Last updated: September 2015

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Status Offenders
A status offense is a noncriminal act that is considered a law violation only because of a youth’s status
as a minor.1 Typical status offenses include truancy, running away from home, violating curfew,
underage use of alcohol, and general ungovernability.

Scope of the Problem
Status-offending behavior is often a sign of underlying personal, familial, community, and systemic
issues, similar to the risk factors that underlie general offending. Sometimes these underlying issues
contribute to delinquency later in life, putting youths at a higher risk for drug use, victimization,
engagement in risky behavior, and overall increased potential for physical and mental health issues,
including addiction (Greenwood and Turner 2011; Chuang and Wells 2010; Buffington, Dierkhising,
and Marsh 2010; Henry, Knight, and Thornberry 2012; Mersky, Topitzes, and Reynolds 2012). Ample
evidence supports the notion that less serious forms of delinquency often precede the onset of more
serious delinquent acts (Huizinga, Loeber, and Thornberry 1995; Elliott, 1994). However, the “precursor
to delinquency” view of status offending does not take into account the normal experimentation of
childhood and adolescence or the diverse developmental pathways that can lead to serious delinquency
(Kelley et al. 1997). Children and adolescents commonly experiment with behaviors that are not
considered positive or prosocial, such as lying, being truant, or defying parents. Such experimentation
allows youths to discover the negative consequences of their behaviors and learn from their mistakes.
Most youths who engage in status and other minor offenses never progress to more serious behaviors
(Kelley et al. 1997).
States have formulated differing approaches to defining and handling status offenders. The approaches
can be broadly divided into three categories: status offenders as delinquents, status offenders as
neglected/abused dependents, or status offenders as a separate legislative category. The classification
of offense behaviors largely dictates the kind of treatment and services that status offenders are likely
to receive. The legal definition of a status offense is critical, as it can impact the treatment and
availability of services to a youth in the juvenile justice system (Kendall 2007).
Relatively few states define status offenses as delinquent behavior under statute, yet many status
offenders end up being treated as de facto delinquents. One such way is through the use of probation
as a disposition for status offenders, which is an option in 30 states (Szymanski 2006). Often, status
offenders will be placed on probation, only to be later incarcerated as the result of a technical

1

The upper age of juvenile delinquency and status offense jurisdiction varies by state. For more information, please see:
Jurisdictional Boundaries (OJJDP, 2014)
Suggested Reference: Development Services Group, Inc. 2015. “Status Offenders.” Literature review. Washington, D.C.: Office
of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention. https://www.ojjdp.gov/mpg/litreviews/Status_Offenders.pdf
Prepared by Development Services Group, Inc., under cooperative agreement number 2013–JF–FX–K002. Points of view or
opinions expressed in this document are those of the author and do not necessarily represent the official position or policies of
OJJDP or the U.S. Department of Justice.
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 violation, regardless of whether the status offense was serious enough to initially warrant the use of
confinement (Yeide and Cohen 2009).

Federal Legislation: Deinstitutionalization of Status Offenders
Although there is significant variation in how states approach status-offense cases, states receiving
federal funding from the Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention (OJJDP) are expected
to follow the key requirements outlined in the Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention Act (JJDP)
Act (OJJDP, n.d.a.).
The JJDP Act was passed in 1974 and fostered a federal–state partnership for the administration of
juvenile justice. In its infancy, the Act set two core requirements that states should abide by to receive
federal funding, including the separation of juveniles and adults in incarceration, and the
deinstitutionalization of status offenders (OJJDP, n.d.b.). The deinstitutionalization of status offenders
(DSO) core requirement of the JJDPA established that youths charged with status offenses, and/or
abused and neglected youths, shall not be placed in secure detention or locked confinement. The intent
of this requirement was to encourage states to divert status-offending youths away from the juvenile
justice system and place them in less restrictive, service-intensive, community-based programs. The
DSO requirement reinforces the idea that status offenders should be dealt with differently than juvenile
delinquents, and should not be placed in secure detention or correctional facilities.

Valid Court Order (VCO) Exception. In 1980, the JJDP Act was amended to include the valid court
order (VCO) exception to the DSO requirement, which permits discretion to place a status offender in
detention upon violation of a previously established court order (OJJDP, n.d.c.). The VCO exception
established that status offenders can be detained if they have violated a direct order from the court,
such as “attend school regularly” or “stop violating curfew” (Hughes 2011). The use of detention upon
violation of a VCO is possible given that all due process requirements have been met, and often serves
as a way to hold status offenders who would not have otherwise been incarcerated. To better
understand the due process stipulations, OJJDP created a checklist to help determine when a VCO
exception can be claimed (OJJDP n.d.c.).
Thus, violations of a VCO provide an avenue to detention for status offenders, as allowed by state law
(Yeide and Cohen 2009). When a status offender violates a court order and is incarcerated, his or her
offense is then considered a delinquent act and is no longer protected under the DSO requirement of
the JJDPA (Kendall 2007; Yeide and Cohen 2009).
Use of the VCO is a state-by-state determination, which unfortunately exacerbates disparities in the
detention of status offenders due to inconsistent application across states (OJJDP 2015). A total of 25
states and the District of Columbia allow the VCO exception, which was used with approximately 7,466
juvenile cases in 2014 (OJJDP 2015).

Impact of Institutionalization. Research is limited with regard to the specific impacts of
institutionalization on particular subgroups, such as status offenders. However, researchers have
examined the general impact of institutionalization on juvenile offenders and consistently
demonstrated that confinement in correctional facilities does not reduce reoffending and may increase
it for certain youths (e.g., Lipsey and Cullen 2007). In some cases, status offenders are placed in the
same facilities as juveniles who have committed more serious crimes, a practice that may increase
deviant attitudes and behaviors among status offenders, such as the development of antisocial
perspectives and gang affiliation (Levin and Cohen 2014). Juveniles experiencing confinement are
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 eventually forced to navigate the barriers to reentry in the community, home, and school, which
increases the chance of being rearrested and re-incarcerated (Levin and Cohen 2014). Further, research
has shown that confinement fails to address underlying causes of status-offending behavior, and thus
does not deter youths from committing future crimes (Hughes 2011; Holman and Ziedenberg 2006).
Although most youths naturally “age out” of delinquency when social controls are enforced
(Sweeten, Piquero, and Steinberg 2013; Tremblay et al. 2004), institutionalization can negate this type
of development. When handled as delinquents and placed in juvenile facilities, status offenders may
be put into environments that can lead to physical and emotional harm. Institutionalizing juveniles
may negatively affect their social development by disrupting their social connectedness and support
from family, school, and the community (Hughes 2011). Confinement in a secure environment can
increase violent tendencies, exacerbate risk factors, and increase recidivism risk (Holman and
Ziedenberg 2006).
Studies done on juvenile delinquents show that community-based programming can be more effective
than detention in preventing future crime (Hughes 2011; Holman and Ziedenberg 2006; Kendall 2007;
Salsich and Trone 2013; Petitclerc et al. 2013). Although status offenders are noncriminal youths, they
often possess many risk factors for future offending, which can be exacerbated by formal processing
through the juvenile justice system. Research illustrates the need for immediate and efficacious
community-based alternatives to help status-offending youths and their families. Strengthening of
family relationships, social-control mechanisms, and other protective factors are integral in preventing
future criminality among status offenders (Salsich and Trone 2013).

Types of Status Offenses
The five primary types of status offenses (truancy, running away from home, violating curfew,
underage use of alcohol, and general ungovernability) are discussed below.

Truancy. Truancy refers to habitual, unexcused absences from school, which exceeds the number
allowed under state law. There is variation across states regarding the number of unexcused absences
signifying truancy. Each state’s school attendance law specifies the age at which a child must begin
school, the age at which a youth can legally drop out of school, and the number of unexcused absences
that constitute truancy (National Center for School Engagement, n.d.) For more information on truancy,
see the Model Programs Guide literature review on Truancy Prevention.

Runaways. Although most runaways share similar experiences and circumstances, there is some
variation in the classification of runaway youths. The Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency
Prevention (OJJDP) broadly defines a runaway as “a child (who) leaves home without permission and
stays away overnight” (Snyder and Sickmund 2006, 42). Most common are “situational runaways,” or
those who run away from home and return within a few nights. Longer-term “runaways” include
youths who run away to escape serious family problems, such as abuse or neglect, and generally do
not return home for long periods of time, if at all. Similarly, “systems youth” live under the care of the
state and refuse or are unable to return home. Lastly, there are “throwaways,” or youths who have been
kicked out of the house (Beharry 2012).

Curfew Violations. Although juvenile curfews are common, there is some variability insofar as the
specified hours, day of the week, location, whether school is in session, or to which age groups the
curfew pertains. Exceptions can be made for youths traveling to school- or work-related events,
religious events, and emergency situations (Yeide and Cohen 2009). For example, the District of
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 Columbia enforces a curfew that applies to all youths under the age of 17. From September through
June, youths must be off the street from Sunday through Thursday between the hours of 11 p.m. and 6
a.m., and Saturday through Sunday between the hours of 12 a.m. and 6 a.m. In July and August, the
curfew remains in effect between the hours of 12 a.m. and 6 a.m. for weekdays and weekends (D.C.
Metropolitan Police Department, n.d.). In communities with age-based curfews, a violation constitutes
a status offense.

Underage Drinking. Underage drinking is a common activity among youths. The 2012 National
Survey on Drug Use and Health reported that nearly one quarter of youths aged 12 to 20 drank alcohol,
while 15 percent reported binge drinking (SAMHSA 2013). The survey also showed that 1.7 million
youths were classified as “heavy drinkers,” consuming five or more drinks in one session on 5 days or
more throughout the past month (SAMHSA 2013).
In 2010, 11 states permitted youths who were caught drinking to be petitioned as status offenders.
Although the goal of the JJDPA is to divert status-offending youth from detention facilities, the
percentage of detained status offenders charged with underage drinking increased from 19 to 24
percent from 2001 through 2010. This represents one of the largest increases in the use of detention
among all status-offense cases (Jackson 2013; Puzzanchera and Hockenberry 2013).
In October 2010, an issue that directly affected the formal handling of underage drinking cases, or minor
in possession (MIP) cases, arose within the context of compliance monitoring. Per a review from the
Office of the General Counsel, juveniles accused of or being adjudicated for MIP offenses were
considered delinquent offenders rather than status offenders. By definition, a status offense is
noncriminal behavior that constitutes an offense only because of one’s status as a minor. However,
there is a small fraction of adults (aged 18 to 20) who can be arrested for underage drinking, and would
therefore be considered criminal offenders (not status offenders). Thus, because underage drinking is
considered a criminal offense for some adults, it was then considered to be a criminal offense across the
board. In sum, the 2010 decision eliminated MIP as a status offense. OJJDP, however, still maintains
that both MIP juvenile and adult offenders should not be securely detained, for which formal guidance
may be coming in a forthcoming amendment to the JJDPA (OJJDP 2010, 2011).

Ungovernable/Incorrigible Youth. When a youth’s disobedience is so frequent and/or severe that
the family must seek legal assistance, the youth is subsequently classified as “incorrigible” or
“ungovernable,” a formal status offense in most states. Simply put, being beyond the control of parental
authority is referred to as unruly, unmanageable, and incorrigible throughout various juvenile codes
(Puzzanchera and Kang 2008).

Status Offender Characteristics
When a youth is referred to juvenile court for a status offense, the court may decide to divert the youth
away from formal system processing, or the court may decide to process the juvenile formally by filing
a petition. Below are national estimates that describe the basic characteristics of status offense cases that
were petitioned in juvenile court in 2013.2

Age. In 2013, the petitioned case rate for status offenses increased with the age of the juveniles. For
example, 16-year-olds had twice the petitioned status-offense case rate compared with 14-year-olds,
whereas 14-year-olds had nearly four times the petition case rate for status offenses compared with 122

National estimates of petitioned status offense cases for 2013 are based on case records from more than 2,400 courts,
covering 84% of the juvenile population (Hockenberry and Puzzanchera 2015).
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 year-olds. The case rate for almost all age groups across the four status offenses (running away, curfew,
ungovernability, and liquor law violations) decreased between 1995 and 2013. However, for petitioned
truancy cases, the rate has increased for all age groups (Hockenberry and Puzzanchera 2015).

Gender. Of the total petitioned status-offense cases in 2013, males accounted for 58 percent. Males
accounted for the majority of status-offense cases involving curfew violations (69 percent), liquor law
violations (61 percent), ungovernability (58 percent), and truancy (55 percent). The only status offense
in which females accounted for a higher proportion of the caseload, compared with males, was for
runaway cases (55 percent). However, both male and female status offenders saw a comparable
decrease in petitioned status-offense cases (11 percent decrease for females and 14 percent decrease for
males) between 1995 and 2013 (Hockenberry and Puzzanchera 2015).

Race. Like age and gender, race was a factor in status-offense case rates. In 2013, petitioned truancy
cases made up the greatest proportion of petitioned status-offense caseloads for white, black, American
Indian, and Asian juveniles. Compared with black juveniles in 2013, white juveniles had a higher rate
of liquor law violations (18 percent of white juvenile status-offense cases, compared with 6 percent of
black juvenile status-offense cases). In addition, white juveniles had a higher rate of runaway cases than
black juveniles (53 percent of white juveniles compared with 45 percent of black juveniles). However,
compared with white juveniles, black juveniles had a higher proportion of cases of ungovernability (14
percent compared with 9 percent, respectively), and curfew violations (15 percent compared with 6
percent, respectively).
Between 1995 and 2013, petitioned status-offense case rates decreased 23 percent for white youths, 24
percent for American Indian youths, and 29 percent for Asian youths, and 2 percent for black youths.
Despite a small decline in the case rate for American Indian youths during this time, they still had a
higher petitioned case rate than all other racial categories. In 2013, the total petitioned status-offense
case rate for American Indian youths was 4.8 times the rate for Asian youths, 1.7 times the rate for white
youths, and 1.2 times the rate for black youths (Hockenberry and Puzzanchera 2015).

Processing of Status Offenders
Petitioned status-offense cases may be adjudicated by the juvenile court. For cases that are adjudicated,
juveniles are given a final disposition that can range from out-of-home placement to probation or other
less restrictive sanctions. While a status-offense case is being processed through the juvenile court
system, juveniles may be held in secure detention at some point between referral and final disposition.
The rates discussed below focus on national estimates of petitioned status-offense cases only.

Petitioned Cases. In 2013, the majority of petitioned status-offense cases included truancy (51
percent), followed by underage drinking violations (15 percent), ungovernability (9 percent), curfew
violations (9 percent), runaways (8 percent), and miscellaneous (8 percent). Although the percentage of
formally handled status-offense cases has recently been on the decline, with a 46 percent decrease in
the overall caseload from 2002 to 2013, the number of status offenders who are formally processed
through the juvenile courts remains significant, with 109,000 status-offense cases petitioned in U.S.
juvenile courts throughout 2013 (Hockenberry and Puzzanchera 2015).

Detention. There were 7,300 formally petitioned status-offense cases that involved the use of detention
in 2013. Status-offense cases of runaways were the most likely to involve detention in 2013, while cases
of truancy were the least likely to involve detention.

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 Between 1995 and 2013, the number of petitioned status offense cases involving detention decreased 45
percent for curfew violations, 38 percent for runaways, 30 percent for truancy cases, 17 percent for
underage drinking violations, and 9 percent for ungovernability cases. Despite these declines, there are
still many noncriminal juvenile offenders who are institutionalized due to either technical violations or
the VCO exception (Hockenberry and Puzzanchera 2015).

Adjudication. The likelihood of adjudication among petitioned status-offense cases was 44 percent in
2013. Adjudication was least likely for truancy cases (34 percent) and most likely for liquor law
violations (57 percent) in 2013. From 1995 to 2013, the annual number of adjudicated cases of status
offenders increased for truancy cases, but decreased for runaway cases, ungovernability, curfew
violations, and liquor law violations (Hockenberry and Puzzanchera 2015).

Disposition. Of all adjudicated status-offenses cases in 2013, only 8 percent resulted in a courtordered, out-of-home placement. The most common disposition for adjudicated status-offense cases
was probation, used in 54 percent of the cases. The other 38 percent of adjudicated cases received other
sanctions, such as court-ordered treatment or counseling, paying restitution or a fine, or participating
in some form of community service (Hockenberry and Puzzanchera 2015).

Outcome Evidence
There are a number of programs designed to address the problem behavior of status offenders. Some
programs are designed to prevent and intervene in status-offending behavior directly, while other
programs target problem behaviors in general, but can also be used to treat status-offending youths.
Typically, these types of programs are designed to treat youths with multifaceted needs, yet indirectly
target the needs of the status-offender population.

Ecologically Based Family Therapy. Ecologically Based Family Therapy (EBFT) is a home-based,
family preservation model that focuses on families who are in crisis because a youth has run away from
home. EBFT is based on the HOMEBUILDERS family preservation model, in which services are
initiated when there is a family crisis, such as a child’s removal or departure from the home. EBFT
targets 12- to 17-year-olds who are staying in a runaway shelter and are also dealing with substance
use issues (such as alcohol dependence). The goal of EBFT is to improve family functioning and reduce
youths’ substance use.
Researchers Slesnick and Prestopnik (2009) studied the impact of home-based EBFT on a convenience
sample of runaway adolescents with alcohol problems, and their families. Youths were randomly
assigned to the home-based EBFT group, or “services as usual” comparison group. Overall, at the 9and 15-month follow-up, adolescents in the EBFT group reported a significantly lower percentage of
days of alcohol or drug use, compared with adolescents in the comparison group. However, there were
no significant differences between the groups on any other measure of substance use at the follow-up
periods.

Aggression Replacement Training for Adolescents in a Runaway Shelter. The Aggression
Replacement Training (ART) program for adolescents in a runaway shelter combines anger-control
training, social-skills training, and moral-reasoning education to alter the behavior of chronically
aggressive adolescents with antisocial behavior problems. The goal of the program is to reduce
aggression and violence among youths by providing them with opportunities to learn prosocial skills,
control angry impulses, and appreciate the perspectives of others. The condensed ART curriculum was
targeted at adolescents who were temporarily living in a short-term residential facility (a runaway
shelter) and had exhibited signs of antisocial behavior problems. Youths in runaway shelters are
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 typically at high risk of having been exposed to violence, and there is an association between childhood
violence exposure and antisocial behavior problems seen in adolescents (Wilson, Stover, and Berkowitz
2009).
Nugent, Bruley, and Allen (1998) examined the effectiveness of the program on the antisocial behavior
(ASB) of 522 adolescents living in a runaway shelter in which the average length of stay was about 3
weeks. There was a 20 percent reduction in the rate of ASB incidents per client every week.
Furthermore, there was also a 17.2 percent reduction in the average number of daily ASB incidents.
For more information on the programs, please click on the links below.
Ecologically Based Family Therapy (EBFT) for Substance-Abusing Runaway Adolescents
Aggression Replacement Training (ART) for Adolescents in a Runaway Shelter
Many of the programs used with juveniles tend to have a broad focus on reducing overall problem
behavior, which tends to have some overlap with the problem behaviors associated with status
offending. However, because status offenders are different from the rest of the delinquent population,
further research is needed regarding programs that specifically target status-offending behavior.

Conclusions
Currently, status-offense laws, terminology, and programs and practices vary widely across states
(Hockenberry and Puzzanchera 2014). Some states choose to process juveniles formally through the
system, with the idea that harsh treatment of young offenders will deter them from future criminal
activity. Conversely, some research has shown that by further entangling young people and children
in the juvenile justice system, they become more likely to be involved in a life of crime because of their
increased exposure to other criminal peers, the justice system, and the effects of “labeling” (Petrosino
et al. 2010). A meta-analysis by Petrosino and colleagues (2010) assessed 27 studies and found a small
negative effect for formal system processing of juveniles, meaning that juveniles who were formally
processed through the juvenile justice system were more likely to recidivate, compared with youths
who were diverted from the system (although the difference was not statistically significant). As a
result, more states are exploring alternative strategies to divert status offenders from the juvenile court
process altogether (Coalition for Juvenile Justice 2012).
Some resources have been developed for jurisdictions looking for specific information about options in
the treatment of status-offending youths. For example, through its participation in the MacArthur
Foundation’s Models for Change Resource Center Partnership, the Status Offense Reform Center
(SORC) provides tools and techniques to improve the juvenile justice system in support of the equitable,
rational, and effective treatment of status offenders. The SORC, operated by the Vera Institute of Justice
(n.d.), serves as an information base for juvenile justice stakeholders and is available to provide
information, guidance, and assistance to policymakers and practitioners who are interested in
preventing the confinement of status offenders (Salsich and Trone 2013). Jurisdictions can make use of
this information to consider options to the processing and treatment of status offenders, and ensure
that they are deinstitutionalized.
For more information on these organizations, click on the links below.
Models for Change Resource Center (MacArthur Foundation)
Status Offense Reform Center (Vera Institute of Justice)

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