May 3, 2018 BY FAX: 202-226-0997 Omar Ashmawy Staff Director and Chief Counsel Office of Congressional Ethics 1017 Longworth HOB Washington, D.C. 20515 RE: Request for Investigation of 12 Members for Accepting Campaign Contributions in Exchange for Official Action Dear Mr. Ashmawy: Campaign for Accountability (“CfA”) respectfully requests that the Office of Congressional Ethics (“OCE”) investigate whether the following 12 members of Congress violated House rules and criminal law by accepting campaign contributions from the payday lending industry shortly before or after taking official actions in support of the industry: Rep. Alcee Hastings (D-FL), Jeb Hensarling (R-TX), Rep. Will Hurd (RTX), Rep. Blaine Luetkemeyer (R-MO), Rep. Patrick McHenry (R-NC), Rep. Gregory Meeks (D-NY), Rep. Steve Pearce (R-NM), Rep. Bruce Poliquin (R-ME), Rep. Ed Royce (R-CA), Rep. Pete Sessions (R-TX), Rep. Steve Stivers (R-OH), and Rep. Kevin Yoder (R-KS). A recent report, Payday Puppets: How More Than A Dozen Members of the U.S. House and Senate Were Showered with Thousands of Dollars in Campaign Cash by Payday Lenders Within Days of Taking Official Action to Benefit the Industry,1 details the official actions each of these 12 members took in very close proximity to receiving campaign contributions from payday lending industry executives and industry political action committees (“PACs”). 2 Those official actions included supporting legislation that would have impaired the ability of the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau (“CFPB”) to regulate the payday lending industry; supporting legislation designed to weaken the Department of Justice’s (“DOJ”) “Operation Choke Point” program that prevents payday lenders and other unscrupulous companies from gaining access to the banking system; 1 A copy of this report is available at https://alliedprogress.org/research/paydaypuppets/. The report also details the actions of and campaign contributions to several Senators and former Rep. Mick Mulvaney (R-SC) who are not subject to OCE’s jurisdiction. 2 611 Pennsylvania Ave., S.E. #337 • Washington, D.C. 20003 • (202) 780-5750 campaignforaccountability.org Omar Ashmawy May 3, 2018 Page 2 and sending letters to the CFPB and DOJ defending the payday lending industry. The facts for each member are set forth below.3 Factual Background Rep. Blaine Luetkemeyer Rep. Luetkemeyer has led many of the congressional efforts to protect the payday lending industry. On September 29, 2016, for instance, Rep. Blaine Luetkemeyer (RMO), and 11 other members of Congress, sent a letter to the CFPB expressing concern about the agency's proposal to rein in payday lenders and other short-term loan providers.4 Ten days before sending the letter, Rep. Luetkemeyer’s campaign committee received $2,500 from the Cash America International Inc. PAC – an industry-supported PAC – and $2,500 from the World Acceptance Corporation PAC – another industrysupported group.5 The day after sending the letter, on September 30, 2016, Rep. Luetkemeyer’s campaign committee received $2,500 from the Community Financial Services Association of America (CFSA) PAC – a trade group for the payday lending industry.6 On July 15, 2014, Rep. Luetkemeyer voted against an amendment that would have removed a layer of congressional obstruction from the CFPB’s budgeting process.7 Four days later, Rep. Luetkemeyer’s campaign committee received a $1,000 contribution from Axcess Financial Services Inc. PAC – a payday lending company’s PAC.8 On July 21, 2011, Rep. Luetkemeyer voted to replace the CFPB’s director with a five-member commission that would, in effect, curb its ability to regulate industries like 3 In October 2015, CfA submitted a similar ethics complaint regarding 11 members of the House of Representatives. Eight of the members covered in this new complaint were also included in CfA’s previous complaint. See https://campaignforaccountability.org/work/payday-lenders-ethics-complaint/. 4 Ian McKendry, Bipartisan Group of Lawmakers Urges CFPB to Ease Up on Payday Rule, American Banker, September 30, 2016, available at https://www.americanbanker.com/news/bipartisan-group-oflawmakers-urges-cfpb-to-ease-up-on-payday-rule. 5 Blaine for Congress, FEC Form 3, 2016 October Quarterly Report, October 14, 2016, available at http://docquery.fec.gov/pdf/088/201610149032507088/201610149032507088.pdf. 6 Id. 7 Cristina Marcos, House rebuffs bid to limit congressional review of CFPB, The Hill, July 15, 2014, available at http://thehill.com/blogs/floor-action/house/212319-house-rebuffs-bid-to-limit-congressionalreview-of-cfpb; Final Vote Results for Roll Call 411, Amendment to H.R. 5016, U.S. House of Representatives, July 15, 2014, available at http://clerk.house.gov/evs/2014/roll411.xml. 8 Blaine for Congress, FEC Form 3, 2014 October Quarterly Report, Amended, November 24, 2014, available at http://docquery.fec.gov/pdf/403/14952601403/14952601403.pdf. Omar Ashmawy May 3, 2018 Page 3 payday lenders.9 Three weeks before voting for the bill, on June 27, 2011, Rep. Luetkemeyer’s campaign committee received a $5,000 contribution from CFSA’s PAC. 10 Rep. Kevin Yoder Rep. Yoder also has been a major player in protecting the payday lending industry. On February 4, 2016, Rep. Yoder voted for a bill that was designed to halt DOJ’s Operation Choke Point program.11 The New York Times editorial board said congressional efforts to limit the program amounted to “intimidation” of the justice department.12 Three weeks after voting on the bill, on February 23, 2016, Rep. Yoder’s campaign committee received $2,700 from an executive at QC Holdings, a payday lending company. 13 On October 16, 2014, Rep. Yoder, and several other members of Congress, sent a letter to the DOJ Inspector General requesting an investigation into the Operation Choke Point program.14 Two weeks before sending the letter, on September 30, 2014, Rep. Yoder’s campaign committee received $2,500 from CFSA’s PAC. 15 About three weeks after sending the letter, on November 3, 2014, Rep. Yoder’s campaign committee received $2,600 from an executive at Select Management Resources, a payday lending company.16 On July 15, 2014, Rep. Yoder voted against an amendment that would have removed a layer of congressional obstruction from the CFPB’s budgeting process.17 9 Consumer Financial Protection Safety and Soundness Improvement Act of 2011, H.R. 1315, 112th Congress, April 1, 2011, available at https://www.congress.gov/bill/112th-congress/housebill/1315/actions; Suzy Khimm, The GOP’s New Push to Defang the CFPB, February 8, 2012, available at https://www.washingtonpost.com/blogs/wonkblog/post/the-gops-new-push-to-defang-thecfpb/2012/02/08/gIQA1DrfzQ_blog.html. 10 Blaine for Congress 2012, FEC Form 3, 2011 July Quarterly Report, Amended, April 27, 2012, available at http://docquery.fec.gov/pdf/392/12951582392/12951582392.pdf. 11 Christina Marcos, House Passes Bill to Halt 'Operation Choke Point', The Hill, February 4, 2016, available at http://thehill.com/blogs/floor-action/house/268262-house-passes-bill-to-halt-operation-chokepoint. 12 ‘Operation Choke Point’ Hits the Mark, The New York Times, October 10, 2014, available at https://www.nytimes.com/2014/10/11/opinion/operation-choke-point-hits-the-mark.html. 13 Yoder for Congress, Inc, FEC Form 3, 2016 April Quarterly Report, Amended, July 28, 2017, available at http://docquery.fec.gov/pdf/811/201707289069836811/201707289069836811.pdf. 14 Letter from Rep. Kevin Yoder, et. al., to Michael Horowitz, Department of Justice Inspector General, October 16, 2014, available at https://luetkemeyer.house.gov/uploadedfiles/10_16_14_doj_letter.pdf. 15 Yoder for Congress, Inc., FEC Form 3, 2014 October Quarterly Report, Amended, January 13, 2015, available at http://docquery.fec.gov/pdf/426/15950024426/15950024426.pdf. 16 Yoder for Congress, Inc., FEC Form 3, 2014 Post-General Report, Amended, January 9, 2015, available at http://docquery.fec.gov/pdf/577/15970007577/15970007577.pdf. 17 Marcos, The Hill, Jul. 15, 2014; Final Vote Results for Roll Call 411, Amendment to H.R. 5016, U.S. House of Representatives, July 15, 2014. Omar Ashmawy May 3, 2018 Page 4 About two weeks later, on July 29 and July 31, Rep. Yoder’s campaign committee received two contributions of $2,000 each from executives at Check Into Cash, a payday lending company. 18 On July 21, 2011, Rep. Yoder voted to replace the CFPB’s director with a fivemember commission that would, in effect, curb its ability to regulate industries like payday lenders.19 Three weeks later, on August 11, 2011, Rep. Yoder’s campaign committee received $5,000 in campaign contributions from Mr. Aycox, an executive at Select Management Resources, a payday lending company, and his wife, Leslie Aycox. 20 Ms. Aycox contributed an additional $2,500 to Rep. Yoder’s campaign committee on September 30, 2011.21 Rep. Alcee Hastings On September 29, 2016, Rep. Hastings and 11 other members of Congress, sent a letter to the CFPB expressing concern about the agency's proposal to rein in payday lenders and other short-term loan providers.22 Two weeks earlier, on September 14, 2016, Rep. Hastings’ campaign committee received $5,000 in campaign contributions from two executives at Amscot Financial, a payday lending company.23 Two weeks after sending the letter, on October 13, 2016, Rep. Hastings’ campaign committee received $3,000 from CFSA’s PAC. 24 On September 28, 2015, Rep. Hastings published an op-ed in the conservative Washington Times praising payday loans.25 Three weeks after the Times published the piece, on October 19, 2015, Rep. Hastings’ campaign committee received $25,000 from the payday lending industry including $10,000 from Checksmart Financial LLC PAC, a payday lending company’s PAC, $5,000 from Ace Cash Express Inc. PAC, another 18 Yoder for Congress, Inc., FEC Form 3, 2014 October Quarterly Report, Amended, January 13, 2015, available at http://docquery.fec.gov/pdf/426/15950024426/15950024426.pdf. 19 Consumer Financial Protection Safety and Soundness Improvement Act of 2011, H.R. 1315, 112th Congress, April 1, 2011, available at https://www.congress.gov/bill/112th-congress/housebill/1315/actions; Suzy Khimm, The GOP’s New Push to Defang the CFPB, February 8, 2012, available at https://www.washingtonpost.com/blogs/wonkblog/post/the-gops-new-push-to-defang-thecfpb/2012/02/08/gIQA1DrfzQ_blog.html. 20 Yoder for Congress, FEC Form 3, 2011 October Quarterly Report, Amended, April 9, 2012, available at http://docquery.fec.gov/pdf/972/12970864972/12970864972.pdf. 21 Id. 22 McKendry, American Banker, Sept. 30, 2016. 23 Hastings for Congress, FEC Form 3, 2016 October Quarterly Report, October 15, 2016, available at http://docquery.fec.gov/pdf/039/201610159032543039/201610159032543039.pdf. 24 Hastings for Congress, FEC Form 3, 2016 Pre-General Report, October 26, 2016, available at http://docquery.fec.gov/pdf/961/201610269034631961/201610269034631961.pdf. 25 Alcee L. Hastings, Why Payday Loans Are in Consumers’ Best Interests, The Washington Times, September 28, 2015, available at https://www.washingtontimes.com/news/2015/sep/28/alcee-hastingswhy-payday-loans-are-in-consumers-b/. Omar Ashmawy May 3, 2018 Page 5 payday lending company’s PAC, $5,000 from the Financial Service Centers of America (FSCA) Inc. PAC, a payday lending trade association PAC, $1,000 from PLS Good Neighbor PAC, a payday lending company’s PAC, and $4,000 from three payday lending executives at Amscot Financial and Moneytree. 26 The next day, FSCA’s PAC contributed another $5,000 to Rep. Hastings’ campaign committee. 27 Rep. Jeb Hensarling On February 4, 2015, Rep. Hensarling voted to cap funding for the CFPB and require it to consult with the industries subject to its regulations. 28 The next day, Rep. Hensarling’s campaign committee received $5,200 from two executives at Cottonwood Financial, a payday lending company.29 On July 15, 2014, Rep. Hensarling voted against an amendment that would have removed a layer of congressional obstruction from the CFPB’s budgeting process.30 Three weeks before Rep. Hensarling voted on the amendment, on June 26, 2014, Rep. Hensarling’s campaign committee received $5,000 from the Cash America International Inc. PAC.31 On February 27, 2014, Rep. Hensarling voted for a bill that would have weakened the CFPB through various measures including by replacing the director with a fivemember board and subjecting the CFPB’s funding to the congressional appropriations process. 32 One week earlier, on February 18, 2014, Rep. Hensarling’s campaign committee received $5,000 from the Ace Cash Express Inc. PAC. 33 26 Hastings for Congress, FEC Form 3, 2015 Year End Report, Amended, February 16, 2016, available at http://docquery.fec.gov/pdf/658/201602169008472658/201602169008472658.pdf. 27 Id. 28 Joseph Lawler, House Passes Bill Targeting CFPB, Regulations, Washington Examiner, February 4, 2015, available at https://www.washingtonexaminer.com/house-passes-bill-targeting-cfpb-regulations; Unfunded Mandates Information and Transparency Act of 2015, H.R. 50, 114th Congress, January 6, 2015, Final Vote Results for Roll Call 65, available at https://www.congress.gov/bill/114th-congress/housebill/50/actions. 29 Friends of Jeb Hensarling, FEC Form 3, 2015 April Quarterly Report, April 15, 2015, available at http://docquery.fec.gov/pdf/662/15970350662/15970350662.pdf. 30 Marcos, The Hill, Jul. 15, 2014; Final Vote Results for Roll Call 411, Amendment to H.R. 5016, U.S. House of Representatives, July 15, 2014. 31 Friends of Jeb Hensarling, FEC Form 3, 2014 July Quarterly Report, Amended, August 19, 2014, available at http://docquery.fec.gov/pdf/608/14950047608/14950047608.pdf. 32 Alan Zibel, House Passes Bill Limiting Consumer Regulator, The Wall Street Journal, February 27, 2014, available at https://blogs.wsj.com/washwire/2014/02/27/house-passes-bill-limiting-consumerregulator/; Consumer Financial Freedom and Washington Accountability Act, H.R. 3193, 113th Congress, September 26, 2013, available at https://www.congress.gov/bill/113th-congress/house-bill/3193/actions. 33 Friends of Jeb Hensarling, FEC Form 3, 2014 April Quarterly Report, Amended, August 19, 2014, available at http://docquery.fec.gov/pdf/235/14950046235/14950046235.pdf. Omar Ashmawy May 3, 2018 Page 6 Rep. Will Hurd On July 20, 2015, Rep. Hurd signed on as an original cosponsor of a bill that would have repealed the legislation that created the CFPB.34 Two weeks later, on August 5, 2015, Rep. Hurd’s campaign committee received $2,700 from an executive at Cottonwood Financial, a payday lending company. 35 Rep. Patrick McHenry On September 29, 2016, Rep. McHenry, and 11 other members of Congress, sent a letter to the CFPB expressing concern about the agency's proposal to rein in payday lenders and other short-term loan providers.36 One week later, on October 6, 2016, Rep. McHenry’s campaign committee received $2,000 from CFSA’s PAC. 37 Rep. Gregory Meeks On. February 26, 2009, Rep. Meeks signed on as an original cosponsor of a bill that would have allowed payday lenders to charge an annual percentage rate of up to 391 percent.38 Three weeks later, on March 19, 2009, Rep. Meeks’ campaign committee received $2,500 from the Ace Cash Express Inc. PAC.39 Rep. Steve Pearce On October 16, 2014, Rep. Pearce, and several other members of Congress, sent a letter to the DOJ Inspector General requesting an investigation into the Department’s Operation Choke Point program.40 Three weeks earlier, on September 24, 2014, Rep. Pearce’s campaign committee received $1,000 from the Cash America International Inc. 34 To eliminate the Bureau of Consumer Financial Protection by repealing title X of the Dodd-Frank Wall Street Reform and Consumer Protection Act, commonly known as the Consumer Financial Protection Act of 2010, H.R. 3118, 114th Congress, July 20, 2015, Cosponsors, available at https://www.congress.gov/bill/114th-congress/house-bill/3118/cosponsors. 35 Hurd for Congress, FEC Form 3, 2015 October Quarterly Report, October 15, 2015, available at http://docquery.fec.gov/pdf/049/201510159002938049/201510159002938049.pdf. 36 McKendry, American Banker, Sept. 30, 2016. 37 McHenry for Congress, FEC Form 3, 2016, Pre-General Report, October 26, 2016, available at http://docquery.fec.gov/pdf/819/201610269034601819/201610269034601819.pdf. 38 Payday Loan Reform Act of 2009, H.R. 1214, 111th Congress, February 26, 2009, Cosponsors, available at https://www.congress.gov/bill/111th-congress/house-bill/1214/cosponsors; 391 Percent Payday Loan, The New York Times, April 12, 2009, available at https://www.nytimes.com/2009/04/13/opinion/13mon2.html. 39 Friends for Gregory Meeks, FEC Form 3, 2009 April Quarterly Report, Amended, July 8, 2009, available at http://docquery.fec.gov/pdf/720/29934219720/29934219720.pdf. 40 Letter from Rep. Kevin Yoder, et. al., to Michael Horowitz, Department of Justice Inspector General, October 16, 2014. Omar Ashmawy May 3, 2018 Page 7 PAC.41 A week later, on September 30, 2014, Rep. Pearce’s campaign committee received another $2,500 from the Ace Cash Express Inc. PAC. 42 On August 22, 2013, Rep. Pearce sent a letter to then-Attorney General Eric Holder and Federal Deposit Insurance Commission Chairman Martin Gruenberg protesting Operation Choke Point.43 Among other things, the letter accused DOJ of “intimidating some community banks and third party payment processors” – a group that includes payday lenders – “with threats of heightened regulatory scrutiny unless they cease doing business with online lenders.” 44 Four days after sending the letter, Rep. Pearce’s campaign committee received $2,000 from an executive at Check Into Cash, a payday lending company.45 Rep. Bruce Poliquin On February 4, 2015, Rep. Poliquin voted to cap funding for the CFPB and require it to consult with the industries subject to its regulations. 46 In the weeks before voting on the measures Rep. Poliquin received $3,500 from the payday lending industry including $500 on January 29, 2015 from John Bailey Jones, an executive at Check Into Cash,47 $1,000 on February 5, 2015 from the Advance America Cash Advance Centers Inc. PAC, $1,000 on February 10, 2015 from CFSA’s PAC, and $1,000 on February 10, 2015 from Axcess Financial Services’ PAC. 48 Rep. Ed Royce On February 4, 2015, Rep. Royce voted to cap funding for the CFPB and require it to consult with the industries subject to its regulations. 49 Two weeks later, on February 41 People for Pearce, FEC Form 3, 2014 October Quarterly Report, October 15, 2014, available at http://docquery.fec.gov/pdf/635/14978270635/14978270635.pdf. 42 Id. 43 Letter from Rep. Blaine Luetkemeyer to Attorney General Eric Holder and FDIC Chair Martin Gruenberg, August 22, 2013, available at https://campaignforaccountability.org/work/payday-lendersethics-complaint/ (Exhibit A). 44 Id. 45 People for Pearce, FEC Form 3, 2013 October Quarterly Report, October 11, 2013, available at http://docquery.fec.gov/pdf/726/13941757726/13941757726.pdf. 46 Lawler, Washington Examiner, Feb. 4, 2015; Unfunded Mandates Information and Transparency Act of 2015, H.R. 50, 114th Congress, January 6, 2015, Final Vote Results for Roll Call 65. 47 Jones Foundation Donates to Amateur Radio Club Growth, Cleveland Daily Banner, April 11, 2018, available at http://clevelandbanner.com/stories/amateur-radio-club,78153. 48 Poliquin for Congress, FEC Form 3, 2015 April Quarterly Report, Amended, October 30, 2015, available at http://docquery.fec.gov/pdf/514/201510309003254514/201510309003254514.pdf. 49 Lawler, Washington Examiner, Feb. 4, 2015; Unfunded Mandates Information and Transparency Act of 2015, H.R. 50, 114th Congress, January 6, 2015, Final Vote Results for Roll Call 65. Omar Ashmawy May 3, 2018 Page 8 20, 2015, Rep. Royce’s campaign committee received $5,000 from the Cash America International, Inc. PAC. 50 On July 15, 2014, Rep. Royce voted against an amendment that would have removed a layer of congressional obstruction from the CFPB’s budgeting process.51 Three days later, Rep. Royce’s campaign committee received $3,000 from Axcess Financial Services’ PAC. 52 On July 21, 2011, Rep. Royce voted to replace the CFPB’s director with a fivemember commission that would, in effect, curb its ability to regulate industries like payday lenders.53 Two weeks later, on August 3, 2011, Rep. Royce’s campaign committee received $1,000 from an executive at Arrowhead Investment, Inc., a payday lending company. 54 Rep. Pete Sessions On February 4, 2016, Rep. Sessions voted for a bill that was designed to halt Operation Choke Point.55 Three days earlier, Rep. Sessions’ campaign committee received $2,500 from Cash America’s PAC and $1,000 from a Cash America executive. 56 Additionally, two weeks after the vote, on February 19, 2016, Rep. Sessions’ campaign committee received two contributions totaling $2,000 from the Ace Cash Express Inc. PAC.57 On July 15, 2014, Rep. Sessions voted against an amendment that would have removed a layer of congressional obstruction from the CFPB’s budgeting process.58 50 Royce Campaign Committee, FEC Form 3, 2015 April Quarterly Report, Amended, July 14, 2015, available at http://docquery.fec.gov/pdf/963/201507149000118963/201507149000118963.pdf. 51 Marcos, The Hill, Jul. 15, 2014; Final Vote Results for Roll Call 411, Amendment to H.R. 5016, U.S. House of Representatives, July 15, 2014. 52 Royce Campaign Committee, FEC Form 3, 2014 October Quarterly Report, Amended, January 2, 2015, available at http://docquery.fec.gov/pdf/039/15950001039/15950001039.pdf. 53 Consumer Financial Protection Safety and Soundness Improvement Act of 2011, H.R. 1315, 112th Congress, April 1, 2011, available at https://www.congress.gov/bill/112th-congress/housebill/1315/actions; Suzy Khimm, The GOP’s New Push to Defang the CFPB, February 8, 2012, available at https://www.washingtonpost.com/blogs/wonkblog/post/the-gops-new-push-to-defang-thecfpb/2012/02/08/gIQA1DrfzQ_blog.html. 54 Ed Royce for Congress, FEC Form 3, 2011 October Quarterly Report, October 14, 2011, available at http://docquery.fec.gov/pdf/346/11952627346/11952627346.pdf. 55 Marcos, The Hill, Feb. 4, 2016. 56 Pete Sessions for Congress, FEC Form 3, 2016 Pre-Primary Report, Amended, July 12, 2016, available at http://docquery.fec.gov/pdf/385/201607129020409385/201607129020409385.pdf. 57 Pete Sessions for Congress, FEC Form 3, 2016 April Quarterly Report, Amended, March 24, 2017, available at http://docquery.fec.gov/pdf/022/201703249051887022/201703249051887022.pdf. 58 Marcos, The Hill, Jul. 15, 2014; Final Vote Results for Roll Call 411, Amendment to H.R. 5016, U.S. House of Representatives, July 15, 2014. Omar Ashmawy May 3, 2018 Page 9 Three weeks later, on August 6, 2014, Rep. Sessions’ campaign committee received a $5,000 contribution from Cash America’s PAC and a combined $6,600 from seven Cash America executives. 59 Rep. Steve Stivers On September 29, 2016, Rep. Stivers, and 11 other members of Congress, sent a letter to the CFPB expressing concern about the agency's proposal to rein in payday lenders and other short-term loan providers.60 The day after submitting the letter, Rep. Stivers’ campaign committee received $2,000 from CFSA’s PAC.61 On July 6, 2016, Rep. Stivers voted against an amendment that would have taken a provision out of the 2017 financial services appropriations bill prohibiting the CFPB from enforcing “regulations or rules with respect to payday loans, vehicle title loans, or other similar loans.” 62 One week earlier, on June 28, 2016, Rep. Stivers’ campaign committee received $1,000 from the Cash America International Inc. PAC. 63 Violations The timing of the official acts each of these 12 members took, either directly preceding or following campaign contributions from payday industry executives and industry PACs, suggests the campaign contributions were made in exchange for legislative assistance in violation of federal law and House rules. Acceptance of a Bribe Federal law prohibits public officials from directly or indirectly demanding, seeking, receiving, accepting, or agreeing to receive or accept anything of value in return for being influenced in the performance of an official act. 64 It is well-settled that accepting a contribution to a political campaign can constitute a bribe if a quid pro quo can be demonstrated. 65 59 Pete Sessions for Congress, FEC Form 3, 2014 October Quarterly Report, October 15, 2014, available at http://docquery.fec.gov/pdf/433/14978264433/14978264433.pdf. 60 McKendry, American Banker, Sept. 30, 2016. 61 Stivers for Congress, FEC Form 3, 2016 October Quarterly Report, Amended, February 24, 2017, available at http://docquery.fec.gov/pdf/493/201702249050503493/201702249050503493.pdf. 62 Final Vote Results for Roll Call 369, Amendment to H.R. 5485, U.S. House of Representatives, July 6, 2016, available at http://clerk.house.gov/evs/2016/roll369.xml; https://roe.house.gov/news/documentsingle.aspx?DocumentID=398061. 63 Stivers for Congress, FEC From 3, 2016 July Quarterly Report, Amended, February 24, 2017, available at http://docquery.fec.gov/pdf/352/201702249050503352/201702249050503352.pdf. 64 18 U.S.C. § 201(b)(2)(A). 65 McCormick v. U.S., 500 U.S. 257, 273 (1991); United States v. Biaggi, 909 F.2d 662, 605 (2d Cir. 1990), cert. denied, 499 U.S. 904 (1991). Omar Ashmawy May 3, 2018 Page 10 If, as it appears, these representatives accepted donations to their campaigns in direct exchange for specific action on behalf of the payday lending industry, they may have violated the bribery statute. Illegal Gratuity The illegal gratuity statute prohibits a public official from directly or indirectly demanding, seeking, receiving, accepting, or agreeing to accept anything of value personally for or because of any official act performed or to be performed by such official.66 In considering this statute, the Supreme Court has held that a link must be established between the gratuity and a specific action taken by or to be taken by the government official. 67 If a link is established between these 12 members sponsoring legislation, sending letters to government agencies or taking other action and their accepting or agreeing to accept contributions to their campaigns, they may have violated the illegal gratuity statute. In addition, the Committee on Standards of Official Conduct has used the acceptance of bribes and gratuities under these statutes as a basis for disciplinary proceedings and punishment of members, including expulsion.68 5 U.S.C. § 7353 and House Rule XXIII A provision of the Ethics Reform Act of 1989, 5 U.S.C. § 7353, prohibits members of the House, officers, and employees from asking for anything of value from a broad range of people, including “anyone who seeks official action from the House, does business with the House, or has interests which may be substantially affected by the performance of official duties.”69 House Rule XXIII, clause 3, similarly provides: A Member, Delegate, Resident Commissioner, or employee of the House may not receive compensation and may not permit compensation to accrue to his beneficial interest from any 66 18 U.S.C. § 201(c)(1)(B). United States v. Sun-Diamond Growers of Cal., 526 U.S. 398 (1999). 68 In the Matter of Representative Mario Biaggi, H.R. Rep. No. 100-506, 100th Cong., 2d Sess. (1988) (recommending expulsion of the member from the House); In the Matter of Representative Daniel J. Flood, H.R. Rep. No. 96-856, 96th Cong., 2d Sess. (1980). 69 See House Comm. on Standards of Official Conduct, “Memorandum For All Members, Officers and Employees,” Rules Governing (1) Solicitation by Members, Officers and Employees in General, and (2) Political Fundraising Activity in House Offices, April 25, 1997. 67 Omar Ashmawy May 3, 2018 Page 11 source, the receipt of which would occur by virtue of influence improperly exerted from his position in the Congress. The House Ethics Manual specifically explains that this section applies to campaign contributions stating, a member “may not accept any contribution that the donor links to any official action” that a member “has taken or is being asked to take.” 70 The House Committee on Ethics previously has been critical of members whose conduct has created at least the appearance of offering special treatment to donors. Particularly focusing on the timing of the event, the committee admonished then-Majority Leader Tom DeLay for participating in a fundraiser just as a House-Senate conference on major energy legislation was about to begin. According to the committee, “a Member should not participate in a fundraising event that gives even an appearance that donors will receive or are entitled to either special treatment or access.” 71 Similarly, here these 12 members have taken numerous official actions – including sponsoring legislation and attempting to derail both enforcement and regulatory efforts – to benefit the payday lending industry either following close on the heels or slightly in advance of campaign contributions. 72 Such conduct likely violates 5 U.S.C. § 7353 and House Rule XXIII. 5 C.F.R. § 2635.702(a) Members of the House are prohibited from “taking any official actions for the prospect of personal gain for themselves or anyone else.”73 House members are directed 70 House Comm. on Standards of Official Conduct, House Ethics Manual, p. 150 (110th Cong. 2d Sess.). Letter from House Committee on Ethics to Rep. Tom DeLay, October 6, 2004, at 1, 2, available at https://ethics.house.gov/committee-report/2nd-session-report-105-797/letter-representative-tom-delay. 72 In 2010, OCE investigated eight members who either held fundraisers or received campaign contributions just before a House vote on an amendment to a financial regulatory reform bill that would have subjected the auto industry to greater regulatory oversight. See, e.g., Carol D. Leonnig, 8 House Members Investigated Over Fundraisers Held Near Financial Reform Vote, Washington Post, June 16, 2010, available at http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2010/06/15/AR2010061505643. html. Although OCE concluded there was not substantial reason to believe any of the eight members solicited or accepted contributions in exchange for performing an official act, the facts differed significantly from those present here. The fundraisers in question were attended by a range of financial groups, not limited to those just in the auto industry. Here, by contrast, the campaign contributions at issue were all made exclusively by payday lending executives and PACs in very close proximity to official actions on their behalf. In any event, the Menendez prosecution reinforces the significance of timing as a key factor in deciding whether an official action was taken as a quid pro quo for a campaign contribution. 73 House Comm. on Standards of Official Conduct, “Memorandum For All Members, Officers and Employees,” Prohibition Against Linking Official Actions to Partisan or Political Considerations, or Personal Gain, May 11, 1999. 71 Omar Ashmawy May 3, 2018 Page 12 to adhere to 5 C.F.R. § 2635.702(a), issued by the U.S. Office of Government Ethics for the Executive Branch, which provides: An employee shall not use or permit use of his Government position or title or any authority associated with his public office in a manner that is intended to coerce or induce another person . . . to provide any benefit, financial or otherwise, to himself or to friends, relatives, or persons with whom the employee is affiliated in a nongovernmental capacity. The Code of Ethics also provides that government officials should “[n]ever discriminate unfairly by the dispensing of special favors or privileges to anyone whether for remuneration or not.”74 If, as it appears, any of these 12 members took action such as sending letters to executive agencies and/or sponsoring legislation to benefit the payday lending industry in return for campaign and/or PAC contributions, they may have dispensed special favors in violation of 5 C.F.R. § 2635.702(a). Conduct Not Reflecting Creditably on the House Rule XXIII of the House Ethics Manual requires all members of the House to conduct themselves “at all times in a manner that reflects creditably on the House.”75 This ethics standard is considered to be “the most comprehensive provision” of the code.76 When this section was first adopted, the Select Committee on Standards of Official Conduct of the 90th Congress noted that it was included within the Code to deal with “flagrant” violations of the law that reflect on “Congress as a whole,” and that might otherwise go unpunished. 77 This rule has been relied on by the Ethics Committee in numerous prior cases in which the Committee found unethical conduct including: the failure to report campaign contributions, 78 making false statements to the Committee, 79 74 Id. Rule 23, clause 1. 76 House Comm. on Standards of Official Conduct, House Ethics Manual, p. 12. 77 House Comm. on Standards of Official Conduct, Report Under the Authority of H. Res. 418, H. Rep. No. 1176, 90th Cong., 2d Sess. 17 (1968). 78 House Comm. on Standards of Official Conduct, In the Matter of Representative John J. McFall, H. Rep. No. 95-1742, 95th Cong., 2d Sess. 2-3 (1978) (Count 1); In the Matter of Representative Edward R. Roybal, H. Rep. No. 95-1743, 95th Cong., 2d Sess. 2-3 (1978). 79 House Comm. on Standards of Official Conduct, In the Matter of Representative Charles H. Wilson (of California), H. Rep. No. 95-1741, 95th Cong., 2d Sess. 4-5 (1978); H. Rep. No. 95-1743(Counts 3-4). 75 Omar Ashmawy May 3, 2018 Page 13 criminal convictions for bribery, 80 or accepting illegal gratuities, 81 and accepting gifts from persons with interest in legislation in violation of the gift rule. 82 If, as it appears, these 12 members of Congress accepted campaign contributions in return for legislative favors such as letters to executive branch agencies and/or the sponsorship of legislation in exchange for campaign contributions, their conduct would not reflect creditably on the House in violation of Rule XXIII, clause 1. Conclusion The payday lending industry preys on some of the most vulnerable members of our society, deliberately plunging them into a cycle of debt in order to reap high profits. The idea that members of Congress are trading the power of their offices to help unscrupulous payday lenders avoid badly needed oversight and regulation in return for campaign contributions undermines public confidence in the institution as a whole. As a result, the Office of Congressional Ethics should immediately commence an investigation of this matter to determine whether the 12 members listed above have violated House rules and, potentially, criminal law. I hereby affirm that to the best of my knowledge and ability all evidence submitted was not obtained in violation of any law, rule, or regulation. I am aware that the False Statements Act, 18 U.S.C. § 1001, applies to information submitted to the Office of Congressional Ethics. 80 House Comm. on Standards of Official Conduct, In the Matter of Representative Michael J. Myers, H. Rep. No. 96-1387, 96th Cong., 2d Sess. 2, 5 (1980); see 126 Cong. Rec. 28953-78 (Oct. 2, 1980) (debate and vote of expulsion); In the Matter of Representative John W. Jenrette, Jr., H. Rep. No. 96-1537, 96th Cong., 2d Sess. 4 (1980) (Member resigned); In the Matter of Representative Raymond F. Lederer, H. Rep. No. 97-110, 97th Cong., 1st Sess. 4, 16-17 (1981) (Member resigned after Committee recommended expulsion). In another case, the Committee issued a Statement of Alleged Violation concerning bribery and perjury, but took no further action when the Member resigned (In the Matter of Representative Daniel J. Flood, H. Rep. No. 96-856, 96th Cong., 2d Sess. 4-16, 125-126 (1980)). 81 House Comm. on Standards of Official Conduct, In the Matter of Representative Mario Biaggi, H. Rep. No. 100-506, 100th Cong., 2d Sess. 7, 9 (1988) (Member resigned while expulsion resolution was pending). 82 House Comm. on Standards of Official Conduct, In the Matter of Representative Charles H. Wilson (of California), H. Rep. No. 96-930, 96th Cong. 2d Sess. 4-5 (1980); see 126 Cong. Rec. 13801-20 (June 10, 1980) (debate and vote of censure). Omar Ashmawy May 3, 2018 Page 14 Sincerely, Daniel Stevens Executive Director Campaign for Accountability