme Court?s Order pending resolution of petitions for a writ of certiorari. Respectfully submitted, OBERMAYER REBMANN MAXWELL HIPPEL LLP Jeffrey s. Bamffb/ OBERMAYER REBMANN MAXWELL HIPPEL LLP Centre Square West 1500 Market Street, Suite 3400 Philadelphia, PA 19102 Phone: 215:665-3064 Email: jeffrey.batoff@obermayer.com ls/ Lawrence J. Tabas Lawrence J. Tabas . OBERMAYER REBMANN MAXWELL HIPPEL LLP Centre Square West?- 1500 Market Street, Suite 3400 Philadelphia, PA 19102 Phone: 215-665-3158 Email: lawrence.tabas@obermayer.com ls/ Rebecca L. Warren. Rebecca L. Warren OBERMAYER REBMANN MAXWELL HIPPEL LLP Centre Square West 1500 Market Street, Suite 3400 Philadelphia, PA 19102 Phone: 215-665-3026 Email: rebecca.warren@obermayer.com 22