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UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT
SOUTHERN DISTRICT OF NEW YORK
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STATE OF NEW YORK, et al.,
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Plaintiff,
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UNITED STATES DEPARTMENT OF COMMERCE, et al.,
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Defendants.
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NEW YORK IMMIGRATION COALITION, et al.,
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Plaintiff,
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UNITED STATES DEPARTMENT OF COMMERCE, et al.,
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Defendants.
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07/26/2018

18-CV-2921 (JMF)

18-CV-5025 (JMF)

OPINION AND ORDER

JESSE M. FURMAN, United States District Judge:

INTRODUCTION .......................................................................................................................... 2
BACKGROUND ............................................................................................................................ 6
LEGAL STANDARDS ................................................................................................................ 14
DISCUSSION ............................................................................................................................... 15
A.

Standing .................................................................................................................. 16
1.

Injury-in-Fact .............................................................................................. 17

2.

Traceability ................................................................................................. 23

3.

NGO Plaintiffs’ Standing............................................................................ 29

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B.

The Political Question Doctrine.............................................................................. 32

C.

The Administrative Procedure Act ......................................................................... 38

D.

The Enumeration Clause ......................................................................................... 46

E.

The Equal Protection Claim .................................................................................... 60

CONCLUSION ............................................................................................................................. 68

INTRODUCTION
The Fourteenth Amendment to the Constitution provides that “Representatives shall be
apportioned among the several States according to their respective Numbers, counting the whole
number of persons in each State.” U.S. CONST. amend. XIV, § 2. Article I of the Constitution
provides, in turn, that the number of persons in each state is to be calculated by means of an
“actual Enumeration” — known as the census — every ten years “in such Manner as [Congress]
shall by Law direct.” Id. art. I, § 2, cl. 3. Since 1790, the government has conducted that “actual
Enumeration” through questions — initially asked in person and, later, by means of written
questionnaire — about both the number and demographic backgrounds of those living in each
American household. Beginning in 1820, one such question concerned (in one form or another)
citizenship status. The government ceased asking that question of everyone nationwide in 1960.
Earlier this year, however, Secretary of Commerce Wilbur L. Ross, Jr., exercising authority
delegated by Congress over the census, announced that he was reinstating the citizenship
question on the 2020 census questionnaire. Secretary Ross explained that reinstatement of the
citizenship question is necessary for the Department of Justice to enforce, and courts to
adjudicate, violations of Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act of 1965, codified at 52 U.S.C.
§ 10301.

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Plaintiffs in these two related cases (which have been informally consolidated for
purposes of scheduling and discovery) contend that Secretary Ross’s decision to reinstate the
citizenship question on the 2020 census questionnaire violates both the Constitution and the
Administrative Procedure Act (“APA”), 5 U.S.C. §§ 701 et seq. In 18-CV-2921, Plaintiffs are
eighteen states and the District of Columbia, as well as various cities, counties, and mayors; they
challenge the Secretary’s decision under both Article I’s Enumeration Clause and the APA.
(Docket No. 214 (“SAC”), ¶¶ 178-97). In 18-CV-5025, Plaintiffs are five nongovernmental
organizations, four suing on behalf of themselves and their members and one suing only on its
own behalf; they challenge the Secretary’s decision on the same grounds and also as a violation
of equal protection, as embodied in the Due Process Clause of the Fifth Amendment. (18-CV5025, Docket No. 1 (“NGO Compl.”), ¶¶ 193-212). 1 On May 25, 2018, Defendants — the
United States Department of Commerce; Secretary Ross (the “Secretary”); the Bureau of the
Census (the “Census Bureau”); and Acting Director of the Census Bureau, Ron Jarmin —
moved, pursuant to Rule 12(b)(1) and (b)(6) of the Federal Rules of Civil Procedure, to dismiss
the First Amended Complaint in 18-CV-2921. (Docket No. 154). 2 On June 29, 2018,
Defendants moved to dismiss the Complaint in 18-CV-5025. (18-CV-5025, Docket No. 38).

1

Unless otherwise noted, docket references are to 18-CV-2921. Additionally, “Plaintiffs”
refers to the plaintiffs in both cases, “Government Plaintiffs” refers to the plaintiffs in 18-CV2921, and “NGO Plaintiffs” refer to the plaintiffs in 18-CV-5025.

2

On July 23, 2018, Plaintiffs in 18-CV-2921 filed a Second Amended Complaint, which
adds the City of Phoenix as a plaintiff and includes allegations relating to Phoenix, but
“otherwise does not substantively alter” the First Amended Complaint that Defendants had
originally moved to dismiss. (Docket No. 210-1; see Docket No. 214 (refiling the Second
Amended Complaint due to a filing error)). By Order entered on July 24, 2018, the Court
indicated that it would treat Defendants’ previously filed motion to dismiss “as applying to the
Second Amended Complaint.” (Docket No. 213).

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The Court held oral argument on the first motion on July 3, 2018. (See July 3, 2018 Transcript,
Docket No. 207 (“Oral Arg. Tr.”))
Broadly speaking, in this Opinion, the Court reaches three conclusions with respect to
Defendants’ motions. First, the Court categorically rejects Defendants’ efforts to insulate
Secretary Ross’s decision to reinstate the citizenship question on the 2020 census from judicial
review. Contending that Plaintiffs cannot prove they have been or will be injured by the
decision, and citing the degree of discretion afforded to Congress by the Enumeration Clause and
to the Secretary by statute, Defendants insist that this Court lacks jurisdiction even to consider
Plaintiffs’ claims. As the Court will explain, however, that contention flies in the face of
decades of precedent from the Supreme Court, the Second Circuit, and other courts. That
precedent makes clear that, while deference is certainly owed to the Secretary’s decisions, courts
have a critical role to play in entertaining challenges like those raised by Plaintiffs here.
Second, the Court concludes that the citizenship question is a permissible — but by no
means mandated — exercise of the broad power granted to Congress (and, in turn, to the
Secretary) in the Enumeration Clause of the Constitution. That conclusion is compelled not only
by the text of the Clause, which vests Congress with virtually unlimited discretion in conducting
the census, but also by historical practice. The historical practice reveals that, since the very first
census in 1790, the federal government has consistently used the decennial exercise not only to
obtain a strict headcount in fulfillment of the constitutional mandate to conduct an “actual
Enumeration,” but also to gather demographic data about the population on matters such as race,
sex, occupation, and, even citizenship. Moreover, it reveals that all three branches of the
government — including the Supreme Court and lower courts — have blessed this dual use of
the census, if not a citizenship question itself. In the face of that history and the broad

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constitutional grant of power to Congress, the Court cannot conclude that the Secretary lacks
power under the Enumeration Clause to ask a question about citizenship on the census.
Third, although the Secretary has authority under the Enumeration Clause to direct the
inclusion of a citizenship question on the census, the Court concludes that the particular exercise
of that authority by Secretary Ross may have violated NGO Plaintiffs’ rights to equal protection
of the laws under the Due Process Clause of the Fifth Amendment. That is, assuming the truth of
NGO Plaintiffs’ allegations and drawing all reasonable inferences in their favor — as the Court
must at this stage of the proceedings — they plausibly allege that Secretary Ross’s decision to
reinstate the citizenship question on the 2020 census was motivated by discriminatory animus
and that its application will result in a discriminatory effect. As discussed below, that conclusion
is supported by indications that Defendants deviated from their standard procedures in hastily
adding the citizenship question; by evidence suggesting that Secretary Ross’s stated rationale for
adding the question is pretextual; and by contemporary statements of decisionmakers, including
statements by the President, whose reelection campaign credited him with “officially” mandating
Secretary Ross’s decision to add the question right after it was announced.
The net effect of these conclusions is that Defendants’ motions to dismiss are granted in
part and denied in part. In particular, Plaintiffs’ claims under the Enumeration Clause — which
turn on Secretary Ross’s power rather than his purposes — must be and are dismissed. By
contrast, their claims under the APA (which Defendants seek to dismiss solely on jurisdictional
and justiciability grounds) and the Due Process Clause — which turn at least in part on Secretary
Ross’s purposes and not merely on his power — may proceed.

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BACKGROUND
As noted, the Constitution requires an “actual Enumeration” of “the whole number of
persons in each State” every ten years, and grants to Congress authority to conduct that
enumeration — commonly known as the census — “in such Manner as [Congress] shall by Law
direct.” U.S. CONST. art. 1, § 2, cl. 3 & amend. XIV. The modern census is governed by the
Census Act, which was enacted in 1976. See 13 U.S.C. §§ 1 et seq. The Act delegates to the
Secretary of Commerce the duty to “take a decennial census of population as of the first day of
April of such year . . . in such form and content as he may determine.” 13 U.S.C. § 141(a). It
further provides that “[t]he Secretary shall prepare questionnaires, and shall determine the
inquiries, and the number, form, and subdivisions thereof, for the statistics, surveys, and
censuses provided for in [the Act].” Id. § 5. The Secretary is required to submit “a report
containing [his] determination of the questions proposed to be included” in the census “not later
than 2 years before the appropriate census date.” Id. § 141(f)(2). After the census is taken, the
President is tasked with transmitting to Congress “a statement showing the whole number of
persons in each State . . . as ascertained under the . . . decennial census of the population, and the
number of Representatives to which each State” is “entitled.” 2 U.S.C. § 2a(a).
Significantly, consistent with the constitutional text, the decennial census endeavors to
count all residents of the United States, regardless of their legal status. See Fed’n for Am.
Immigration Reform v. Klutznick, 486 F. Supp. 564, 576 (D.D.C. 1980) (three-judge court) (“The
language of the Constitution is not ambiguous. It requires the counting of the ‘whole number of
persons’ for apportionment purposes, and while illegal aliens were not a component of the
population at the time the Constitution was adopted, they are clearly ‘persons.’”). The federal
government, however, has long used the decennial census to do more than take a mere headcount

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of the population for purposes of apportioning Representatives. It has also used the census as a
means to collect data — demographic and otherwise — on the population of the United States.
See generally U.S. CENSUS BUREAU, MEASURING AMERICA: THE DECENNIAL CENSUSES FROM
1790 TO 2000 (“MEASURING AMERICA”) (2002), available at http://www2.census.gov/library/
publications/2002/dec/pol_02-ma.pdf. Notably, that practice began with the nation’s very first
census, taken in 1790, which was conducted by United States Marshals. See Act of March 1,
1790 (“1790 Census Act”), 1 Stat. 101, 101-02 (1790). 3 Congress directed the Marshals to ask
each household, among other things, about “the sexes and colours of free persons” as well the
age of residents, id. at 101, in order to “assess the countries [sic] industrial and military
potential,” MEASURING AMERICA 5. As a history of the census prepared in 1900 for the Senate
Committee on the Census described the first census: “Instead of providing simply for an
enumeration of the population in 1790 . . . which would have answered all the requirements of
the Constitution,” Congress “called for [more information] . . . thus recognizing at the very
outset the desirability of using the census as a means of securing data beyond the mere statement
of population needed for apportionment purposes.” CARROLL D. WRIGHT, THE HISTORY AND
GROWTH OF THE UNITED STATES CENSUS (“HISTORY AND GROWTH”), S. Doc. No. 194, at 89 (1st
Sess., 1900).
The inquiries on the second and third censuses were largely the same as the first. See
MEASURING AMERICA 6; see also Act of Feb. 28, 1800 (“1800 Census Act”), 2 Stat. 11 (1800);
Act of March 26, 1810, 2 Stat. 564 (1810). Unlike the first census, however, the second census
also included a question about the town or city in which persons resided. See 1800 Census Act,

3

The Court may and does take judicial notice of undisputed historical facts. See Effie
Film, LLC v. Pomerance, 909 F. Supp. 2d 273, 298-300 (S.D.N.Y. 2012) (noting that courts may
take judicial notice of historical facts contained in undisputed, authoritative writings).

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2 Stat. at 11-12. The third census, taken in 1810, also required the Marshals to give “an account
of the several manufacturing establishments . . . within their several districts.” Act of May 1,
1810, 2 Stat. 605, 605 (1810). Interestingly, civic groups — including the American
Philosophical Society, led by Thomas Jefferson — encouraged Congress to add questions
regarding citizenship (and other topics) as early as the second census, but those proposals were
rejected at that point without debate. See WRIGHT, HISTORY AND GROWTH 19-20. For reasons
that are not clear, however, Congress did add a question about citizenship to the fourth census in
1820, directing enumerators to tally the number of “Foreigners not naturalized.” Act of March
14, 1820 (“1820 Census Act”), 3 Stat. 548, 550 (1820).
The fifth census in 1830 — which was the first to rely on standardized, pre-printed forms
— tallied all “white persons” who were “ALIENS – Foreigners not naturalized.” Act of March
23, 1830 (“1830 Census Act”), 4 Stat. 383, 389 (1830). For unknown reasons, the sixth census
in 1840 did not ask about citizenship or birthplace, although it did include nearly every other
question that had been asked in the fifth census, including questions regarding occupation,
mental illness, and military service. See WRIGHT, HISTORY AND GROWTH 142-43 (reprinting the
inquiries on the sixth census). The scope of the census then expanded materially in 1850, when
it was overseen, for the first time, by a “census board” composed of “the Secretary of State, the
Attorney-General, and the Postmaster-General.” Id. at 40. The census board prepared six
“schedules” of inquiries, relating to “(1) free inhabitants, (2) slave inhabitants, (3) mortality,
(4) productions of agriculture, (5) products of industry, and (6) social statistics.” Id. at 44-45.
All “free inhabitants” were required to state their place of birth (“State, Territory, or country”),
as well as the “[v]alue of real estate owned” and whether they were “deaf and dumb, blind,
insane, idiotic, pauper, or convict.” See Act of May 15, 1850 (“1850 Census Act”), 9 Stat. 428,

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433 (1850). Although the 1850 census required inhabitants to state their place of birth, it did not
explicitly ask about citizenship.
The questions in 1860 and 1870 were largely the same as those in 1850, although the
1870 census also included a question about whether the respondent’s father or mother was “of
foreign birth” and an explicit inquiry (no doubt prompted by the Civil War and ratification of the
Fourteenth Amendment) as to “[m]ale [c]itizens of U.S. of 21 years of age and upwards, whose
right to vote is denied or abridged on other grounds than rebellion or other crime.” See
MEASURING AMERICA 13. The 1880 census asked for the birthplaces of the respondent and of
each respondent’s parents (“naming the State or Territory of the United States, or the Country, if
of foreign birth”). See id. at 17. The 1880 census was also the first to be conducted by a newly
established census office, led by the Superintendent of the Census and lodged in the Department
of the Interior. See WRIGHT, HISTORY AND GROWTH 58-59. The census office prescribed similar
questions for the 1890 census, asking for the respondent’s and his or her parents’ places of birth
and, additionally, whether the respondent was naturalized and whether “naturalization papers
have been taken out.” MEASURING AMERICA 22.
In the early 20th century, the federal government continued to use the census to gather
data regarding citizenship and other topics. 4 The 1900, 1910, 1920, and 1930 censuses, in
keeping with their immediate predecessors, asked about birthplace and parental birthplace; they
also asked immigrant residents their year of immigration and whether they were naturalized. Id.

4

In between the 1900 and 1910 censuses, Congress created a permanent Census Office
within the Department of Interior; the Census Office moved to the Department of Commerce and
Labor the following year. See U.S. CENSUS BUREAU, FACTFINDER FOR THE NATION: HISTORY
AND ORGANIZATION 2 (2000), available at https://www.census.gov/history/pdf/cff4.pdf. When
the Department of Commerce and Labor split into two departments in 1913, the Census Office
— renamed the Census Bureau — was placed in the Department of Commerce. Id.

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at 34, 45-46, 58, 59. The 1940 census asked for residents’ birthplace and for “[c]itizenship of the
foreign born.” Id. at 62. The 1940 census was also the first to include supplemental questions
that went to only a sample fraction of the population; on the 1940 census, these supplemental
inquiries included a question about parental birthplace. Id. at 63. The 1950 census also asked all
respondents for their birthplace and whether foreign-born residents were naturalized, and asked a
sample of the population supplemental questions about, among other things, parental birthplace.
Id. at 66-68.
The 1960 census marked a departure from previous censuses in several respects. See
generally MARGO J. ANDERSON, THE AMERICAN CENSUS: A SOCIAL HISTORY 201-06 (1988). For
one, it was the first census to rely principally on the mail to distribute and collect questionnaires.
U.S. BUREAU OF THE CENSUS, 1960 CENSUSES OF POPULATION AND HOUSING: PROCEDURAL
HISTORY (“1960 CENSUSES OF POPULATION AND HOUSING”) 1 (1966), available at http://www2.
census.gov/prod2/decennial/documents/1960/proceduralHistory/1960proceduralhistory.zip. It
was also the first census to pose the majority of questions to only a fraction of the population:
The census posed only five questions to all respondents, with more detailed questions going to
twenty-five percent of the population. MEASURING AMERICA 72. The five universal questions
included the respondent’s relationship to the head of household, sex, color or race, marital status,
and month and year of birth. See 1960 CENSUSES OF POPULATION AND HOUSING 364. The
lengthier questionnaire that went to a sample of the population included questions regarding
respondents’ and parental birthplace, highest level of education attained, salary earned, and how
many working television sets a household had. Id. at 73-75.
Notably, the 1960 census was the first since 1840 not to include a question about
citizenship (or birthplace) for all residents. It did, however, ask all residents of New York and

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Puerto Rico about citizenship — the former “at the expense of the State, to meet State
constitutional requirements for State legislative apportionment” and the latter, at the request of a
census advisory committee, “to permit detailed studies of migration.” 1960 CENSUSES OF
POPULATION AND HOUSING 10, 130. In a review of the census, the Census Bureau explained the
decision not to ask all respondents about citizenship as follows: “It was felt that general census
information on citizenship had become of less importance compared with other possible
questions to be included in the census, particularly in view of the recent statutory requirement for
annual alien registration which could provide the Immigration and Naturalization Service, the
principal user of such data, with the information it needed.” Id. at 194.
Between 1970 and 2000, the census continued to feature a short questionnaire distributed
to the vast majority of the population (known as the “short-form census”) and a longer
questionnaire, which included both the inquiries on the shorter questionnaire as well as
additional questions, distributed to a sample of the population (known as the “long-form
census”). During that time, none of the short-form questionnaires included a question about
citizenship or birthplace. See MEASURING AMERICA 77 (1970), 84 (1980), 91 (1990), 100
(2000). But each long-form census, which went to approximately one sixth of households, did.
See id. at 78 (1970), 85 (1980), 92 (1990), 101 (2000). In 2010, the Census Bureau dropped the
long-form questionnaire altogether, a change that was precipitated by the introduction, in 2005,
of the American Community Survey (“ACS”). See JENNIFER D. WILLIAMS, THE 2010
DECENNIAL CENSUS: BACKGROUND AND ISSUES 3 (2011), available at https://www.census.gov/
history/pdf/2010-background-crs.pdf. Unlike the decennial census, the ACS is conducted
annually and is not used to obtain an “actual Enumeration” of the population for purposes of
apportionment; instead, it is given each year to only about 3.5 million households — roughly one

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in every thirty-eight households in the country — for the sole purpose of collecting demographic
data on the population. (SAC ¶¶ 74, 98 n.43). The ACS “requires citizens to disclose whether
they were born in ‘United States territories,’ whether they were born ‘abroad’ to U.S. parents, or
if and when they were ‘naturalized.’” (Id. ¶ 76). 5 The 2010 census asked about “the age, sex,
race, and ethnicity (Hispanic or non-Hispanic) of each person in a household,” as well as
“whether the housing unit was rented or owned by a member of the household.” WILLIAMS, THE
2010 DECENNIAL CENSUS: BACKGROUND AND ISSUES 3. It did not ask about citizenship.
Thus, the last time that the census asked every respondent about citizenship was sixtyeight years ago, in 1950. Notably, since then, the Census Bureau and former Bureau officials
have opposed periodic efforts to reinstate a citizenship question on a universal basis. In 1980,
for example, several plaintiffs (including the Federation for American Immigration Reform,
which appears here as amicus curiae in support of Defendants) sued the Census Bureau,
contending that the census was constitutionally required to count only citizens. Fed’n for Am.
Immigration Reform, 486 F. Supp. at 565. In that litigation, the Census Bureau argued that
reinstating a citizenship question for all respondents would “inevitably jeopardize the overall
accuracy of the population count” because noncitizens would be reluctant to participate, for fear
“of the information being used against them.” Id. at 568. Likewise, in Congressional testimony
prior to the 1990 census, Census Bureau officials opposed reinstating a citizenship question for
all respondents, opining that it could cause people to “misunderstand or mistrust the census and
fail or refuse to respond.” Exclude Undocumented Residents from Census Counts Used for
Apportionment: Hearing on H.R. 3639, H.R. 3814, and H.R. 4234 Before the Subcomm. on

5

A recipient of the ACS is required, under threat of fine, to respond — just as recipients of
the census are. See 13 U.S.C. § 221(a).

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Census & Population of the H. Comm. on Post Office & Civil Serv., 100th Cong. 50-51 (1988)
(statement of John G. Keane, Director, Bureau of the Census); see also Census Equity Act:
Hearings on H.R. 2661 Before the Subcomm. on Census & Population of the H. Comm. on Post
Office & Civ. Serv., 101st Cong. 42-44 (1989) (statement of C. Louis Kincannon, Deputy
Director, Bureau of the Census). Before the 2010 census, former Bureau Director Kenneth
Prewitt testified before Congress to the same effect. See Counting the Vote: Should Only U.S.
Citizens Be Included in Apportioning Our Elected Representatives?: Hearing Before the
Subcomm. on Federalism & the Census of the H. Comm. on Gov’t Reform, 109th Cong. 73
(2005) (statement of Kenneth Prewitt). And finally, just two years ago, several former Bureau
Directors wrote in an amicus curiae brief to the Supreme Court (in a case about the use of total
population in intrastate redistricting) that a “citizenship inquiry would invariably lead to a lower
response rate to the Census.” Brief of Former Directors of the U.S. Census Bureau as Amici
Curiae in Support of Appellees at 25, Evenwel v. Abbott, 136 S. Ct. 1120 (2016).
Earlier this year, however, the Census Bureau reversed course. Specifically, on March
26, 2018, Secretary Ross issued a memorandum directing the Census Bureau to reinstate the
citizenship question on the 2020 decennial census. (SAC ¶ 3; see also Docket No. 173 (“Admin.
Record”), at 1313-20 (“Ross Mem.”)). 6 Secretary Ross asserted that he included the citizenship
question in response to a letter from the Department of Justice (“DOJ”) dated December 12,
2017. (SAC ¶ 94). The DOJ letter, in turn, requested the question’s reinstatement on the
grounds that more granular citizenship data was necessary to enforce Section 2 of the Voting

6

Given the volume of the Administrative Record, Defendants did not file it directly on the
docket. Instead, they made it publicly available at http://www.osec.doc.gov/opog/FOIA/
Documents/AR%20-%20FINAL%20FILED%20-%20ALL%20DOCS%20%5b
CERTIFICATION-INDEX-DOCUMENTS%5d%206.8.18.pdf.

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Rights Act, which prohibits discriminatory voting laws. (Id. ¶ 95). After considering several
options — including maintaining the status quo and using “administrative records to calculate
citizenship data,” (id. ¶ 81 (internal quotation marks omitted)) — the Secretary concluded that
the “value of more complete citizenship data outweighed concerns regarding non-response.” (Id.
¶ 82). Two days later, President Trump’s campaign sent an e-mail to supporters stating that
“President Trump has officially mandated that the 2020 United States Census ask people living
in America whether or not they are citizens.” (NGO Compl. ¶ 178).
These lawsuits (and others, elsewhere) followed.
LEGAL STANDARDS
Defendants move to dismiss pursuant to Rules 12(b)(1) and 12(b)(6). A Rule 12(b)(1)
motion challenges the court’s subject-matter jurisdiction to hear the case. “A case is properly
dismissed for lack of subject matter jurisdiction under Rule 12(b)(1) when the district court lacks
the statutory or constitutional power to adjudicate it.” Makarova v. United States, 201 F.3d 110,
113 (2d Cir. 2000). “In resolving a motion to dismiss under Rule 12(b)(1), the district court must
take all uncontroverted facts in the complaint (or petition) as true, and draw all reasonable
inferences in favor of the party asserting jurisdiction.” Fountain v. Karim, 838 F.3d 129, 134 (2d
Cir. 2016) (quoting Tandon v. Captain’s Cove Marina of Bridgeport, Inc., 752 F.3d 239, 243 (2d
Cir. 2014)). Additionally, a court “may consider affidavits and other materials beyond the
pleadings to resolve the jurisdictional issue, but [the Court] may not rely on conclusory or
hearsay statements contained in the affidavits.” J.S. ex rel. N.S. v. Attica Cent. Schs., 386 F.3d
107, 110 (2d Cir. 2004). Ultimately, “[t]he plaintiff bears the burden of proving subject matter
jurisdiction by a preponderance of the evidence.” Aurecchione v. Schoolman Transp. Sys., Inc.,
426 F.3d 635, 638 (2d Cir. 2005).

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By contrast, a Rule 12(b)(6) motion tests the legal sufficiency of a complaint and requires
a court to determine whether the facts alleged in the complaint are sufficient to show that the
plaintiff has a plausible claim for relief. Ashcroft v. Iqbal, 556 U.S. 662, 679 (2009). When
ruling on a Rule 12(b)(6) motion, a court must accept the factual allegations set forth in the
complaint as true and draw all reasonable inferences in favor of the plaintiff. See, e.g., Holmes v.
Grubman, 568 F.3d 329, 335 (2d Cir. 2009). To survive such a motion, however, the plaintiff
must plead sufficient facts “to state a claim to relief that is plausible on its face.” Bell Atl. Corp.
v. Twombly, 550 U.S. 544, 570 (2007). A claim is facially plausible “when the plaintiff pleads
factual content that allows the court to draw the reasonable inference that the defendant is liable
for the misconduct alleged.” Iqbal, 556 U.S. at 678 (citing Twombly, 550 U.S. at 556); see also
Twombly, 550 U.S. at 570 (noting that a claim must be dismissed if the plaintiffs “have not
nudged their claims across the line from conceivable to plausible”).
DISCUSSION
Defendants make four arguments with respect to the operative complaints in both cases,
and one argument unique to NGO Plaintiffs’ Complaint in 18-CV-5025. First, they contend that
Plaintiffs in both cases lack Article III standing because Plaintiffs do not allege an injury-in-fact
that is fairly traceable to Defendants’ conduct. (See Docket No. 155 (“Defs.’ Br.”), at 13-21).
Second, they assert that all of the claims pressed by Plaintiffs are barred by the political question
doctrine. (See id. at 21-26). Third, they insist that the decision as to what questions should be
included in the census questionnaire is committed by law to agency discretion and, thus, that
Secretary Ross’s decision is not subject to judicial review under the APA. (See id. at 26-30).
Fourth, they aver that Plaintiffs fail to state a claim under the Enumeration Clause. (See id. at
30-35). And finally, they argue that NGO Plaintiffs fail to state an equal protection claim under

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the Due Process Clause. (See 18-CV-5025, Docket No. 39 (“Defs.’ NGO Br.”), at 16-19). The
Court will address each of those arguments in turn.
A.

Standing
Article III of the Constitution restricts the “judicial Power” of the United States to

“Cases” and “Controversies.” U.S. CONST. art. III, § 2. In light of that restriction, a party
invoking the court’s jurisdiction — the plaintiff — must have “standing” to sue. See, e.g.,
Clapper v. Amnesty Int’l USA, 568 U.S. 398, 408 (2013). To have standing, a plaintiff must
establish three elements. See, e.g., Lujan v. Defenders of Wildlife, 504 U.S. 555, 560 (1992).
Specifically, a “plaintiff must have (1) suffered an injury in fact, (2) that is fairly traceable to the
challenged conduct of the defendant, and (3) that is likely to be redressed by a favorable judicial
decision.” Spokeo, Inc. v. Robins, 136 S. Ct. 1540, 1547 (2016) (citing Lujan, 504 U.S. at 56061). Significantly, each element “must be supported . . . with the manner and degree of evidence
required at the successive stages of the litigation.” Lujan, 504 U.S. at 561. At the pleading
stage, a plaintiff need only “clearly . . . allege facts demonstrating” each element. Warth v.
Seldin, 422 U.S. 490, 518 (1975); see also John v. Whole Foods Mkt. Grp., Inc., 858 F.3d 732,
736 (2d Cir. 2017) (“[B]ecause [the defendant] mounts only a ‘facial’ challenge to [the
plaintiff’s] allegations of standing, [the plaintiff] bears no evidentiary burden at the pleading
stage.”); Carter v. HealthPort Techs., LLC, 822 F.3d 47, 56 (2d Cir. 2016) (“When the Rule
12(b)(1) motion is facial, . . . [t]he task of the district court is to determine whether the Pleading
allege[s] facts that affirmatively and plausibly suggest that [the plaintiff] has standing to sue.”
(second and third alterations in original) (internal quotation marks omitted)). Further, where
there are multiple plaintiffs, as here, only one must establish the elements of standing for the case

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to proceed. See, e.g., Centro de la Comunidad Hispana de Locust Valley v. Town of Oyster Bay,
868 F.3d 104, 109 (2d Cir. 2017).
In this case, Defendants contend that Plaintiffs fail to establish that they have been
injured in fact and that any injury is traceable to the challenged conduct. (See Defs.’ Br. 13-14).
Additionally, they make a handful of arguments specific to whether NGO Plaintiffs have
standing. (See Defs.’ NGO Br. 4-15). The Court will address the common arguments first.
1.

Injury-in-Fact

The injury-in-fact requirement is meant to “ensure that the plaintiff has a ‘personal stake
in the outcome of the controversy.’” Susan B. Anthony List v. Driehaus, 134 S. Ct. 2334, 2341
(2014) (quoting Warth, 422 U.S. at 498). To establish injury-in-fact, a plaintiff must
demonstrate an injury that is “concrete, particularized, and actual or imminent.” Clapper, 568
U.S. at 409. “Although imminence is concededly a somewhat elastic concept, it cannot be
stretched beyond its purpose, which is to ensure that the alleged injury is not too speculative
. . . .” Id. Nevertheless, a plaintiff may allege a “future injury” if he or she shows that “the
threatened injury is ‘certainly impending,’ or there is a ‘substantial risk’ that the harm will
occur.” Susan B. Anthony List, 134 S. Ct. at 2341 (emphasis added) (quoting Clapper, 568 U.S.
at 409, 414 n.5 (2013)). 7 Plaintiffs easily meet their burden at this stage of the proceedings.
Plaintiffs’ theory of injury proceeds in two steps, each of which is amply supported by
allegations in their operative complaints — allegations that the Court must assume are true in

7

Defendants suggest that the “substantial risk” formulation applies only in food and drug
cases (see Docket No. 190 (“Defs.’ Reply Br.”), at 4-5), but that suggestion is supported by
neither logic nor law. Indeed, it is belied by both Clapper, in which the Supreme Court cited to
non-food and drug cases, see 568 U.S. at 414 n.5 (citing Blum v. Yaretsky, 457 U.S. 991 (1982)),
and Susan B. Anthony List, another non-food and drug case in which the Supreme Court
expressly reaffirmed the “substantial risk” formulation. See 134 S. Ct. at 2341; accord Chevron
Corp. v. Donziger, 833 F.3d 74, 121 (2d Cir. 2016).

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deciding this motion. First, Plaintiffs contend that Defendants’ inclusion of a citizenship
question on the census will “drive down response rates and seriously impair the accuracy of the
decennial population count.” (SAC ¶ 39; accord NGO Compl. ¶ 4). In support of that assertion,
Plaintiffs proffer an array of evidence — much of it from Defendants themselves. For instance,
Plaintiffs cite the Census Bureau’s own argument in 1980 that “any effort to ascertain citizenship
will inevitably jeopardize the overall accuracy of the population count” because “[q]uestions as
to citizenship are particularly sensitive in minority communities and would inevitable trigger . . .
refusal to cooperate.” (SAC ¶ 40 (quoting Fed’n for Am. Immigration Reform, 486 F. Supp. at
568); accord NGO Compl. ¶ 84). Plaintiffs also cite testimony, interviews, and an amicus brief
filed by former Directors of the Census Bureau, arguing in sum and substance that the
“citizenship inquiry would invariably lead to a lower response rate to the Census in general.”
(SAC ¶¶ 39-47; accord NGO Compl. ¶¶ 81-90). Moreover, Plaintiffs plausibly allege that this
risk is “heightened in the current political climate because of President Trump’s anti-immigrant
rhetoric.” (SAC ¶ 48; accord NGO Compl. ¶¶ 113-26, 140-46). Accordingly, Plaintiffs claim,
Defendants’ actions “will add to this unprecedented level of anxiety in immigrant communities,”
leading to “nonresponse and lower participation by many immigrants.” (SAC ¶ 53; accord NGO
Compl. ¶¶ 141-46).
The second step in Plaintiffs’ argument is that this “undercounting” will result in various
concrete harms to them and their constituents or members. (See, e.g., SAC ¶ 105 (“[I]n 2014,
New York State had the fourth largest population of undocumented residents in the nation.”); see
id. ¶¶ 104-38; see also, e.g., NGO Compl. ¶ 52 (“Make the Road New York members . . . will be
deprived of political influence and funding . . . .”)). For example, Plaintiffs identify various
federal programs, including “the Highway Trust Fund program, the Urbanized Area Formula

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Funding program, the Metropolitan Planning program, and the Community Highway Safety
Grant program,” which “distribute funds based, at least in part, on population figures collected
through the decennial census.” (SAC ¶ 140 (citing 23 U.S.C. § 104(d)(3); 49 U.S.C. §§ 5305,
5307, 5340; 23 U.S.C. § 402); see id. ¶ 145 (“Plaintiffs will lose millions of dollars in
[Medicaid] reimbursement as a result of even a 1% undercount.”); see also NGO Compl. ¶ 197
(identifying the Federal Medical Assistance Percentage, the Highway Trust Fund program, and
other programs that rely on population figures from the census)). Additionally, they note that the
Department of Education relies on census data to determine certain funding for schools in their
jurisdictions. (See, e.g., SAC ¶ 143(a)-(v)). Citing these programs, they plausibly allege that an
undercount in their jurisdictions will “depriv[e] them of their statutory fair share of federal
funding, and remov[e] crucial resources for important government services.” (Id. ¶ 139; accord
NGO Compl. ¶ 52). That alone is sufficient to confer standing. See, e.g., Carey v. Klutznick,
637 F.2d 834, 838 (2d Cir. 1980) (per curiam) (holding that New York City, New York State,
and several individual voters had standing to challenge “a census undercount” by alleging harm
“in the form of dilution of [the individual plaintiffs’] votes,” and, for the government plaintiffs,
“as recipients of federal funds”). But on top of that, Government Plaintiffs also plausibly allege
that an undercount “will lead to loss of representation in Rhode Island” — which is apparently
teetering on the edge of losing one of its two Representatives already — and will the “harm
representational interests” of local government Plaintiffs “within their states.” (SAC ¶¶ 160-63).
That, too, is sufficient. See, e.g., Dep’t of Commerce v. U.S. House of Representatives, 525 U.S.
316, 331 (1999) (observing that the “expected loss of a Representative to the United States
Congress undoubtedly satisfies the injury-in-fact requirement” of standing).

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In response, Defendants contend that Plaintiffs’ allegations are “too speculative” because
they rely on a highly attenuated chain of inferences. (Defs.’ Br. 14). That may ultimately prove
to be the case, but Defendants’ contentions are misplaced at this stage in the litigation, when
Plaintiffs “bear[] no evidentiary burden.” John, 858 F.3d at 736. Citing a memorandum
authored by Secretary Ross, for example, Defendants claim that “there is little ‘definitive,
empirical’ evidence regarding the effect of adding a citizenship question.” (Defs.’ Br. 15). But
Plaintiffs allege otherwise, citing ample evidence — spanning decades and much of it from the
Census Bureau itself — in support of the proposition that including a citizenship question will
cause an undercount. (See SAC ¶¶ 39-47; accord NGO Compl. ¶¶ 81-90). Moreover, Plaintiffs
cite testing that the Census Bureau conducted in 2017 that tended to show that “fears,
particularly among immigrant respondents, have increased markedly this year.” (SAC ¶ 51;
accord NGO Compl. ¶¶ 113-26). These findings, the Census Bureau explained, “have
implications for data quality and nonresponse.” (SAC ¶ 52; accord NGO Compl. ¶ 127). For
the time being, those allegations are sufficient to establish Plaintiffs’ point. See, e.g., Bennett v.
Spear, 520 U.S. 154, 168 (1997) (“[W]hile a plaintiff must set forth by affidavit or other
evidence specific facts to survive a motion for summary judgment, and must ultimately support
any contested facts with evidence adduced at trial, at the pleading stage, general factual
allegations of injury resulting from the defendant’s conduct may suffice, for on a motion to
dismiss we presume that general allegations embrace those specific facts that are necessary to
support the claim.” (internal quotation marks, brackets, and citation omitted)). Defendants’
reliance on contrary evidence merely raises disputes of fact that the Court may not resolve on a
motion to dismiss. See, e.g., Lujan, 504 U.S. at 561.

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Next, Defendants claim that the Census Bureau “has extensive procedures in place to
address non-response and to obtain accurate data for those households that decline to respond.”
(Defs.’ Br. 15). Defendants repackaged this argument slightly in their reply brief, (Defs.’ Reply
Br. 4), and at oral argument, (Oral Arg. Tr. 12), claiming that Plaintiffs fail to distinguish
between the initial “self-response” to the written census form, and the “non-response followup”
employed by the Census Bureau to reach initial non-responders. As Defendants see it, Plaintiffs
allege only that the initial self-response rate will decrease; they fail to consider that the nonresponse followup could cure any diminished self-response. (Defs.’ Reply Br. 4). However
packaged, though, those arguments are also factual and thus premature. Moreover, they ignore
well-pleaded allegations in Plaintiffs’ complaints. Plaintiffs allege broadly that adding the
citizenship question will “significantly deter[] participation” in the census. (SAC ¶ 5 (emphasis
added); accord NGO Compl. ¶ 141 (alleging that “adding the citizenship question” will
“reduc[e] participation by Latinos and Immigrants of color”)). And Plaintiffs support that
assertion with concrete allegations, citing, for example, reports from the Census Bureau that
census respondents “sought to break off interviews” because of “concerns about data
confidentiality and the government’s negative attitudes toward immigrants.” (SAC ¶ 51; accord
NGO Compl. ¶¶ 133-37). In other words, Plaintiffs plausibly allege that the addition of the
citizenship question will affect not only the initial response rate to the questionnaire itself, but
also cooperation with the in-person followup.
Finally, Defendants claim that Plaintiffs’ allegations regarding loss of representation and
federal funding are “too speculative” because apportionment and the allocation of funds are both
“complex” and could be affected by, among other things, “potential undercounting in other

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states.” (Defs.’ Br. 16-18). 8 But that argument is squarely foreclosed by Carey, in which the
Second Circuit held that New York City and New York State had standing to challenge the
Census Bureau’s conduct during the 1980 census because they had “made a showing . . . that
Census Bureau actions in New York State have caused a disproportionate undercount which will
result in loss of representation” and “decreased federal funds . . . under revenue sharing.” 637
F.2d at 838; see also, e.g., City of Detroit v. Franklin, 4 F.3d 1367, 1374 (6th Cir. 1993)
(“Plaintiffs . . . have standing to challenge the [Secretary’s] actions based upon their claim that
the census undercount will result in a loss of federal funds to the City of Detroit.”). 9 Defendants
try to distinguish Carey on the ground that it “did not involve allegations of injuries from the
mere inclusion of a question,” (Defs.’ Br. 17 n.8), but that consideration is irrelevant to the
standing inquiry. Equally irrelevant is the fact that the Second Circuit “cited New York City’s
‘present financial condition’ in finding that the city and the state had standing as recipients of
federal funds.” (Id.). The loss of federal funds constitutes injury whether or not a jurisdiction is
in sound fiscal shape, and nothing in Carey suggests that the Court’s passing reference to the
financial condition of New York City (not the State) was essential to its holding. Finally, the

8

Defendants also complain that Government Plaintiffs “do not explain” how the states at
issue might lose representation in Congress. (Defs.’ Br. 18). At this stage, however, the Court
“presum[es] that general allegations embrace those specific facts that are necessary to support
the claim.” Lujan, 504 U.S. at 561. Government Plaintiffs allege that if Rhode Island’s
population count drops by a mere 157 people, it will result in the loss of a Representative, and
they explicitly allege that “an undercount resulting from Defendants’ decision to add a
citizenship demand will lead to loss of representation” in the state. (SAC ¶ 160; see also id.
¶ 162 (“An undercount of immigrant communities in [New York and Illinois] will result in losses
of these seats . . . .”)).
9

Defendants seize on the Carey Court’s use of the word “showing,” (Defs.’ Br. 16), but it
merely reflects the procedural posture of the case — namely, an appeal from the grant of a
preliminary injunction. Plaintiffs here have made the requisite “showing” by way of the
allegations in their Second Amended Complaint, which the Court must assume to be true.

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fact that Carey analyzed standing after preliminary results from the census had been tabulated —
a point that Defendants pressed at oral argument, (see Oral Arg. Tr. 8-9) — is merely a
difference in degree. Put simply, the Circuit did not demand the kind of rigorous proof that an
undercount would result in the loss of representation and federal funds that Defendants here
demand. See also U.S. House of Representatives, 525 U.S. at 332 (finding standing to bring a
challenge in advance of the census based on “the threat of vote dilution” and noting that “it is
certainly not necessary . . . to wait until the census has been conducted to consider the issues
presented here, because such a pause would result in extreme — possibly irremediable —
hardship”).
In short, taking Plaintiffs’ allegations as true, the Court concludes that they establish a
“substantial risk” of harm and thus satisfy the injury-in-fact requirement.
2.

Traceability

As noted, to establish Article III standing, a plaintiff must also demonstrate that his or her
injury is “fairly traceable” to the challenged actions of the defendant. Lujan, 504 U.S. at 561
(ellipsis and brackets omitted). In other words, a plaintiff “must demonstrate a causal nexus
between the defendant’s conduct and the injury.” Chevron Corp., 833 F.3d at 121. On a motion
to dismiss, plaintiffs have only a “relatively modest” burden to allege that “their injury is ‘fairly
traceable’” to the defendant’s conduct. Bennett, 520 U.S. at 171. But that burden is harder to
carry where, as here, traceability “depends on the unfettered choices made by independent actors
not before the courts and whose exercise of broad and legitimate discretion the courts cannot
presume either to control or to predict.” Lujan, 504 U.S. at 562. In such a case, “it becomes the
burden of the plaintiff to adduce facts showing that” the choices of these independent actors
“have been or will be made in such manner as to produce causation and permit redressability of

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injury.” Id.; see also, e.g., Bennett, 520 U.S. at 169 (holding that a plaintiff may meet the
traceability requirement by alleging that a defendant’s conduct has a “determinative or coercive
effect upon the action of someone else”). At the same time, “it is well-settled that for standing
purposes, [plaintiffs] need not prove a cause-and-effect relationship with absolute certainty;
substantial likelihood of the alleged causality meets the test. This is true even in cases where the
injury hinges on the reactions of the third parties . . . to the agency’s conduct.” Nat. Res. Def.
Council v. Nat’l Highway Traffic Safety Admin. (“NRDC”), 894 F.3d 95, 104 (2d Cir. 2018).
Thus, the “fact that the defendant’s conduct may be only an ‘indirect[]’ cause is ‘not necessarily
fatal to standing.’” Chevron Corp., 833 F.3d at 121 (alteration in original) (quoting Simon v. E.
Ky. Welfare Rights Org., 426 U.S. 26, 44 (1976)).
The Second Circuit’s recent decision in NRDC is instructive. In that case, the petitioners
— five states and three nonprofit organizations — claimed that the National Highway Traffic
Safety Administration (“NHTSA”) violated the APA when it indefinitely delayed the effective
date of a rule that would have increased penalties for violations of certain vehicle environmental
standards. NRDC, 894 F.3d at 100. The petitioners claimed environmental injuries stemming
from the indefinite delay of the rule. Id. at 103-04. NHTSA argued, inter alia, that the
petitioners’ injuries were “too indirect to establish causation and redressability” because they
relied on the uncertain reactions of third parties — namely, vehicle manufacturers — to the
increased penalties. Id. at 104. The Second Circuit rejected NHTSA’s argument, finding that
the petitioners had demonstrated “the required nexus between inappropriately low penalties and
harm to Petitioners.” Id. Citing “the agency’s own pronouncements,” as well as “[c]ommon
sense and basic economics,” the Court concluded that “the increased penalty has the potential to
affect automakers’ business decisions and compliance approaches” in a manner that would harm

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the petitioners. Id. at 105 (alteration in original). Specifically, the Court noted that “NHTSA
itself has concluded that emissions reductions from compliance with higher fuel economy
standards would result in significant declines in the adverse health effects that result from
population exposure to these pollutants.” Id. (internal quotation marks and citation omitted).
Applying those standards to Defendants’ motions to dismiss, Plaintiffs meet their
traceability burden. Plaintiffs allege that reinstating the citizenship question “will lead to
nonresponse and lower participation” in the census, which will, in turn, cause financial and
representational injuries to Plaintiffs. (SAC ¶ 53; see id. ¶ 159 (alleging that adding a citizenship
question will “depress[] participation in the decennial census within Plaintiffs’ diverse
naturalized, documented, and undocumented immigrant populations”); see also NGO Compl.
¶¶ 4-5). Plaintiffs further allege that “immigrant respondents are . . . increasingly concerned
about confidentiality and data sharing in light of the current anti-immigrant rhetoric,” and “may
seek to protect their own privacy or the privacy of their household” by not responding to the
census. (SAC ¶¶ 50, 53; accord NGO Compl. ¶ 127). Moreover, like the petitioners in NRDC,
Plaintiffs support these allegations with evidence from Defendants themselves. (See, e.g., SAC ¶
51 (“Census Bureau officials have noted that in routine pretests conducted from February 2017
to September 2017, ‘fears, particularly among immigrant respondents, have increased markedly
this year.’”); id. ¶ 52 (quoting the Census Bureau’s conclusion that their findings after a census
pretest were “particularly troubling given that they impact hard-to-count populations
disproportionately, and have implications for data quality and nonresponse”); NGO Compl. ¶¶
81-90). Plaintiffs thus plead a “substantial likelihood of the alleged causality.” NRDC, 894 F.3d
at 104.

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Relying heavily on the Supreme Court’s decisions in Clapper and Simon, Defendants
contend that “the intervening acts of third parties” — namely, those who refuse to comply with
their legal duty to respond to the census questionnaire — break the chain of causation in these
cases for purposes of standing. (Defs.’ Br. 19-20). But that argument “wrongly equates injury
‘fairly traceable’ to the defendant with injury as to which the defendant’s actions are the very last
step in the chain of causation.” Bennett, 520 U.S. at 168-69. Moreover, Clapper and Simon are
distinguishable. For one, both of those cases were decided on summary judgment, at which point
the plaintiffs could “no longer rest on . . . mere allegations, but” had to “set forth by affidavit or
other evidence specific facts.” Clapper, 568 U.S. at 412 (alteration in original) (internal
quotation marks omitted); see Simon, 426 U.S. at 35. 10 Further, the chains of causation in
Clapper and Simon were significantly more attenuated than the one here. In Clapper, the
plaintiffs’ theory of injury depended on a chain of causation with five discrete links, each of
which “rest[ed] on [the plaintiffs’] highly speculative fear that” governmental actors or courts
would exercise their nearly unfettered discretion in a particular way. 568 U.S. at 410-14. And in
Simon, the Court found that it was “purely speculative” to attribute the choice of hospitals to
deny the indigent plaintiffs services to decisions of the Treasury Department, as opposed to
“decisions made by the hospitals without regard to the tax implications.” 426 U.S. at 41-43. The
chain of causation here — that Defendants’ actions will increase non-response rates of certain
populations and that the resulting undercount, in turn, will cause harm — is neither as long nor
as speculative as the chains in Clapper and Simon. 11

10

Additionally, the standing inquiry in Clapper was “especially rigorous” because it
involved the “review [of] actions of the political branches in the fields of intelligence gathering
and foreign affairs.” 568 U.S. at 408-09.
11

With respect to the local government Plaintiffs who allege injury stemming from intrastate redistricting based on census data, Defendants note that “states are not required to use
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The injuries alleged in Clapper and Simon also differ in an important respect from the
injuries alleged in the instant cases. In those two cases, the plaintiffs’ standing turned on their
ability to prove that the defendants’ conduct would cause injury to particular individuals. That
is, in Clapper, each plaintiff had to show that his or her own communications would likely be
intercepted by surveillance conducted pursuant to the provisions at issue. See 568 U.S. at 41012. And in Simon, the plaintiffs had to show that particular indigent individuals were denied
service at a hospital on account of the defendants’ conduct. See 426 U.S. at 40. The plaintiffs in
those cases could not make a showing at that level of specificity. In these cases, by contrast, the
alleged injuries are aggregate or communal in nature. That is, Plaintiffs do not need to show that
a particular person will be deterred by Defendant’s conduct from responding to the census;
instead, their ability to prove injury that is fairly traceable to Defendants’ actions turns on
whether they can show that Defendants’ conduct is likely to result in an undercount at the
aggregate level, something that can presumably be done through surveys or other statistical
proof. Plaintiffs may or may not be able to make that showing when the time comes, but that is a
question for another day. Given the allegations in Plaintiffs’ operative complaints, including
those based on Defendants’ own evidence, they have done enough to survive the present
motions. 12

unadjusted census figures in such actions.” (Defs.’ Br. 21). The contention that this breaks the
chain of causation for traceability purposes is foreclosed by U.S. House of Representatives, in
which the Supreme Court held that the plaintiffs “established standing on the basis of the
expected effects of the use of sampling in the 2000 census on intrastate redistricting.” 525 U.S.
at 332. There, as here, (see SAC ¶ 164), the plaintiffs alleged that “several of the States in which
these counties [in which the plaintiffs resided] are located require use of federal decennial census
population numbers for their state legislative redistricting.” Id. at 333.
12

For similar reasons, there is no merit to Defendants’ contention that “it likely would be
impossible to isolate and quantify the number of individuals who would have responded but for
addition of the citizenship question.” (Defs.’ Br. 20). Given that Plaintiffs allege injuries
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Finally, Defendants make much of the fact that the actions of the intervening third parties
— namely, residents who fail to respond to the census — would be illegal. (Defs.’ Br. 20; 18CV-5025, Docket No. 58 (“Defs.’ NGO Reply Br.”), at 2-3). 13 That is true, see 13 U.S.C. §
221(a) (establishing a fine for persons who do not respond to the census), but irrelevant to the
question of standing, which turns only on whether the actions of the defendant can fairly be said
to cause injury to the plaintiff. The D.C. Circuit’s decision in Attias v. CareFirst, Inc., 865 F.3d
620 (D.C. Cir. 2017), is on point. In that case, the plaintiffs brought breach of contract,
negligence, and consumer-protection law claims against CareFirst following a breach of
CareFirst’s computer systems, including a database containing its customers’ personal
information. Id. at 623. The plaintiffs alleged that they faced an increased risk of identity theft
as a result of the defendant’s negligence. The Court recognized standing in spite of the fact that
the plaintiffs’ ability to prove injury depended upon a showing that intervening third parties —
data hackers — would break the law. Id. at 629. The Court explained that, while “the thief
would be the most immediate cause of plaintiffs’ injuries, . . . Article III standing does not
require that the defendant be the most immediate cause, or even a proximate cause, of the
plaintiffs’ injuries; it requires only that those injuries be ‘fairly traceable’ to the defendant.” Id.
So too here: Plaintiffs plausibly allege that adding the citizenship question will result in a

stemming from the aggregate effect of adding the citizenship question, they do not need to
identify who would have answered the census but for the inclusion of the citizenship question.
13

In support of that argument, Defendants cite United States v. Sanchez-Gomez, 138 S. Ct.
1532 (2018), for the proposition that “courts ‘have consistently refused to conclude that the caseor-controversy requirement is satisfied by the possibility that a party will . . . violat[e] valid
criminal laws.’” (Defs.’ NGO Reply Br. 2 (quoting Sanchez-Gomez, 138 S. Ct. at 1541). But
Sanchez-Gomez concerned mootness and whether a plaintiff could invoke the capable-ofrepetition-but-evading-review exception based on the possibility that he or she would violate the
law in the future; the case has nothing to do with the traceability requirement for standing
purposes.

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disproportionate number of people not responding to the census in their jurisdictions and that this
non-response, in turn, will cause them injury. That is a sufficient showing of traceability at this
stage of the proceedings and, thus, sufficient to show standing. 14
3.

NGO Plaintiffs’ Standing

As noted, Defendants make a handful of additional arguments with respect to the
standing of NGO Plaintiffs — namely, that they lack standing to sue on their own behalf, that
they lack standing to sue on behalf of their members, and that they lack “third-party” standing to
assert the constitutional rights of their members. (See Defs.’ NGO Br. 4-15). For an
organization to establish standing to bring suit on behalf of its members — known as
“associational standing” — the organization must show that: “(a) its members would otherwise
have standing to sue in their own right; (b) the interests it seeks to protect are germane to the
organization’s purpose; and (c) neither the claim asserted nor the relief requested requires the
participation of individual members in the lawsuit.” Hunt v. Wash. State Apple Advert. Comm’n,
432 U.S. 333, 343 (1977).
Here, at least one NGO Plaintiff — namely, Make the Road New York (“Make the
Road”) — plainly satisfies those requirements. Make the Road “has more than 22,000 members

14

In addition to arguing that Plaintiffs lack Article III standing, Defendants contend that
Plaintiffs lack “prudential standing” because their alleged injuries are not “within the zone of
interests protected by the Constitution’s Enumeration Clause.” (Defs.’ Br. 17). Whether a
“plaintiff [comes] within the zone of interests for which [a] cause of action [is] available . . . . has
nothing to do with whether there is a case or controversy under Article III.” Steel Co. v. Citizens
for a Better Env’t, 523 U.S. 83, 97 (1998); see also Lexmark Int’l, Inc. v. Static Control
Components, Inc., 134 S. Ct. 1377, 1387 n.4 (2014) (“[T]he absence of a valid (as opposed to
arguable) cause of action does not implicate subject-matter jurisdiction, i.e., the court’s statutory
or constitutional power to adjudicate the case.”). Given that, and the Court’s conclusion that
Plaintiffs fail to state a claim under the Enumeration Clause, the Court need not and does not
address Defendants’ zone-of-interests argument.

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who reside in New York City, Long Island and Westchester County.” (NGO Compl. ¶ 50). Its
“mission is to build the power of immigrant and working class communities to achieve dignity
and justice.” (Id. ¶ 49). The Complaint alleges that the organization’s members reside in
communities where “Latino immigrant populations . . . exceed the national and state averages.”
(Id. ¶ 51). It further alleges that New York State and its subdivisions use census data to draw
congressional, state legislative, and municipal legislative districts. (Id. ¶¶ 72-73). Consequently,
the Complaint alleges, the undercount likely caused by including the citizenship question “will
reduce” both “the amount of federal funds” distributed to the communities in which Make the
Road members live and their “political power.” (Id. ¶ 52; see also id. ¶ 73 (“[W]hen a local
community in any of these [jurisdictions] is disproportionately undercounted in the Decennial
Census, the community will be placed in a malapportioned legislative district that has greater
population that other legislative districts in the same state.”)). Notably, the Complaint
specifically identifies one such member, Perla Lopez of Queens County, which has a large
population of Latino and immigrant residents. (Id. ¶ 53). Affidavits — which the Court may
consider, see Thompson v. Cty. of Franklin, 15 F.3d 245, 249 (2d Cir. 1994) — identify others,
including a resident of Nassau County, where the “number of Latino and immigrant residents . . .
far exceed[s] the New York state average.” (18-CV-5025, Docket No. 49 (“NGO Pls.’ Br.”), Ex.
3, ¶ 21).
These allegations suffice to establish that Make the Road has associational standing. As
discussed above, the Second Circuit and Supreme Court have made clear that both fiscal and
representational injuries resulting from an alleged undercount are sufficient to support standing.
See Carey, 637 F.2d at 838 (“[C]itizens who challenge a census undercount on the basis, inter
alia, that improper enumeration will result in loss of funds to their city have established both an

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injury fairly traceable to the Census Bureau and a substantial probability that court intervention
will remedy the plaintiffs’ injury.”); U.S. House of Representatives, 525 U.S. at 332 (“[T]he
threat of vote dilution . . . is concrete and actual or imminent, not conjectural or hypothetical.”
(internal quotation marks omitted)). Further, these cases stand for the proposition that
individuals, like Ms. Lopez, have standing to raise fiscal and representational injuries. See
Carey, 637 F.2d at 838 (“The individual plaintiffs in this case have alleged concrete harm in the
form of dilution of their votes and decreased federal funds flowing to their city and state, thus
establishing their standing.”); see also City of Philadelphia v. Klutznick, 503 F. Supp. 663, 672
(E.D. Pa. 1980) (holding that residents of Philadelphia had standing to challenge alleged
undercount because “[e]ven if none of the named plaintiffs personally receives a dollar of state
or federal aid, all enjoy the benefits yielded when the City is enabled to improve quality of life
through the receipt of this money”). Nothing more is required at this stage of the proceedings.
Defendants also contend that NGO Plaintiffs lack standing to bring their equal protection
claim because they fail to “satisfy the third-party standing exception to the general rule against
asserting the rights of others.” (Defs.’ NGO Br. 13-15). Defendants’ invocation of the thirdparty standing doctrine is inapt, however, as Make the Road plainly has associational standing to
bring an equal protection claim, and thus need not rely on the third-party standing doctrine. That
NGO Plaintiffs’ claim sounds in equal protection is of no moment for the associational standing
inquiry. See, e.g., N.Y. State Club Ass’n, Inc. v. City of N.Y., 487 U.S. 1, 9 (1988) (holding that
an association had standing to bring a constitutional claim on behalf of its members because the
members “would have standing to bring this same suit”); Ne. Fla. Chapter of Associated Gen.
Contractors of Am. v. City of Jacksonville, 508 U.S. 656, 669 n.6 (1993) (holding that, on “the
current state of the record,” an association of contractors had standing to bring an Equal

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Protection Clause challenge on behalf of its members); Thomas v. City of N.Y., 143 F.3d 31, 36
n.9 (2d Cir. 1998) (finding that associations of livery car drivers had standing to bring an Equal
Protection Clause challenge on behalf of their members). Notably, the Second Circuit has held
that in cases such as this one, where plaintiffs seek declaratory and injunctive relief only, the
third prong of the associational standing inquiry — whether the relief requested requires the
participation of individual members in the lawsuit — is likely to be satisfied. See, e.g., Bldg. &
Constr. Trades Council of Buffalo v. Downtown Dev., Inc., 448 F.3d 138, 150 (2d Cir. 2006)
(“[W]here the organization seeks a purely legal ruling without requesting that the federal court
award individualized relief to its members, the Hunt test may be satisfied.” (quoting Bano v.
Union Carbide Corp., 361 F.3d 696, 714 (2d Cir. 2004)).
In sum, the Court concludes that Make the Road has associational standing. Accordingly,
it need not and does not address the standing of the other NGO Plaintiffs or Defendants’ other
arguments. See, e.g., Centro de la Comunidad Hispana de Locust Valley, 868 F.3d at 109 (“It is
well settled that where, as here, multiple parties seek the same relief, ‘the presence of one party
with standing is sufficient to satisfy Article III’s case-or-controversy requirement.’” (quoting
Rumsfeld v. Forum for Acad. & Inst. Rights, Inc., 547 U.S. 47, 52 n.2 (2006))).
B.

The Political Question Doctrine
Next, Defendants contend that all of Plaintiffs’ claims should be dismissed on the basis of

the political question doctrine. (Defs.’ Br. 21-26). Although a court generally has “a
responsibility to decide cases properly before it,” there is a well-established but “narrow
exception to that rule, known as the political question doctrine.” Zivotofsky ex rel. Zivotofsky v.
Clinton, 566 U.S. 189, 194-95 (2012) (internal quotation marks omitted). That doctrine
“excludes from judicial review those controversies which revolve around policy choices and

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value determinations constitutionally committed for resolution to the halls of Congress or the
confines of the Executive Branch. The Judiciary is particularly ill suited to make such decisions,
as courts are fundamentally underequipped to formulate national policies or develop standards
for matters not legal in nature.” Japan Whaling Ass’n v. Am. Cetacean Soc’y, 478 U.S. 221, 230
(1986) (internal quotation marks omitted). More specifically, a case “involves a political
question . . . where there is a textually demonstrable constitutional commitment of the issue to a
coordinate political department; or a lack of judicially discoverable and manageable standards
for resolving it.” Zivotofsky, 566 U.S. at 195 (ellipsis in original) (internal quotation marks
omitted). Citing the language in the Enumeration Clause providing that the “actual Enumeration
shall be made . . . in such Manner as [Congress] shall by Law direct,” U.S. CONST., art. I, § 2, cl.
3 (emphasis added), Defendants contend that this is such a case. (Defs.’ Br. 23). It follows, they
argue, that courts have no role whatsoever to play in reviewing decisions of the Secretary, to
whom Congress has delegated its authority over the census.
Defendants have a tough sell because courts, including the Supreme Court and the
Second Circuit, have entertained challenges to the conduct of the census for decades and, more
to the point, have consistently rejected application of the political question doctrine in such
cases. See, e.g., U.S. Dep’t of Commerce v. Montana, 503 U.S. 442, 459 (1992); Utah v. Evans,
536 U.S. 452 (2002); Franklin v. Massachusetts, 505 U.S. 788 (1992); Wisconsin v. City of N.Y.,
517 U.S. 1 (1996); Carey, 637 F.2d at 838; Young v. Klutznick, 497 F. Supp. 1318, 1326 (E.D.
Mich. 1980), rev’d on other grounds, 652 F.2d 617 (6th Cir. 1981); City of Philadelphia, 503 F.
Supp. at 674; Texas v. Mosbacher, 783 F. Supp. 308, 312 (S.D. Tex. 1992); District of Columbia
v. U.S. Dep’t of Commerce, 789 F. Supp. 1179, 1185 (D.D.C. 1992); City of N.Y. v. U.S. Dep’t of
Commerce, 739 F. Supp. 761, 764 (E.D.N.Y. 1990); U.S. House of Representatives v. U.S. Dep’t

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of Commerce, 11 F. Supp. 2d 76, 95 (D.D.C. 1998) (three-judge court), aff’d, 525 U.S. 316;
Prieto v. Stans, 321 F. Supp. 420 (N.D. Cal. 1970); see also Morales v. Daley, 116 F. Supp. 2d
801 (S.D. Tex. 2000), aff’d sub nom. Morales v. Evans, 275 F.3d 45 (5th Cir. 2001)
(unpublished). But cf. Tucker v. U.S. Dep’t of Commerce, 958 F.2d 1411, 1417 (7th Cir. 1992)
(“So nondirective are the relevant statutes that it is arguable that there is no law for a court to
apply in a case like this . . . .”). Those courts have acknowledged that “[t]he text of the
Constitution vests Congress with virtually unlimited discretion in conducting the decennial
‘actual Enumeration.’” Wisconsin, 517 U.S. at 19 (quoting U.S. CONST., art. I, § 2, cl. 3). Yet,
time and again, they have recognized that the judiciary has at least some role to play in reviewing
the conduct of the political branches with respect to the decennial census. 15
Defendants contend that those cases are all distinguishable because they challenged
whether the government had conducted an “actual Enumeration,” while the instant case
challenges the “manner” in which the census was conducted. (Defs.’ Reply Br. 7-8). But that is
not true. In fact, at least two of the cases involved challenges to the census questionnaire itself
— precisely the kind of challenge brought here. See Morales, 116 F. Supp. 2d at 809; Prieto,
321 F. Supp. at 421-22. And in Carey — which is binding on this Court — the Second Circuit
explicitly described the plaintiffs’ suit as a challenge to “the manner in which the Census Bureau
conducted the 1980 census in the State of New York,” 637 F.2d at 836 (emphasis added); see
also id. (“[Plaintiffs’] basic complaint is that the census was conducted in a manner that will

15

Admittedly, the Supreme Court did not explicitly address the political question doctrine
in either Evans or Wisconsin. Nevertheless, there is authority for the proposition that the
political question doctrine is a “jurisdictional limitation,” Hourani v. Mirtchev, 796 F.3d 1, 12
(D.C. Cir. 2015); see also Franklin, 505 U.S. at 801 n.2 (plurality opinion) (citing Montana in
dismissing the argument “that the courts have no subject-matter jurisdiction over this case
because it involves a ‘political question’”) — in which case, the Court would have had an
obligation to raise it “sua sponte,” Steel Co., 523 U.S. at 93.

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inevitably result in an undercount . . . .” (emphasis added)), yet rejected the defendants’
invocation of the political question doctrine, see id. at 838.
Relying on Steel Company, Defendants try to dismiss the analysis in Carey on the ground
that it was so “scant . . . as to constitute the type of ‘drive-by jurisdictional ruling[]’ that ‘ha[s] no
precedential effect.’” (Defs.’ Br. 26 n.14 (alterations in original) (quoting Steel Co., 523 U.S. at
91)). But Defendants’ reliance on Steel Company is badly misplaced, as that decision (and the
quoted passage in particular) was concerned with courts’ “mischaracteriz[ing] claim-processing
rules or elements of a cause of action as jurisdictional limitations.” Reed Elsevier, Inc. v.
Muchnick, 559 U.S. 154, 161 (2010); see also Arbaugh v. Y&H Corp., 546 U.S. 500, 511 (2006)
(describing Steel Co.’s reference to “drive-by jurisdictional rulings” as concerning opinions
where the court states that it “is dismissing ‘for lack of jurisdiction’ when some threshold fact
has not been established”). The Second Circuit did no such thing in Carey: Rather than
dismissing a case on non-jurisdictional grounds while calling them jurisdictional, the Court
rejected the defendants’ argument for dismissal on a ground that plainly is jurisdictional in
nature. See 637 F.2d at 838. Defendants also contend that Carey is distinguishable because it
concerned “procedures put in place to conduct the actual count — not the form of the
questionnaire itself.” (Defs.’ Br. 26 n.14). But the political question doctrine does not operate at
that level of specificity. Carey stands for the proposition that the “manner” in which the political
branches conduct the census is not immune from judicial review. That alone compels rejection
of Defendants’ political-question arguments.
More broadly, the distinction upon which Defendants’ argument rests — between
“enumeration” cases and “manner” cases — is ultimately a false one. Defendants try to explain
away the Supreme Court’s repeated review of how the Secretary has conducted the census on the

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ground that its cases “[a]ll have concerned calculation methodologies, not pre-count informationgathering functions or content determinations.” (Defs.’ Br. 25 (citing cases)). But —
Defendants’ ipse dixit aside — challenges to “calculation methodologies,” whether they be to
“hot-deck imputation” (a process whereby the Census Bureau fills in certain missing information
about an address by relying on other information in the Bureau’s possession), Evans, 536 U.S. at
457-58; statistical sampling, see U.S. House of Representatives, 525 U.S. at 322-27; the use of
post-enumeration surveys, see Wisconsin, 517 U.S. at 8-11; or the methods used to count federal
employees serving overseas, see Franklin, 505 U.S. at 792-95, are no less challenges to the
“manner” in which the “enumeration” is conducted than are the challenges in the present cases.
In fact, every challenge to the conduct of the census is, in some sense, a challenge to the
“manner” in which the government conducts the “actual Enumeration.” And these cases are no
different. At bottom, Plaintiffs’ claim under the Enumeration Clause is that Defendants plan to
conduct the census in a manner that does not satisfy the constitutional command to conduct an
“actual Enumeration.” (See SAC ¶¶ 178-82 (claiming that adding the citizenship question will
“cause an undercount that impedes the ‘actual Enumeration’ required by the Constitution”);
NGO Compl. ¶ 206 (alleging that adding the “citizenship question will in fact harm the
accomplishment of an actual enumeration of the population”)). That may or may not be the case,
but “the political question doctrine does not place” the matter “outside the proper domain of the
Judiciary.” Montana, 503 U.S. at 459.
Defendants are on even shakier ground to the extent that they invoke the political
question doctrine to seek dismissal of NGO Plaintiffs’ equal protection claim. (Defs.’ NGO Br.
15). Defendants do not specifically argue that the political question doctrine should bar that
claim; instead, they merely incorporate the arguments they make in connection with Government

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Plaintiffs’ claims by reference. Regardless, any such arguments would be fruitless, as the
Supreme Court made plain in Baker v. Carr, 369 U.S. 186 (1962), that “[j]udicial standards
under the Equal Protection Clause are well developed and familiar, and it has been open to courts
since the enactment of the Fourteenth Amendment to determine, if on the particular facts they
must, that a discrimination reflects no policy, but simply arbitrary and capricious action.” Id. at
226. Additionally, courts in this Circuit have noted more broadly that “[i]f a litigant claims that
an individual right has been invaded, the lawsuit by definition does not involve a political
question.” Stokes v. City of Mount Vernon, No. 11-CV-7675 (VB), 2015 WL 4710259, at *5
(S.D.N.Y. Aug. 4, 2015) (citing authorities); In re “Agent Orange” Prod. Liab. Litig., 373 F.
Supp. 2d 7, 67 (E.D.N.Y. 2005) (same), aff’d sub nom. Vietnam Ass’n for Victims of Agent
Orange v. Dow Chem. Co., 517 F.3d 104 (2d Cir. 2008). Finally, courts have entertained equal
protection challenges to the census before, with no suggestion that doing so would run afoul of
the political question doctrine. See Morales, 116 F. Supp. 2d 801; Prieto, 321 F. Supp. 420.
In short, Defendants’ sweeping argument that the federal courts have no role to play in
adjudicating the parties’ disputes in these cases is squarely foreclosed by precedent. To be sure,
the Constitution “vests Congress with wide discretion over . . . the conduct of the census.”
Wisconsin, 517 U.S. at 15. And Congress has, in turn, delegated broad authority to the
Secretary. See id. at 19 (citing 13 U.S.C. § 141(a)). As discussed below, that undoubtedly
mandates substantial “deference” to the decisions of the political branches in the conduct of the
census. See id. at 23. But it does not follow that the Constitution commits the issue solely to the
political branches or (as the discussion of the Enumeration Clause below makes clear) that the
textual command for an “actual Enumeration,” combined with the historical practice, does not
yield “judicially discoverable and manageable standards for resolving” the parties’ dispute.

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Zivotofsky, 566 U.S. at 195; see Evans, 536 U.S. at 474-79 (looking to history in assessing an
Enumeration Clause claim); Wisconsin, 517 U.S. at 21 (same); Franklin, 505 U.S. at 803-06
(same); see also, e.g., Nixon v. United States, 506 U.S. 224, 233-36 (1993) (looking to the
history of the Impeachment Trial Clause in deciding whether the political question doctrine
applied); Powell v. McCormack, 395 U.S. 486, 520-48 (1969) (similar). The need for judicial
deference does not justify judicial abdication.
C.

The Administrative Procedure Act
Defendants’ third argument is specific to Plaintiffs’ APA claims. (Defs.’ Br. 26-30). The

“generous review provisions” of the APA provide for judicial review of “‘final agency action for
which there is no other adequate remedy in a court.’” Abbott Labs. v. Gardner, 387 U.S. 136,
140-41 (1967) (quoting 5 U.S.C. § 704). More specifically, the APA authorizes a reviewing
court to “hold unlawful and set aside agency action, findings, and conclusions found to be . . .
arbitrary [or] capricious,” “contrary to constitutional right,” “in excess of statutory jurisdiction,”
or “without observance of procedure required by law.” 5 U.S.C. § 706(2)(A)-(D). The
“presumption favoring judicial review of administrative action” under these provisions is
“strong,” but it is “not absolute.” Salazar v. King, 822 F.3d 61, 75-76 (2d Cir. 2016); accord
Mach Mining, LLC v. EEOC, 135 S. Ct. 1645, 1651 (2015). As relevant here, it is subject to a
“very narrow exception,” codified in Section 701(a)(2) of the APA, for “agency action” that “is
committed to agency discretion by law.” Citizens to Pres. Overton Park, Inc. v. Volpe, 401 U.S.
402, 410 (1971).
Pursuant to Section 701(a)(2), “‘review is not to be had’ in those rare circumstances
where the relevant statute ‘is drawn so that a court would have no meaningful standard against
which to judge the agency’s exercise of discretion.’” Lincoln v. Vigil, 508 U.S. 182, 191 (1993)

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(quoting Heckler v. Chaney, 470 U.S. 821, 830 (1985)); accord Webster v. Doe, 486 U.S. 592,
599-600 (1988). The bar is even higher when, as here, a plaintiff brings a constitutional
challenge to final agency action: In such a case, a defendant must produce clear and convincing
evidence that Congress intended not only to bar judicial review generally, but that Congress also
intended to bar judicial review of constitutional challenges specifically. See Webster, 486 U.S. at
603 (“We require this heightened showing in part to avoid the ‘serious constitutional question’
that would arise if a federal statute were construed to deny any judicial forum for a colorable
constitutional claim.”); see also Weinberger v. Salfi, 422 U.S. 749, 762 (1975). To determine if
a statute falls within Section 701(a)(2)’s narrow exception to judicial review, a court must
analyze “the specific statutory provisions involved.” Briscoe v. Bell, 432 U.S. 404, 413-14
(1977). More broadly, “courts look to the statutory text, the agency’s regulations, and informal
agency guidance that govern the agency’s challenged action.” Salazar, 822 F.3d at 76. As the
Second Circuit has explained, “[a]gency regulations and guidance can provide a court with law
to apply because . . . where the rights of individuals are affected, it is incumbent upon agencies to
follow their own procedures. This is so even where the internal procedures are possibly more
rigorous than otherwise would be required.” Id. (internal quotation marks omitted).
Defendants contend that this is one of the rare circumstances in which Congress clearly
intended to preclude judicial review of agency action. (Defs.’ Br. 26-30). They base that
contention primarily on the language of the Census Act, which — as amended in 1976 —
provides that the Secretary “shall . . . every 10 years . . . take a decennial census of population
. . . in such form and content as he may determine, including the use of sampling procedures and
special surveys.” 13 U.S.C. § 141(a) (emphasis added). Further, the Act “authorize[s]” the
Secretary when conducting the decennial census “to obtain such other census information as

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necessary.” Id. (emphasis added). “This plain language,” Defendants contend, “confers
discretion as broad as that granted by the statute at issue in Webster, which allowed the CIA
Director to terminate an employee whenever he ‘shall deem such termination necessary or
advisable in the interests of the United States.’” (Defs.’ Br. 27 (citation omitted)). “The
language of § 141(a),” they continue, “contains similar ‘deeming’ language — the census is to be
conducted as the Secretary ‘may determine.’ And, just as the CIA Director’s decision that
terminating an employee is ‘necessary or advisable’ is immune from judicial review, so too is the
Secretary’s decision to collect information through the decennial census ‘as necessary’ and ‘in
such form and content as he may determine.’” (Id. at 27-28).
This argument falls short for at least four independent reasons. First, as with Defendants’
standing and political question doctrine arguments, it is foreclosed by Carey, in which the
“Second Circuit explicitly rejected the contention that a federal court is precluded by operation
of § 701(a)(2) from reviewing the Secretary’s action.” City of N.Y. v. U.S. Dep’t of Commerce,
713 F. Supp. 48, 53 (E.D.N.Y. 1989) (citing Carey, 637 F.2d at 838-39). The Carey Court held
that “allegations as to mismanagement of the census . . . . [are] not one of those ‘rare instances’
where [the committed-to-agency-discretion-by-law] exception may be invoked.” 637 F.2d at
838 (quoting Overton Park, 401 U.S. at 410). The Court noted that the plaintiffs in that case
“allege[d] an impairment of their right to vote free of arbitrary impairment, a matter which
cannot, of course, be foreclosed by operation of the [APA].” Id. (internal quotation marks
omitted). Here, too, Plaintiffs claim that the Secretary’s decision to include a citizenship
question “may systemically dilute the voting power of persons living in communities with
immigrant populations, and impair their right to equal representation in congressional, state, and
local legislative districts.” (SAC ¶ 157; see also id. ¶ 101 (“A person-by-person citizenship

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demand that leads to a systematic undercount of minority populations across the United States
will impair fair representation of those groups and the states in which they live.”); NGO Compl.
¶ 5 (“[R]educed census participation by members of immigrant communities of color will result
in these communities losing government funding as well as political power and representation in
the United States Congress, the Electoral College, and state legislatures.”)). 16 By itself, Carey
compels the rejection of Defendants’ argument.
Second, Defendants’ argument is flawed because, in contrast to the statute at issue in
Webster, the language of the Census Act as a whole does not “fairly exude[] deference” to the
agency. 486 U.S. at 600. Defendants’ argument focuses myopically on the phrase “in such form
and content as he may determine” in Section 141(a), but that phrase is nestled in a clause that
uses the word “shall” to curtail the Secretary’s discretion: “The Secretary shall . . . take a
decennial census of population . . . in such form and content as he may determine . . . .” 13
U.S.C. § 141(a) (emphasis added). As the Seventh Circuit explained in a like case, where a
statute begins with a mandatory clause (“[t]he Secretary shall provide…”) and contains a
discretionary clause (“as the Secretary deems appropriate”), the statute is “unfortunately
ambiguous,” and a court should look to the structure of the act as a whole to determine whether
Congress intended to preclude review. Bd. of Trs. of Knox Cty. (Ind.) Hosp. v. Sullivan, 965 F.2d
558, 562 (7th Cir. 1992). In that case, the Seventh Circuit examined the Medicare Act as a

16

The plaintiffs in Carey included several individual voters who alleged that that their votes
would be diluted “vis-a-vis those of other residents of the state.” 637 F.2d at 836. Here,
Government Plaintiffs do not include individual voters, but rather various states, cities, and
counties alleging that a census undercount “will impair the right to equal representation.” (SAC
¶ 155). But this is no basis upon which to distinguish Carey, because that decision also held that
“the State of New York has standing in its capacity as parens patriae.” 637 F.2d at 838 (citing
Missouri v. Illinois, 180 U.S. 208, 241 (1901)). Moreover, NGO Plaintiffs include groups
representing individual voters, and the Complaint alleges that they will suffer “reduce[d] . . .
political representation” in Congress and state legislatures. (NGO Compl. ¶ 146).

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whole, concluding that it “imposes a number of mandatory duties upon the [agency].” Id. at 563;
see also Bennett, 520 U.S. at 175 (examining “the statutory scheme” to determine whether
Congress intended to commit action to agency discretion by law).
So too here, the Census Act imposes any number of mandatory duties upon the Secretary.
See, e.g., 13 U.S.C. § 5 (“The Secretary shall prepare questionnaires, and shall determine the
inquiries . . . provided for in this title.”); id. § 141(a) (“The secretary shall . . . take a decennial
census . . . .”); id. § 141(b) ( “The tabulation . . . shall be completed within 9 months . . . .”); id. §
141(c) (“[The Secretary] shall furnish [the census plan] to such officers or public bodies not later
than April 1 of the fourth year preceding the decennial census date.”). That is strong evidence
that Congress did not intend to preclude judicial review of the Secretary’s actions. See Salazar,
822 F.3d at 77 (“This mandatory, non-discretionary language creates boundaries and
requirements for agency action and shows that Congress has not left the decision [at issue] to the
discretion of the agency.”). At a minimum, it demands even clearer evidence that Congress
intended to shield the Secretary’s actions from judicial review. The single use of the word
“may” is not enough. See Dickson v. Sec’y of Def., 68 F.3d 1396, 1401 (D.C. Cir. 1995) (“When
a statute uses a permissive term such as ‘may’ rather than a mandatory term such as ‘shall,’ this
choice of language suggests that Congress intends to confer some discretion on the agency, and
that courts should accordingly show deference to the agency’s determination. However, such
language does not mean the matter is committed exclusively to agency discretion.”).
Third, and relatedly, Defendants’ argument fails substantially for the reasons set forth in
Justice Stevens’s persuasive concurring opinion in Franklin, which was joined by three other
Justices. See 505 U.S. at 816-20 (Stevens, J., concurring in part and concurring in the

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judgment). 17 As he explained, Defendants’ assertion that the discretion afforded by the Census
Act “is at least as broad as that allowed the Director of Central Intelligence” in the statute at
issue in Webster “cannot withstand scrutiny” for several reasons. Id. at 817. First and foremost,
“[n]o language equivalent to ‘deem . . . advisable’ exists in the census statute. There is no
indication that Congress intended the Secretary’s own mental processes, rather than other more
objective factors, to provide the standard for gauging the Secretary’s exercise of discretion.” Id.
(ellipsis in original). Second, “it is difficult to imagine two statutory schemes more dissimilar
than the National Security Act and the Census Act.” Id. at 817-18. The former governs “the
operations of a secret intelligence agency” and involves national security, where the mandate for
judicial deference is at its strongest. See id. at 818 & n.17. By contrast, “[t]he reviewability of
decisions relating to the conduct of the census bolsters public confidence in the integrity of the
process and helps strengthen this mainstay of our democracy.” Id. at 818 & n.18. Third, and
“[m]ore generally,” the Supreme Court “has limited the exception” set forth in Section 701(a)(2)
to “areas in which courts have long been hesitant to intrude,” such as “cases involving national
security” or “those seeking review of refusal to pursue enforcement actions.” Id. at 818 (citing
Webster, 486 U.S. 592, and Heckler, 470 U.S. 821); see also Lincoln, 508 U.S. at 191-92
(identifying “categories of administrative decisions that courts traditionally have regarded as
‘committed to agency discretion’”). “The taking of the census is not such an area of traditional

17

The other five Justices in Franklin concluded that the action at issue did not constitute
“final agency action.” See 505 U.S. at 796-801. Accordingly, they held that it was not
reviewable under the APA for that reason and did not reach the question of whether the conduct
of the census is “committed to agency discretion by law.”

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deference.” Franklin, 505 U.S. at 819 (Stevens, J., concurring in part and concurring in the
judgment). 18
Finally, as Justice Stevens and many other courts have made clear, there are in fact
judicially manageable standards with which courts can review the Secretary’s decisions. See id.
at 819-20 & n.19 (citing cases); City of Philadelphia, 503 F. Supp. at 677-79; Utah v. Evans, 182
F. Supp. 2d 1165, 1178-80 (D. Utah 2001) (three-judge court), aff’d, 536 U.S. 452; Willacoochee
v. Baldrige, 556 F. Supp. 551, 555 (S.D. Ga. 1983); Texas, 783 F. Supp. at 311-12. But see
Tucker, 958 F.2d at 1417-18 (“So nondirective are the relevant statutes that it is arguable that
there is no law for a court to apply in a case like this — that you might as well turn it over to a
panel of statisticians and political scientists and let them make the decision, for all that a court
could do to add to its rationality or fairness.” (citations omitted)). That is, “the overall statutory
scheme and the Census Bureau’s consistently followed policy provide[] law to apply in

18

The Court departs from Justice Stevens’s concurrence in one narrow respect, although it
ultimately does not matter for purposes of this case. Assessing the legislative history of the 1976
statute amending the Census Act to include the language “in such form and content as he may
determine,” Justice Stevens concluded that “[t]he legislative history [of that statute] evidences no
intention to expand the scope of the Secretary’s discretion.” Franklin, 505 U.S. at 816 n.16
(Stevens, J., concurring in part and concurring in the judgment). But the 1976 statute replaced a
version of Section 141(a) requiring the Secretary to “take a census of population, unemployment,
and housing (including utilities and equipment).” See H.R. Rep. No. 92-1288, at 23 (emphasis
added) (comparing the old statutory language and the proposed amended language). Moreover,
the House Committee on Post Office and Civil Service explained that the purpose of replacing
“unemployment, and housing (including utilities and equipment)” with the present language —
“in such form and content as he may determine” — was “not intended to deny to the Secretary
the authority to ask questions on [unemployment and housing] in the decennial censuses. Rather
it is directed towards permitting the Secretary greater discretion in the determination of the
extent to which questions on unemployment and housing are to be included.” Id. at 12 (emphasis
added). Thus, the legislative history could be read to suggest that Congress sought to expand the
scope of the Secretary’s discretion. That said, the legislative history cannot be read to mean that
Congress “intended to effect a new, unreviewable commitment to agency discretion,”
particularly given the language and structure of the Act itself. Franklin, 505 U.S. at 816 n.16
(Stevens, J., concurring in part and concurring in the judgment).

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reviewing the Secretary’s exercise of discretion.” Franklin, 505 U.S. at 819 (Stevens, J.,
concurring in part and concurring in the judgment). For instance, “the relationship of the census
provision contained in 13 U.S.C. § 141 and the apportionment provision contained in 2 U.S.C.
§ 2a demonstrates that the Secretary’s discretion is constrained by the requirement that she
produce a tabulation of the ‘whole number of persons in each State.’” Id. (quoting 2 U.S.C.
§ 2a(a)).
Additionally, the “statutory command . . . embodies a duty to conduct a census that is
accurate and that fairly accounts for the crucial representational rights that depend on the census
and the apportionment.” Id. at 819-20; see also Willacoochee, 556 F. Supp. at 555 (“Necessarily
implicit in the Census Act is the command that the census be accurate. . . . At the very least, the
Census Act requires that the defendants’ decisions not be arbitrary or capricious.”). The Census
Bureau’s own regulations may also provide law to apply. See 15 C.F.R. § 90.2 (“It is the policy
of the Census Bureau to provide the most accurate population estimates possible given the
constraints of time, money, and available statistical techniques . . . [and] to provide governmental
units the opportunity to seek a review and provide additional data to these estimates and to
present evidence relating to the accuracy of the estimates.”). 19 And, of course, the Secretary is

19

As Government Plaintiffs note, (Docket No. 182 (“Pls.’ Br.”), at 29), “the Census
Bureau’s own administrative guidance” may also provide a judicially manageable standard
against which to measure the Secretary’s actions. See Salazar, 822 F.3d at 76 (noting that a
court may look to “informal agency guidance” to determine if there is law to be applied).
Whether the particular administrative guidance identified by Government Plaintiffs can be
considered “law to apply,” however, is a close call. Internal agency policy statements or
guidance create “judicially manageable standards” when they provide “meaningful standards [to]
constrain[]” agency discretion. Id. at 80; see also Pearl River Union Free Sch. Dist. v. King, 214
F. Supp. 3d 241, 257 (S.D.N.Y. 2016) (finding that agency guidance was “law to apply” where it
“look[ed] to have create[d] binding norms” (second alteration in original) (internal quotation
marks omitted)). The Information Quality Act and Office of Management and Budget protocols,
cited by Government Plaintiffs, (Pls.’ Br. 28-29), do not “‘provide judicially manageable
standards’ because they vest agencies with unfettered discretion to determine ‘when correction
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plainly constrained by other provisions of the Constitution — including the Due Process Clause
of the Fifth Amendment, which is invoked by NGO Plaintiffs here — in exercising his wide
discretion under the Act.
In short, “the statutory framework and the long-held administrative tradition provide a
judicially administrable standard of review.” Franklin, 505 U.S. at 820 (Stevens, J., concurring
in part and concurring in the judgment); cf., e.g., Nat’l Treasury Emps. Union v. Horner, 854
F.2d 490, 495-98 (D.C. Cir. 1988) (finding judicially manageable standards in a statutory scheme
allowing the Office of Personnel Management to depart from competitive civil service only
when “necessary” for “conditions of good administration”). Accordingly, the Court concludes
that it has jurisdiction to entertain Plaintiffs’ APA claims.
D.

The Enumeration Clause
Although all of Plaintiffs’ claims are justiciable, that does not mean that they are valid.

Defendants do not make other arguments to dismiss Plaintiffs’ APA claims at this stage, but they
do contend that Plaintiffs failure to state claims under the Constitution. (See Defs.’ Br. 30-35;
Defs.’ NGO Br. 16-19). The Court turns, then, to Plaintiffs’ claims under the Enumeration

of information contained in informal agency statements is warranted.’” Styrene Info. &
Research Ctr., Inc. v. Sebelius, 944 F. Supp. 2d 71, 82 (D.D.C. 2013) (emphasis added) (quoting
Salt Inst. v. Thompson, 345 F. Supp. 2d 589, 602-03 (E.D. Va. 2004), aff’d sub nom. on other
grounds, Salt Inst. v. Leavitt, 440 F.3d 156 (4th Cir. 2006)). But the Census Bureau’s “Statistical
Quality Standards,” also cited by Government Plaintiffs, (Pls.’ Br. 29-30), may count as “law to
apply.” For one, the preface to those Standards provides that “[a]ll Census Bureau employees . .
. must comply” with them. U.S. Census Bureau, Statistical Quality Standards ii (July 2013)
(emphasis added), https://www.census.gov/content/dam/Census/about/about-thebureau/policies_and_notices/quality/statistical-quality-standards/Quality_Standards.pdf; see also
Salazar, 822 F.3d at 77 (concluding that internal agency guidance, under which the agency “must
consider” certain factors, provided sufficient law to apply (emphasis added)). They also provide
standards that meaningfully constrain Census Bureau discretion. See, e.g., Statistical Quality
Standards 4 (listing factors to be included in a preliminary survey design for “sample survey and
census programs” that the Census Bureau “must . . . develop[]”).

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Clause, which provides in relevant part that an “actual Enumeration shall be made” every ten
years “in such Manner as [Congress] shall by Law direct.” U.S. CONST. art. 1, § 2, cl. 3.
Plaintiffs’ claims fail, Defendants argue, because “[t]here is no allegation that the Secretary is
estimating rather than counting the population, nor any allegation that he has failed to establish
procedures for counting every resident of the United States. . . . Moreover, the Secretary’s
decision to reinstate a citizenship question is consistent with historical practice dating back to the
founding era.” (Defs.’ Br. 30). Plaintiffs counter that the “substantial discretion” of Congress
and the Secretary in conducting the census “is not unlimited; it does not include a decision to
altogether abandon the pursuit of accuracy or to privilege other, non-constitutional values above
it.” (Pls.’ Br. 32). Relying on language from the Supreme Court’s decision in Wisconsin, they
contend that reinstating the citizenship question violates the Enumeration Clause because it
“does not bear ‘a reasonable relationship to the accomplishment of an actual enumeration of the
population, keeping in mind the constitutional purpose of the census’” to aid in the
apportionment of Representatives. (Id. (quoting Wisconsin, 517 U.S. at 19-20)).
The Court’s analysis of Plaintiffs’ claims under the Enumeration Clause is guided by
three background considerations. First, the “text” of the Clause itself “vests Congress with
virtually unlimited discretion in conducting the decennial ‘actual Enumeration.’” Wisconsin, 517
U.S. at 19; see also id. at 17 (noting that the Clause grants to Congress “broad authority over the
census”); Evans, 536 U.S. at 474 (stating that the Clause, in providing “that the ‘actual
Enumeration’ shall take place ‘in such Manner as’ Congress itself ‘shall by Law direct,’
. . . suggest[s] the breadth of congressional methodological authority, rather than its limitation”);
Baldrige v. Shapiro, 455 U.S. 345, 361 (1982) (finding that Congress properly exercised its
discretion to preclude disclosure of census data because “Congress is vested by the Constitution

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with authority to conduct the census ‘as they shall by Law direct’”). Indeed, the Supreme Court
has noted that “there is no basis for thinking that Congress’ discretion is more limited than the
text of the Constitution provides.” Wisconsin, 517 U.S. at 19. And Congress has fully delegated
its “broad authority over the census to the Secretary” through the Census Act. Id. (citing 13
U.S.C. § 141(a)). “[T]he wide discretion bestowed by the Constitution upon Congress, and by
Congress upon the Secretary” demands a high degree of “judicial deference” to the Secretary’s
decisions concerning the conduct of the census. Id. at 22-23.
Second, as Plaintiffs conceded at oral argument, the inquiry with respect to the
Enumeration Clause is an “objective” one. (See Oral Arg. Tr. 51). That is, there is nothing in
either the text of the Enumeration Clause itself or judicial precedent construing the Clause to
suggest that the relevant analysis turns on the subjective intent of either Congress or the
Secretary. The Clause calls for an “actual Enumeration,” and the census either satisfies that
standard or it does not; whether Congress or the Secretary intended to satisfy it is of no moment.
Thus, as in other areas where Congress is permitted wide latitude to legislate, if there “are
plausible reasons” for the actions of Congress or the Secretary, judicial inquiry under the
Enumeration Clause “is at an end. It is, of course, ‘constitutionally irrelevant whether this
reasoning in fact underlay the legislative decision’ . . . .” U.S. R.R. Ret. Bd. v. Fritz, 449 U.S.
166, 179 (1980) (quoting Flemming v. Nestor, 363 U.S. 603, 612 (1960)). In that regard,
Plaintiffs’ claims under the Enumeration Clause are critically different from their APA and equal
protection claims. The Secretary’s intent in reinstating the citizenship question is highly relevant
to the question of whether Defendants’ conduct violated the APA and the Due Process Clause.
See, e.g., Pers. Adm’r of Mass. v. Feeney, 442 U.S. 256, 276 (1979) (Equal Protection Clause);

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Nat’l Audubon Soc’y. v. Hoffman, 132 F.3d 7, 14 (2d Cir. 1997) (APA). It is not a relevant
consideration under the Enumeration Clause itself.
Third, in interpreting the Enumeration Clause, the Court “put[s] significant weight upon
historical practice.” N.L.R.B. v. Noel Canning, 134 S. Ct. 2550, 2559 (2014) (emphasis omitted).
As a general matter, the Supreme Court and lower courts have long looked to historical practice
to “guide [their] interpretation of an ambiguous constitutional provision.” Id. at 2594 (Scalia, J.,
concurring in the judgment) (citing cases); see generally Curtis A. Bradley & Trevor W.
Morrison, Historical Gloss and the Separation of Powers, 126 HARV. L. REV. 411 (2012).
Notably, they have done so not only when adjudicating disputes between the political branches,
see Noel Canning, 134 S. Ct. at 2559; Youngstown Sheet & Tube Co. v. Sawyer, 343 U.S. 579,
610-11 (1952) (Frankfurter, J., concurring), but also when probing the limits of Congressional
authority under Article I, see, e.g., Golan v. Holder, 565 U.S. 302, 322-23 (2012) (examining the
“unchallenged” actions by Congress in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries to interpret
Congress’s authority under the Copyright Clause), and the limits of executive authority under
Article II, see, e.g., Schick v. Reed, 419 U.S. 256, 266 (1974) (relying on the long and
“unchallenged” history of presidential pardons in interpreting the Pardon Clause). More to the
point for present purposes, the Supreme Court has stressed “the importance of historical
practice” in determining the metes and bounds of the Enumeration Clause itself. Wisconsin, 517
U.S. at 21; see also Franklin, 505 U.S. at 803-06 (noting the importance of historical experience
in conducting the census); Montana, 503 U.S. at 447-56 (considering the history of
apportionment under Article I, Section 2). It follows that “the longstanding ‘practice of the
government’” in conducting the census “can inform our determination of ‘what the law is’” for
purposes of the Enumeration Clause. Noel Canning, 134 S. Ct. at 2560 (quoting McCulloch v.

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Maryland, 4 Wheat. 316, 401 (1819), and Marbury v. Madison, 1 Cranch 137, 177 (1803)); see,
e.g., Schick, 419 U.S. at 266 (“[A]s observed by Mr. Justice Holmes: ‘If a thing has been
practiced for two hundred years by common consent, it will need a strong case’ to overturn it.”
(quoting Jackman v. Rosenbaum Co., 260 U.S. 22, 31 (1922)); The Pocket Veto Case, 279 U.S.
655, 690 (1929) (“[A] practice of at least twenty years duration ‘on the part of the executive
department, acquiesced in by the legislative department . . . is entitled to great regard in
determining the true construction of a constitutional provision the phraseology of which is in any
respect of doubtful meaning.’” (citation omitted)).
In light of those considerations, the Court is compelled to conclude that the citizenship
question is a permissible — but by no means mandated — exercise of the broad power granted to
Congress and, in turn, the Secretary pursuant to the Enumeration Clause of the Constitution. The
Court is particularly compelled to reach that conclusion by historical practice, which
demonstrates that the census has been consistently used — since the Founding era — for an end
unrelated to the “actual Enumeration” textually contemplated by the Enumeration Clause: to
collect data on residents of the United States. For example, the nation’s first census, taken in
1790, included information about age and sex, in order to “assess the countries [sic] industrial
and military potential.” MEASURING AMERICA 5; see 1790 Census Act § 1, 1 Stat. 101. Over the
course of the nineteenth century, the demographic questions on the census expanded to include
all manner of questions unrelated to the goal of a simple headcount, from questions about the
number of persons “engaged in agriculture, commerce, and manufactures,” 1820 Census Act, 3
Stat. at 549; to whether members of a household were “deaf,” “dumb,” or “blind,” 1830 Census
Act, 4 Stat. at 383; to the “[p]rofession, occupation, or trade of each male person over 15 years of
age,” the “value of real estate owned,” and whether persons over age twenty could read and

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write, 1850 Census Act, 9 Stat. at 433; to respondents’ marital status, see Morales, 116 F. Supp.
2d at 805 (“A question on marital status has been asked in the census since 1880.”). Of course,
“the mere fact that these inquiries were not challenged at the time does not prove” that they were
consistent with the Enumeration Clause, id., but it does confirm that Congress has held the view
since the very first census in 1790 that it was proper to use the census for more than a mere
headcount.
In fact, the longstanding practice of asking questions about the populace of the United
States without a direct relationship to the constitutional goal of an “actual Enumeration” has been
blessed by all three branches of the federal government. Until the 1930 census, Congress itself
“specified minutely” the “details of the questions” on the census. U.S. GENERAL ACCOUNTING
OFFICE, DECENNIAL CENSUS: OVERVIEW OF HISTORICAL CENSUS ISSUES 22 (1998), available at
https://www.gao.gov/pdfs/GGD-98-103; see also, e.g., 1820 Census Act, 3 Stat. at 550 (listing
inquiries required on the fourth decennial census); 1830 Census Act, 4 Stat. at 389 (listing
inquiries required on the fifth decennial census). Since 1930, Congress has delegated more
authority to the executive branch, but has continued to play a role in determining what questions
must be asked. See, e.g., Act of June 18, 1929, 46 Stat. 21, 22 (1929) (providing that “the
fifteenth and subsequent censuses shall be restricted to inquiries relating to population, to
agriculture, to irrigation, [etc.]”). The modern Census Act, enacted in 1976, for example,
expressly “authorize[s]” the Secretary to obtain information beyond that necessary for a mere
headcount, 13 U.S.C. § 141(a), and provides that he “shall prepare questionnaires, and shall
determine the inquiries, and the number, form, and subdivisions thereof, for the statistics,
surveys, and censuses provided for in this title,” id. § 5. But even now, Congress retains both
oversight and the ultimate word: The Secretary must submit a report to Congress at least two

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years prior to the census “containing the Secretary’s determination of the questions proposed to
be included.” Id. § 141(f)(2); see also H.R. Rep. No. 92-1288, 92d Cong., at 3-4 (1972)
(explaining that the provisions of the Census Act requiring the Secretary to submit proposed
questions to Congress in advance of the census were meant to strengthen Congress’s “oversight
capacity” by enacting “a more formal review of the questions proposed” and to preserve
Congress’s traditional role in “reviewing the operational aspects of census and survey[]
procedures and tabulations”). Thus, both political branches have long endorsed the
understanding that the census may be used to gather data unrelated to the constitutionally
mandated “actual Enumeration.”
The Supreme Court and lower courts have long and consistently blessed the practice as
well. As far back as 1871, for example, the Supreme Court took as a given that Congress could
use the census to gather statistical information beyond that required for an “actual Enumeration”:
Congress has often exercised, without question, powers that are not expressly
given nor ancillary to any single enumerated power. . . . An[] illustration of this
may be found in connection with the provisions respecting a census. The
Constitution orders an enumeration of free persons in the different States every
ten years. The direction extends no further. Yet Congress has repeatedly directed
an enumeration not only of free persons in the States but of free persons in the
Territories, and not only an enumeration of persons but the collection of statistics
respecting age, sex, and production. Who questions the power to do this?
Legal Tender Cases, 79 U.S. (12 Wall) 457, 535-36 (1870), abrogated on other grounds by
Tahoe-Sierra Pres. Council, Inc. v. Tahoe Reg’l Planning Agency, 535 U.S. 302 (2002). And the
Supreme Court has reaffirmed the dual role of the census in more recent cases. In Baldrige, for
example, the Court acknowledged that while the “initial constitutional purpose” of the census
had been to “provide a basis for apportioning representatives among the states in the Congress,”
it has long “fulfill[ed] many important and valuable functions for the benefit of the country,”
including “in the allocation of federal grants to states” and in “provid[ing] important data for

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Congress and ultimately for the private sector.” 455 U.S. at 353 & n.9; see also Dep’t of
Commerce, 525 U.S. at 341 (noting that “the decennial census is not only used for apportionment
purposes” and that it “now serves as a linchpin of the federal statistical system by collecting data
on the characteristics of individuals, households, and housing units throughout the country”
(internal quotation marks omitted)).
Admittedly, the Supreme Court has never confronted a direct challenge to the questions
posed on the census. But a handful of lower courts, including the Second Circuit and this Court,
have — and have universally rejected such challenges as meritless. See United States v.
Rickenbacker, 309 F.2d 462, 463 (2d Cir. 1962) (Thurgood Marshall, J.); Morales, 116 F. Supp.
2d at 803-20; United States v. Little, 321 F. Supp. 388, 392 (D. Del. 1971); United States v.
Moriarity, 106 F. 886, 891 (C.C.S.D.N.Y. 1901); see also Prieto, 321 F. Supp. at 421-23
(denying a preliminary injunction based in part on the claim that, because “the standard ‘short
form’ census” did not allow a respondent to identify as “Mexican-American,” it would “result in
a serious underestimation of what is America’s second-largest minority group”); United States v.
Mitchell, 58 F. 993, 999 (N.D. Ohio 1893) (stating, in dicta, that “[c]ertain kinds of information
valuable to the public, and useful to the legislative branches of the government as the basis for
proper laws, . . . may properly be required from the citizen” on the decennial census). As a judge
on this Court put it more than a century ago, the fact that Article I mandates only “a census of the
population . . . does not prohibit the gathering of other statistics, if ‘necessary and proper,’ for the
intelligent exercise of other powers enumerated in the constitution, and in such case there could
be no objection to acquiring this information through the same machinery by which the
population is enumerated.” Moriarity, 106 F. at 891 (citing McCulloch, 4 Wheat. at 416); accord

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Morales, 116 F. Supp. 2d at 809 (citing Moriarity, McCulloch, and the Legal Tender Cases in
affirming that the census may be used to conduct more than “a mere headcount”).
By itself, the foregoing history makes it difficult to maintain that asking about citizenship
on the census would constitute a violation of the Enumeration Clause. Taking that position
becomes untenable altogether in light of the undeniable fact that citizenship status has been a
subject of the census for most of the last two hundred years. Congress itself first included a
question about citizenship on the fourth census, in 1820. See MEASURING AMERICA 6 (noting
that the 1820 census included questions “to ascertain the number of foreigners not naturalized”);
see 1820 Census Act, 3 Stat. at 550. And with one exception (in 1840), every decennial census
thereafter until 1950 asked a question related to citizenship or birthplace in one form or another.
See id. at 34-71. In 1960, the Secretary ceased asking all respondents about citizenship. See id.
at 73. Notably, however, the 1960 census did include a citizenship question for residents of New
York and Puerto Rico, and it did ask a sample of respondents to provide where they were born,
the language they spoke before coming to the United States, and their parents’ birthplaces. See
id. at 72-76; see also id. at 124 n.4 (confirming that these questions were asked on a “sample
basis generally” and that “[c]itizenship was asked only in New York and Puerto Rico, where it
was a 100-percent item”). From 1970, the first year in which a longer census questionnaire was
sent to a segment of the population, to 2000, the last year in which such a long-form
questionnaire was used, the subject of citizenship remained on the census, albeit only for some
respondents — namely, the one-sixth or so of households that received the “long-form”
questionnaire. See id. at 78, 91-92. In 2010, when the long-form questionnaire was deemed
unnecessary in light of the annual ACS, the census did not ask about citizenship at all. But there
is no indication that the decision to drop the question from the 2010 census was made because

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Congress or the Secretary had come to believe that asking about citizenship was beyond the
broad authority granted to Congress and, in turn, the Secretary by the Enumeration Clause.
Thus, for two centuries, there has been a nearly unbroken practice of Congress either
expressly including a question concerning citizenship on the census or authorizing (through
delegation of its power and its non-intervention) the executive branch to do so. This history is
significant for two reasons. First, as noted, the Supreme Court has made clear that “[l]ong
settled and established practice” can be given “great weight” in construing constitutional
provisions that define the scope of the political branches’ powers. Noel Canning, 134 S. Ct. at
2559 (internal quotation marks omitted). For nearly two hundred years, all three branches have
agreed that the census may be used to collect demographic information unrelated to the goal of
an “actual Enumeration,” and two of the three branches have explicitly approved the inclusion of
questions about citizenship status. That is plainly “long enough to entitle a practice to ‘great
weight in a proper interpretation’ of the constitutional provision.” Id. at 2564 (quoting The
Pocket Veto Case, 279 U.S. at 689). Second, in assessing the meaning of the Enumeration
Clause’s broad grant of power, there is independent significance to the fact that demographic
questions appeared on the very first census and that citizenship appeared on the census as early
as 1820, little more than three decades after the Founding. As the Supreme Court explained
nearly 150 years ago, “[t]he construction placed upon the constitution by the [earliest acts of
Congress], by the men who were contemporary with its formation, many of whom were
members of the convention which framed it, is of itself entitled to very great weight, and when it
is remembered that the rights thus established have not been disputed during a period of nearly a
century, it is almost conclusive.” Burrow-Giles Lithographic Co. v. Sarony, 111 U.S. 53, 57
(1884); see also J.W. Hampton, Jr., & Co. v. United States, 276 U.S. 394, 412 (1928) (“This

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Court has repeatedly laid down the principle that a contemporaneous legislative exposition of the
Constitution when the founders of our government and framers of our Constitution were actively
participating in public affairs long acquiesced in fixes the construction to be given its
provisions.”).
In short, the “virtually unlimited discretion” granted to Congress by the text of the
Constitution, Wisconsin, 517 U.S. at 19, and the longstanding historical practice of asking
demographic questions generally and asking questions about citizenship specifically, compel the
conclusion that asking about citizenship status on the census is not an impermissible exercise of
the powers granted by the Enumeration Clause to Congress (and delegated by Congress to the
Secretary). In arguing otherwise, Plaintiffs make two principal arguments. First, they rely
heavily on Wisconsin, in which the Supreme Court rejected a challenge to the Secretary’s
decision not to apply a post-census statistical adjustment. (Pls.’ Br. 32-35). In doing so, the
Court stated that, “[i]n light of the Constitution’s broad grant of authority to Congress, the
Secretary’s decision not to adjust [the census] need bear only a reasonable relationship to the
accomplishment of an actual enumeration of the population, keeping in mind the constitutional
purpose of the census.” 517 U.S. at 19. Arguing that the sole constitutional purpose of the
census is “accuracy in the count,” Plaintiffs contend that that standard should be applied here and
that reintroduction of a citizenship question is impermissible because it does not bear a
“reasonable relationship” to the accomplishment of an actual enumeration. (Pls.’ Br. 35).
Second, relying on history themselves, Plaintiffs place great weight on the fact that the Census
Bureau has not included citizenship on the universal census form since 1950 and, in the years
since, has repeatedly reaffirmed that doing so would harm the accuracy of the count. (Id. at 32).

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Neither argument is persuasive. First, Wisconsin cannot be read to suggest, let alone
hold, that each and every question on the census must bear a “reasonable relationship” to the
goal of an actual enumeration. Doing so would contravene the Supreme Court’s own
acknowledgement that the census “fulfills many important and valuable functions,” including “in
the allocation of federal grants to states based on population” and in “provid[ing] important data
for Congress and ultimately for the private sector.” Baldrige, 455 U.S. at 353. And doing so
would also fly in the face of the history discussed above, which makes clear that all three
branches have long blessed, and certainly tolerated, the practice of asking sensitive demographic
questions on the census. Indeed, taken to its logical conclusion, application of the Wisconsin
“reasonable relationship” standard to every decision concerning the census would lead to the
conclusion that it is unconstitutional to ask any demographic question on the census. After all,
asking such questions bears no relationship whatsoever to the goal of an accurate headcount. Far
from it: Common sense and basic human psychology dictate that including any additional
questions on the census — particularly questions on sensitive topics such as race, sex,
employment, or health — can serve only to reduce response rates, as both the transaction costs of
compliance and the likely concerns about intrusiveness increase. See, e.g., Rickenbacker, 309
F.2d at 463 (noting that the defendant had refused to answer census questions based on the view
that they were an “unnecessary invasion” into his privacy); Morales, 116 F. Supp. 2d at 809-12
(similar); Mitchell, 58 F. at 999-1000 (similar). 20 Yet, as noted, the census takers have, with the

20

Data support this common-sense conclusion. In 2000, for instance, the mail-back
response rate for the long-form questionnaire was 9.6% lower than the response rate for the
short-form. See U.S. CENSUS BUREAU, CENSUS 2000 TOPIC REPORT NO. 11: RESPONSE RATES
AND BEHAVIOR ANALYSIS 9 (2004), available at https://www.census.gov/pred/www/
rpts/TR11.pdf.

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blessing of all three branches, asked such questions of respondents since the very first census in
1790.
To read Wisconsin as Plaintiffs suggest would, therefore, lead ineluctably to the
conclusion that each and every census — from the Founding through the present — has been
conducted in violation of the Enumeration Clause. That would, of course, be absurd, and leads
the Court to conclude instead that the Wisconsin standard applies only to decisions that bear
directly on the actual population count. Notably, the Supreme Court’s own language supports
that limitation, as it held only that “the Secretary’s decision not to adjust” the census count “need
bear only a reasonable relationship to the accomplishment of an actual enumeration of the
population.” 517 U.S. at 20 (emphasis added). That is, the Court did not purport to announce a
standard that would apply to a case such as this one. Cf. Rickenbacker, 309 F.2d at 463 (holding,
in a criminal prosecution for failure to respond to the census, that the questionnaire did not
violate the Fourth Amendment because “[t]he authority to gather reliable statistical data
reasonably related to governmental purposes and functions is a necessity if modern government
is to legislate intelligently and effectively” and the questions at issue “related to important
federal concerns . . . and were not unduly broad or sweeping in their scope”).
Plaintiffs’ second argument — based on the conduct of the Census Bureau since 1960 —
is also unpersuasive. That history may support the contention that reintroducing the citizenship
question is a bad decision — and that, in turn, may be relevant to whether Plaintiffs can establish
a violation of the APA or the Due Process Clause, both of which invite examination into the
Secretary’s bases for making that decision. But nothing in the history of the census, recent or
otherwise, plausibly suggests that asking a citizenship question is beyond the scope of
Congress’s broad power under the Enumeration Clause — which is the sole relevant question for

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purposes of Plaintiffs’ Enumeration Clause claims. Moreover, Plaintiffs’ argument from recent
history ignores the fact that citizenship did appear on all but one of the censuses since 1960. To
be sure, it did so for only a portion of the population, but that fact alone has no constitutional
significance. If Congress and the Secretary lack authority under the Enumeration Clause to ask
about citizenship on the census, they could not ask about it of anyone, whatever the length of the
questionnaire. Conversely, if the Enumeration Clause permits Congress and the Secretary to ask
some respondents about citizenship, it follows that the Clause permits them to ask all
respondents. It makes no sense to say that Congress’s power (and, by extension, the Secretary’s)
is dependent on the length of the questionnaire or on whether the entire population or only a
portion of the population receives a particular questionnaire. Put simply, if the Enumeration
Clause allows the Secretary to ask anyone about citizenship status — and historical practice
makes clear that it does — then the Clause permits the Secretary to ask everyone about it.
For the foregoing reasons, the Court holds that Plaintiffs do not — and cannot — state a
plausible claim that addition of the citizenship question on the 2020 census constitutes a
violation of the Enumeration Clause. That does not mean — as Defendants have audaciously
argued (see Oral Arg. Tr. 48) — that there are no constitutional limits on Congress’s and the
Secretary’s discretion to add questions to the census questionnaire. First, there is “a strong
constitutional interest in accuracy,” Evans, 536 U.S. at 478, and a decision to add questions to
the census without the historical pedigree of the citizenship question could conceivably
undermine that interest to a degree that would be constitutionally offensive. The Court need not
define the outer limits of Congress’s powers under the Enumeration Clause to decide this case, as
it suffices to say that the Secretary’s decision here is “consonant with, though not dictated by, the
text and history of the Constitution.” Franklin, 505 U.S. at 806; see also Evans, 536 U.S. at 479

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(“[W]e need not decide here the precise methodological limits foreseen by the Census Clause.”).
But there may well be questions or practices that would be so extreme and unprecedented that
they would not be permissible even under the Enumeration Clause.
Second, to say that the Secretary has authority under the Enumeration Clause to ask
about citizenship on the census is not to say that the particular exercise of that authority here was
constitutional or lawful. The Secretary cannot exercise his authority in a manner that would
violate individual constitutional rights, such as the right to equal protection of the laws.
Compare, e.g., Richardson v. Ramirez, 418 U.S. 24, 54-55 (1974) (holding that states may
disenfranchise felons under Section 2 of the Fourteenth Amendment), with Hunter v.
Underwood, 471 U.S. 222, 232-33 (1985) (striking down Alabama’s felon disenfranchisement
law as a violation of the Equal Protection Clause). Nor, under the APA, may he exercise his
authority in a manner that would be “arbitrary” and “capricious.” 5 U.S.C. § 706(2)(A); see,
e.g., Pub. Citizen, Inc. v. Mineta, 340 F.3d 39, 42 (2d Cir. 2003). Plaintiffs here make both kinds
of claims, and the Court’s holding that the Secretary’s decision was consonant with the
Enumeration Clause does not resolve those claims.
E.

The Equal Protection Claim
Plaintiffs’ final claim — pressed only by NGO Plaintiffs — is that Defendants violated

the Fifth Amendment by “act[ing] with discriminatory intent toward Latinos, Asian-Americans,
Arab-Americans, and immigrant communities of color generally in adding the citizenship
question to the Decennial Census.” (NGO Compl. ¶ 195). To state a claim under the Fifth
Amendment in the circumstances presented here, NGO Plaintiffs have to plausibly allege that
Defendants’ decision “was motivated by discriminatory animus and its application results in a

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discriminatory effect.” Hayden v. Cty. of Nassau (“Hayden I”), 180 F.3d 42, 48 (2d Cir. 1999). 21
Their allegations of discriminatory effect — that inclusion of the citizenship question for all
respondents will bear, in the form of diminished political representation and reduced federal
funding, more heavily on “Latinos, Asian-Americans, Arab-Americans, and other immigrant
communities of color” because the non-response rate is likely to be higher in such communities
— are sufficient. (NGO Compl. ¶¶ 196-97). Defendants contend that those claims are
“speculative,” (Defs.’ NGO Br. 18), but — assuming the truth of the allegations, as the Court
must — Defendants’ contention is no more persuasive here than it was in the standing context.
Thus, whether Plaintiffs state an equal protection claim turns on whether they plausibly
allege a “racially discriminatory intent or purpose.” Vill. of Arlington Heights v. Metro. Hous.
Dev. Corp. (“Arlington Heights”), 429 U.S. 252, 265 (1977); accord Red Earth LLC v. United
States, 657 F.3d 138, 146 (2d Cir. 2011). Discriminatory intent or purpose “implies more than
intent as volition or intent as awareness of consequences. It implies that the decisionmaker . . .
selected or reaffirmed a particular course of action at least in part ‘because of,’ not merely ‘in
spite of,’ its adverse effects upon an identifiable group.” Feeney, 442 U.S. at 279 (citation and
footnote omitted). At the same time, “a plaintiff need not prove that the ‘challenged action
rested solely on racially discriminatory purposes.’” Hayden v. Paterson (“Hayden II”), 594 F.3d
150, 163 (2d Cir. 2010) (quoting Arlington Heights, 429 U.S. at 265); see also, e.g., United
States v. City of Yonkers, 96 F.3d 600, 611 (2d Cir. 1996) (stating that a plaintiff “need not show
. . . that a government decisionmaker was motivated solely, primarily, or even predominantly by

21

Although the Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment applies only to the
states, the Due Process Clause of the Fifth Amendment prohibits racial discrimination by the
federal government as well. See, e.g., Weinberger v. Wiesenfeld, 420 U.S. 636, 638 n.2 (1975)
(“This Court’s approach to Fifth Amendment equal protection claims has always been precisely
the same as to equal protection claims under the Fourteenth Amendment.”).

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concerns that were racial”). Indeed, “[r]arely can it be said that a legislature or administrative
body operating under a broad mandate made a decision motivated solely by a single concern, or
even that a particular purpose was the ‘dominant’ or ‘primary’ one.” Arlington Heights, 429
U.S. at 265. Thus, it is enough to show that an “invidious discriminatory purpose was a
motivating factor” in the challenged decision. Id. at 266 (emphasis added). Further, “[b]ecause
discriminatory intent is rarely susceptible to direct proof, litigants may make ‘a sensitive inquiry
into such circumstantial and direct evidence of intent as may be available.’” Hayden II, 594 F.3d
at 163 (quoting Arlington Heights, 429 U.S. at 266).
In Arlington Heights, the Supreme Court identified a set of non-exhaustive factors for
courts to consider in undertaking this “sensitive inquiry” into discriminatory intent. First,
whether the impact of the action “‘bears more heavily on one race than another’ may provide an
important starting point.” Arlington Heights, 429 U.S. at 266 (quoting Washington v. Davis, 426
U.S. 229, 242 (1976)). Unless a “clear pattern, unexplainable on grounds other than race,
emerges,” however, “impact alone is not determinative, and the Court must look to other
evidence.” Id. (footnote omitted). That “other evidence” includes: (1) “[t]he historical
background of the decision . . . particularly if it reveals a series of official actions taken for
invidious purposes”; (2) “[t]he specific sequence of events leading up the challenged decision”;
(3) “[d]epartures from the normal procedural sequence”; (4) “[s]ubstantive departures . . . ,
particularly if the factors usually considered important by the decisionmaker strongly favor a
decision contrary to the one reached”; and (5) “[t]he legislative or administrative history . . .
especially where there are contemporary statements by members of the decisionmaking body,
minutes of its meetings, or reports.” Id. at 267-68. “In some extraordinary instances,” evidence
of discriminatory animus may also come from the testimony of decisionmakers. Id. at 268.

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Considering those factors here, the Court concludes that NGO Plaintiffs’ allegations are
sufficient to survive Defendants’ motion to dismiss. First, the Complaint pleads facts that show
“[d]epartures from the normal procedural sequence.” Arlington Heights, 429 U.S. at 267. These
departures include overruling career staff who strongly objected to including the citizenship
question, failing to extensively test reintroduction of the question, and ignoring the
recommendation of the Census Bureau’s advisory committee. (NGO Compl. ¶¶ 7, 191). The
Administrative Record — of which the Court may take judicial notice, see Marshall Cty. Health
Care Auth. v. Shalala, 988 F.2d 1221, 1226 (D.C. Cir. 1993) — lends support to these
allegations. It shows, for example, that Secretary Ross overruled Census Bureau career staff,
who had concluded that reinstating the citizenship question would be “very costly” and “harm[]
the quality of the census count.” (See Admin. Record 1277). It also confirms that Defendants
made the decision to add the question without the lengthy consideration and testing that usually
precede even minor changes to the census questionnaire; in fact, it was added without any testing
at all. (See Ross Mem. 2, 7). Notably, Defendants challenge only one of these alleged
aberrations — the failure to test the question, which they attribute to the fact that it had
previously been included on the ACS. (Defs.’ NGO Br. 19). Whatever its merits, however, that
challenge is premature, as all inferences must be drawn in Plaintiffs’ favor at this stage of the
litigation. See, e.g., Sheppard v. Beerman, 18 F.3d 147, 150 (2d Cir. 1994). And, in any event,
Defendants do not address, let alone dispute, the other procedural irregularities.
Second, various considerations — including the “specific sequence of events leading up
to the challenged decision,” Arlington Heights, 429 U.S. at 267 — suggest that Secretary Ross’s
sole proffered rationale for the decision, that the citizenship question is necessary for litigation of
Voting Rights Act claims, may have been pretextual. For one thing, there is no indication in the

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record that the Department of Justice and civil rights groups have ever, in the fifty-three years
since the Voting Rights Act was enacted, suggested that citizenship data collected as part of the
decennial census would be helpful, let alone necessary, to litigate such claims. (See Docket No.
187-1, at 14; see also NGO Compl. ¶¶ 183, 186). For another, while Secretary Ross initially
(and repeatedly) suggested that the Department of Justice’s request triggered his consideration of
the issue, it now appears that the sequence of events was exactly opposite. In his memorandum,
Secretary Ross stated that he “set out to take a hard look” at adding the citizenship question
“[f]ollowing receipt” of a request from the Department of Justice on December 12, 2017. (See
Ross Mem. 1 (emphases added)). 22 Yet in a June 21, 2018 supplement to the Administrative
Record, Secretary Ross admitted that he “began considering” whether to add the citizenship
question “[s]oon after” his appointment as Secretary in February 2017 — almost ten months
before the “request” from DOJ — and that, “[a]s part of that deliberative process,” he and his
staff asked the Department of Justice if it “would support, and if so would request, inclusion of a
citizenship question.” (Docket No. 189-1 (emphasis added)). Along similar lines, in a May 2,
2017 e-mail to Secretary Ross, the director of the Commerce Department’s office of policy and
strategic planning stated that “[w]e need to work with Justice to get them to request that
citizenship be added back as a census question.” (Docket No. 212, at 3710 (emphasis added);
see also id. at 3699 (e-mail from Secretary Ross, earlier the same day, stating that he was

22

In sworn testimony shortly after his March 26, 2018 memorandum — of which the Court
can also take judicial notice, see, e.g., Ault v. J.M. Smucker Co., No. 13-CV-3409 (PAC), 2014
WL 1998235, at *2 (S.D.N.Y. May 15, 2014) — Secretary Ross was even more explicit, stating
that it was the Department of Justice that had “initiated the request for inclusion of the
citizenship question.” Hearing on Recent Trade Actions, Including Section 232 Determinations
on Steel & Aluminum: Hearing Before the H. Ways & Means Comm., 115th Cong. 24 (Mar. 22,
2018) (testimony of Secretary Ross) (emphasis added), available at 2018 WLNR 8951469.

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“mystified why nothing have [sic] been done in response to my months old request that we
include the citizenship question”)). 23
To prove a violation of the Fifth Amendment, of course, NGO Plaintiffs need to prove
that Defendants acted with a discriminatory purpose, and evidence that Secretary Ross’s
rationale was pretextual does not necessarily mean that it was a pretext for discrimination. 24
Nevertheless, “[p]roof that the defendant’s explanation is unworthy of credence is . . . one form
of circumstantial evidence that is probative of intentional discrimination, and it may be quite
persuasive.” Reeves v. Sanderson Plumbing Prod., Inc., 530 U.S. 133, 147 (2000) (discussing
Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964); see also St. Mary’s Honor Ctr. v. Hicks, 509 U.S. 502,
517 (1993) (stating, in reference to a Title VII claim, that “proving the [defendant’s] reason false
becomes part of (and often considerably assists) the greater enterprise of proving that the real
reason was intentional discrimination”). Thus, “[i]n appropriate circumstances, the trier of fact
can reasonably infer from the falsity of the explanation that the [defendant] is dissembling to
cover up a discriminatory purpose. Such an inference is consistent with the general principle of
evidence law that the factfinder is entitled to consider a party’s dishonesty about a material fact
as ‘affirmative evidence of guilt.’” Reeves, 530 U.S. at 147. At a minimum, there is certainly

23

Docket No. 212 is Defendants’ notice of the filing of supplemental materials. Given the
volume of those materials, Defendants did not file them directly on the docket, but made them
available at http://www.osec.doc.gov/opog/FOIA/Documents/CensusProd001.zip.
24

While evidence of pretext alone does not suffice to prove a violation of the Fifth
Amendment, it may well suffice to prove a violation of the APA — as Defendants themselves
conceded at the initial conference in 18-CV-2921. (See Docket No. 150, at 15).

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much “about the sequence of events leading up to the decision” at issue in these cases “that
would spark suspicion.” Arlington Heights, 429 U.S. at 269. 25
Finally, NGO Plaintiffs identify “contemporary statements” by alleged decisionmakers
that lend further support to their claim that Defendants’ decision was motivated at least in part by
intentional discrimination against immigrant communities of color. Arlington Heights, 429 U.S.
at 268. Most notably, NGO Plaintiffs identify several statements made by President Trump
himself in the months before and after Secretary Ross announced his decision that, while not
pertaining directly to that decision, could be construed to reveal a general animus toward
immigrants of color. Those statements include (1) his alleged complaint on January 11, 2018,
about “these people from shithole countries” coming to the United States, (NGO Compl. ¶ 109);
(2) his assertion in February 2018 that certain immigrants “turn out to be horrendous. . . .
They’re not giving us their best people, folks,” (id.); and (3) his comment on May 16, 2018, that
“[w]e have people coming into the country, or trying to come in. . . . You wouldn’t believe how
bad these people are. These aren’t people, these are animals . . . ,” (id.).
It is true, as Defendants note, that none of those statements relate specifically to the
decision to reinstate the citizenship question on the 2020 census. (Defs.’ NGO Br. 18). But the
law is clear that the mere “use of racial slurs, epithets, or other racially charged language . . . can
be evidence that official action was motivated by unlawful discriminatory purposes.” Batalla
Vidal v. Nielsen, 291 F. Supp. 3d 260, 277 (E.D.N.Y. 2018) (emphasis added) (citing cases). It
is also true, as Defendants intimate, that the decisionmaker here was Secretary Ross — not
President Trump himself. (Defs.’ NGO Br. 18). But NGO Plaintiffs plausibly claim that

25

Citing much of the foregoing evidence of pretext, the Court previously ruled, in an oral
opinion, that Plaintiffs were entitled to discovery on their claims under the APA. (See Oral Arg.
Tr. at 76-89).

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President Trump was personally involved in the decision, citing his own reelection campaign’s
assertion that he “officially mandated” it. (NGO Compl. ¶ 178). Treating those allegations as
true, and drawing all reasonable inferences in Plaintiffs’ favor, the Court is therefore compelled
to conclude that the statements help to nudge NGO Plaintiffs’ claim of intentional discrimination
across the line from conceivable to plausible. See Batalla Vidal, 291 F. Supp. 3d at 279 (relying
on “racially charged” statements by the President where he was alleged to have directed the
decision at issue in concluding that the plaintiffs’ allegations of discriminatory intent were
sufficient to survive a motion to dismiss); cf. Innovative Health Sys., Inc. v. City of White Plains,
117 F.3d 37, 49 (2d Cir. 1997) (“[A] decision made in the context of strong, discriminatory
opposition becomes tainted with discriminatory intent even if the decisionmakers personally
have no strong views on the matter.”).
Finally, Defendants’ invocation of the Supreme Court’s recent decision in Trump v.
Hawaii, 138 S. Ct. 2392 (2018), falls somewhere between facile and frivolous. Defendants
claim that the decision, which rejected a challenge to President Trump’s so-called Travel Ban,
“reaffirmed that facially neutral policies are subject to only limited, deferential review and may
not lightly be held unconstitutional.” (Defs.’ NGO Br. 17). In support of that contention, they
quote the Court’s opinion for the proposition that “deferential review may apply ‘across different
contexts and constitutional claims.’” (Id. at 18 (quoting Hawaii, 138 S. Ct. at 2419)).
Conspicuously, however, Defendants omit the first part of the quoted sentence, which reveals
that the deferential review referenced by the Court in Hawaii is that established by Kleindienst v.
Mandel, 408 U.S. 753 (1972), for challenges to the exclusion of foreign nationals from the
country. See 138 S. Ct. at 2419. And they fail to acknowledge that every case cited by the Court
in which deferential review was applied involved either immigration or the admission of

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noncitizens. See id. at 2419-20; see also id. at 2420 n.5 (“[A]s the numerous precedents cited in
this section make clear, such a circumscribed inquiry applies to any constitutional claim
concerning the entry of foreign nationals.”). There is nothing in the Court’s opinion to indicate
that its deferential review applies outside of the “national security and foreign affairs context,”
id. at 2420 n.5, let alone that the Court meant to unsettle decades of equal protection
jurisprudence regarding the types of evidence a court may look to in determining a government
actor’s intent. In fact, even with its “circumscribed judicial inquiry,” the Hawaii Court itself
considered “extrinsic evidence” — namely, President Trump’s own statements. See id. at 2420.
If anything, therefore, Hawaii cuts against Defendants’ arguments rather than in their favor.
In sum, accepting NGO Plaintiffs’ allegations as true and drawing all reasonable
inferences in their favor — as is required at this stage of the litigation — the Court is compelled
to conclude that they state a plausible claim that Defendants’ decision to reintroduce the
citizenship question on the 2020 census “was motivated by discriminatory animus and its
application results in a discriminatory effect.” Hayden I, 180 F.3d at 48. 26 It follows that
Defendants’ motion to dismiss NGO Plaintiffs’ Fifth Amendment equal protection claim must be
and is denied.
CONCLUSION
For the reasons stated above, Defendants’ motions to dismiss are GRANTED in part and
DENIED in part. First, the Court rejects Defendants’ attempts to insulate Secretary Ross’s
decision to reinstate a question about citizenship on the 2020 census from judicial review.

26

In light of that conclusion, the Court need not consider NGO Plaintiffs’ alternative
argument that the inclusion of the citizenship question “was motivated by a ‘bare . . . desire to
harm a politically unpopular group,’ and thus a violation of the equal protection clause even
applying rational basis review.” (NGO Pls.’ Br. 25 (quoting Dep’t of Agriculture v. Moreno, 413
U.S. 528, 534 (1973))).

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Granted, courts must give proper deference to the Secretary, but that does not mean that they
lack authority to entertain claims like those pressed here. To the contrary, courts have a critical
role to play in reviewing the conduct of the political branches to ensure that the census is
conducted in a manner consistent with the Constitution and applicable law. Second, the Court
concludes that Plaintiffs’ claims under the Enumeration Clause — which turn on whether
Secretary Ross had the power to add a question about citizenship to the census and not on
whether he exercised that power for impermissible reasons — must be dismissed. Third,
assuming the truth of their allegations and drawing all reasonable inferences in their favor, the
Court finds that NGO Plaintiffs plausibly allege that Secretary Ross’s decision to reinstate the
citizenship question was motivated at least in part by discriminatory animus and will result in a
discriminatory effect. Accordingly, their equal protection claim under the Due Process Clause
(and Plaintiffs’ APA claims, which Defendants did not substantively challenge) may proceed.
None of that is to say that Plaintiffs will ultimately prevail in their challenge to Secretary
Ross’s decision to reinstate the citizenship question on the 2020 census. As noted, the
Enumeration Clause and the Census Act grant him broad authority over the census, and Plaintiffs
may not ultimately be able to prove that he exercised that authority in an unlawful manner. Put
another way, the question at this stage of the proceedings is not whether the evidence supports
Plaintiffs’ claims, but rather whether Plaintiffs may proceed with discovery and, ultimately, to
summary judgment or trial on their claims. The Court concludes that they may as to their claims
under the APA and the Due Process Clause and, to that extent, Defendants’ motions are denied.
Per the Court’s Order entered on July 5, 2018 (Docket No. 199), the deadline for the
completion of fact and expert discovery in these cases is October 12, 2018, and the parties shall
appear for a pretrial conference on September 14, 2018. The parties are reminded that, no later

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than the Thursday prior to the pretrial conference, they are to file on ECF a joint letter addressing
certain issues. (See id. at 2-3). In that letter, the parties should also give their views with respect
to whether the case should resolved by way of summary judgment or trial and whether the two
cases should be consolidated for either of those purposes.
The Clerk of Court is directed to terminate 18-CV-2921, Docket No. 154; and 18-CV5025, Docket No. 38.

SO ORDERED.
Date: July 26, 2018
New York, New York

_______________________________
JESSE M. FURMAN
United States District Judge

70