- 

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CHEEF OFFICERS of ENGLAND. WALES

I, A?w ON 

and NORTHERN 

.

- Office.
1. Gene'afsec?e?? New Scotland Yard,

Broadway,

TOL: 01.230 2456
LONDON, SW1H 036

My Ref.:

Your Ref.:

NOT FOR PUBLICATION, BROADCAST, OR USE ON CLUB
TAPES BEFORE 17.00 hours, Wednesday, 2nd July, 1975.

THIS DOCUMENT IS ISSUED IN ADVANCE ON THE STRICT
UNDERSTANDING THAT NO APPROACH BE MADE TO ANY
ORGANISATION OR PERSON ABOUT ITS CONTENTS BEFORE
THE TIME OF PUBLICATION.

 

 

General Secret-?1-



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by Deputy'assistant Col-issioner I a Gibson, Metropolitan Police,
to the Joint Sun-er Conference of ABPO

association of letropolitan authorities and ?sedation of counts councils

on 2nd July, 1975

moms 

I an very pleased to have the opportunity of speakins ?0 Phil
afternoon on uThe Problems of Public Disorderr in this country generally
and the Metropolitan Police District in particular, and discussinl "1?5
you the varying categories into which these contentious can 5'
sub-divided.

In view of the current international situation a general statenent
that IIpublic order had all but vanished fros the world. could well be
thought to apply to the present day. However, such a statement was
in fact made by a.Florentine Dominican in the early fifteenth century
concerning the troubled tines in which he lived, so it would appear
no problem is completely new, only the degree of seriousness alters.

The main public order problems thesselves can, {Instilly'speekin[,
be bronco down largely into the following categories:

1. political demonstrations;
2. student unrest;

3. industrial unrest;

h. racial disturbances;

5. soccer hooliganism;

6. squatters.

There are two other sub-headings one would normally use in connection
with public disorder, is, urban guerrilla warfare and hi-Jacking and
airport security, but in the main they require a different kind of
police action and in the short time available this afternoon it is not
possible to cover these items.

To deal with political demonstrations first, Inndon as the capital
city of the country attracts people from all over the world. It houses
the seat of Government with its attendant offices as well as Embassies,
consulates and Legations of countries with which we have diplomatic
relations. all are targets for demonstrations; events happening anywhere
in the world are quickly reflected in London. in attempted coup or unrest
of any Kind in a country abroad.will almost certainly result in a
desonstration at that particular country's representative prelises within

 

 

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a very short period of time. In addition, we have of course our own
innumerable causes for people to demonstrate about and, although most

of them do not attract much attention as they take place without incident,
we do in fact deal on average with some major demonstrations

in the Metropolitan Police area each year. at least thirty of the

major demonstrations will require in excess of one thousand police
officers to control them. This does not, of course, take into

account the regular crowd violence problems which we, in common

with most other countries, have - for example, at our eleven first-

class football grounds and other similar venues.

The demonstrators themselves are not normally part of a single
coherent movement, but are mainly members of small groups of political
activists, usually tending towards the far left or far right of the
political spectrum. Moreover, many of these extremist supporters
tend to turn out for whatever is the popular protest of the day,
whether it be anti-apartheid, council rents, or anti-Common Market;
in other words, a kind of Even major demonstrations
such as the ones organised by the T.U.C. and other responsible
bodies, in spite of considerable care taken by the organisers
themselves, tend to attract the fringe elements, who will - if
possible - try to capitalize on the publicity afforded by association
with any large gathering of people.

although the support of the public at large for police aims and
methods is a major factor in keeping down the violence and temperature
of these demonstrations, the lack of fatal and serious casualties has,
to a certain extent, allowed unjustified complacency in the public
. attitude towards them. To keep matters in perspective however, it
i must be stated that society in this country does not as a whole accept
i violence as a legitimate means of voicing protest. It is only a
I minority of the population who are intent on violence and seek to
I introduce an atmosphere of militancy to achieve their purposes.

I nineteen sixty seven to nineteen sixty nine was a period of

. particular importance so far as public order, especially in relation

i to political demonstrations, in this country was concerned, as

7 throughout that period there was a considerable change in the tactics
I employed by demonstrators. They became increasingly militant following
the international pattern of that era and were prepared both to throw
missiles at and physically attack police and police horses. That was
i the period also that saw the mounting of our largest operation in the
Metropolitan Police to date, which comprised almost nine thousand
officers, including one hundred and fifty mounted. The demonstrators'
"tactics" change from year to year however, and we are at present
tending to get almost as many mass lobbies of Parliament during the
week, as major marches and demonstrations.

The basic principles we apply in dealing with public meetings,
processions or demonstrations is to accept such gatherings provided:-

1. they are for lawful purposes. For example, inciting
anned forces of the Crown to desert or inciting others
to racial hatred is clearly'not lawful and.wonld not
i be tolerated.

 

 

 

 

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2. they conform to any local regulations relating to particular
places and circumstances. A good example of this is
Trafalgar Square where the permission of the Department
of Environment must first be obtained in writing before
a meeting can be held.

3- they are not likely to cause a breach of the peace.
This is the most difficult question of all to consider
as it is sometimes advisable to accept the risk of
minor breaches in order to show there is still freedom
of speech and assembly.

Of course, when clear evidence is forthcoming that any of these
conditions are deliberately going to be flouted by the organisers, and
this is surprisingly rare, we can resort to statutory powers to stop the
persons responsible from carrying out their unlawful intentions. we try
to avoid using these powers as much as possible as action taken before an
event takes place tends to make of people. In any case, demonstrators
who can rely on massive support are unlikely to be deterred by such
restrictions and the extremists looking_for a confrontation situation
would welcome them.

as a result of the Red Lion Square Enquiry conducted by the
Right Honourable Lord Justice Scarman in 197h, it was anticipated that
some changes in police powers dealing with public order matters may have
been made but only minimal variations in legislation were, in fact,
recommended. These changes included the points that:-

1. the Public Order act, 19 56, be amended to confer upon
the senior police officer present a power to give a
direction as to the route to be followed by a demonstration
if he thinks it necessary in the interests of public order;

and

2. that local legislation should be brought into line with
the Public Order act of 1956 (as amended).

Other suggestions included that public meeting places should be
provided in towns and cities and that police should provide a written
notice of the agreed route to be followed to prevent misunderstandings
by the organisers of demonstrations.

swag-axe

To deal with public order situations it is essential to know what
the intentions of possible trouble-makers are. As organisers do not
require police permission or permits for their demonstrations or
meetings, to enable police to anticipate events it is necessary for us
to keep abreast of current affairs. at New Scotland Yard for example,
staff responsible for public order in the Metropolis have, in the
course of their duties, to keep fully acquainted with all possible
emotive aspects of the national and international situation. This is
of course in addition to the usual information fed in by the police
services themselves, is, other specialist branches, local divisions
and other forces.

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In all cases however, when we know a demonstration or meeting of

any kind is about to take place, we consult the organisers. Generally
speaking, there is no reluctance by them to communicate with and nest

police, to discuss arrangements, agree routes and select forming-up
and dispersal areas.

At the same time, we try to educate the organisers as to their
own particular responsibilities, advising them how best to control
their fellow demonstrators by the correct use of properly briefed
stewards and what action to take if militants try to create incidents
not intended by them as the organising body. We ourselves try'to be
as flexible as possible, amending our arrangements up to the last
possible moment to meet those of the organisers, provided the request
is reasonable and does not affect police efficiency.

One or the most difficult aspects of dealing with public order
problems is the decision as to what is the correct police manpower
requirement for any given situation. There are so many factors
inyolved that it is not possible to lay down a yard stick or set

formula, it depends entirely on the nature of organisations involved
and their general background.

considerations taken into account, therefore, includetype of demonstration;

character of the organiser;

purpose of the demonstration;

area in which it is being held;

political or public events currently topical;
protection of Embassies or other vulnerable premises.

as you will see, this is not an exact science but more a question
or building up serial by serial to supervise the assembly, accompany
the march and deal with the protection of premises. This must include
both primary and secondary targets on the route or the demonstration.
It is.or course always vital to ensure an adequate "mobile reserve"
is available.

what are the police problems in the field of student dissension
within our Universities and colleges of Education?

This subject can only rearhy?be dealt with by'ccnsidering the
legal problems in respect of the two separate categories of internal
i student demonstrations. These are;-

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a) peaceful sit-ins;
b) incidents involving some criminal offence or offences.

 

it is in the former area that we have the most difficulty. In cases
of peaceful sit-ins we must consider whether the person is a trespasser.
If that person is not a student of the university, nor a member of the
faculty, and his presence is not acceptable to the authorities he is
Clearly a trespasser and can be dealt with accordingly.

If, however, he is a student, the position in law is not so clear.
It is for this reason that university authorities are well-advised to
seek their civil remedy in order that if police involvement becomes
essential, they will have the clear backing of a Court Order.

Instances involving criminal offences give rise to much less question

as to the Justification of police intervention owing to the stronger position
of police when dealing with matters of criminal law.

clearly police are, however, in an invidious position in these cases;
we are unwilling - indeed it is not our function - to become deeply involved
in civil disputes between individuals. Under these circumstances our duty
is to preserve the queen's peace, to endeavour to bring to trial those who

are alleged to have broken that peace and to prevent those who threaten to
commit breaches of it from so doing.

an ill-Judged police intervention could not only bring about a serious

breach of the peace but could turn a quiet protest demonstration into an
angry confrontation.

In addition to causing unrest within some universities there is now
the only too familiar student support of public demonstrations and their
involvement in the field of industrial troubles. These young people
usually belong to militant, extremist organisations and can in the main
I suppose be classed as passing through their political growing-up pains.
They have played an active part in a number of strikes both official
and unofficial, offering assistance in manning picket lines, providing
transport and producing strike literature. The students are usually
quite frank about their sins which are "to use strikes because they
are fertile grounds for their political aspirations".

In the field of industrial unrest, I am reminded of the maxim attributed
to Edmond Burke and I quote:-

I'all that is necessary for the triumph of evil is that
good men do nothing" -

a saying that appears very appropriate in view of some of the present
day conflicts.

There are many people who dismiss the idea that extremist militants can
decisively influence industrial disputes on the grounds that they are usually'
eut-anmhered on the Uhion Executive or Strike Committee. Iet events in this



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country and in other parts of the World are repeatedly remindinz ?9 0f

the damage that can be done by determined and well-organised militant
minorities.

The police role in trade disputes must always be one of complete
impartiality and they must not, under any circumstances, allow themselves
to be drawn into a situation where they could be accused of bias in any
direction. Their primary function is to maintain the queen's peace and
preserve the legal rights of all parties involved in the dispute.

The legislation affecting this important subject is at present
contained in the Conspiracy and Protection of Property act, 1875, and 
the Trade Union and Labour Relations Act, 197a. Basically the emphasi-

is still, as it always has been, on peaceful picketing and the right
to withdraw labour. 

It could be said that persons merely picketing have never caused
any problems, but difficulties usually arise from militants wishing
by any means to prevent other people working, and this is one of the
main causes of violence. In the past the numbers of pickets at any
one site or gate was usually determined voluntarily by police and the
union concerned, which in general was always acceptable. However, a
considerable change came about in some areas as a result of the
building workers' dispute in 1972 and the coal miners' strike in
1973/7h. During this period several different tactics were introduced
by the strikers such as mass picketing, the picketing of premises not
directly involved in the dispute and "flying pickets". As a result of
these tactics it became necessary for the Home Office to strengthen
the scheme for organising mutual aid between police forces on a

widespread scale, with special reference to instances of industrial
unrest.

One must ask the question however, is the show of police strength
the ultimate answer to the problem, can we expect legislation to
support us in this situation? Where does peaceful persuasion and and
intimidation by numbers or behaviour begin? It is difficult to imagine
legislation that could specify the exact number of pickets permitted
at any gate or site, or even to specify that only pickets employed
by the parties in dispute with the union should be involved. Surely
to be so pedantic would only create more confrontation with police
who would have, on occasions, to attempt to enforce the unenforceable.

RadIal DISTURBANUES

Let us now turn to racial disturbances. A great deal has been
written and said on the subject of race relations during the last
ten to fifteen years, but most of what has been said or prepared on
this subject has been produced by persons other than police officers.
I will therefore try to briefly cover the particular problem of

racial disturbances which presents itself to police in connection

with public order and so far as we are concerned put the letter into
its proper perspective.

 

 

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In order to appreciate the reasons for current problems regarding
some immigrants, it is necessary to establish where they have settled

and why. This has not in the main been in localities where the greatest
economic growth is taking place, for this growth has been based on
technological development and the work available there has required

skills which many immigrants do not possess. Therefore, as the indigenou'
white population has moved to these growth areas, they have left large
declining neighbourhoods in parts of London, together With the unpleasant
menial Jobs they no longer want. It is into these areas that a considOrShl?
number of immigrants have settled. The first generation immigrants
consisted in the main of the ambitious and adaptable elements. A small
minority of them did become involved in criminal activities but the

vast majority had the strength of character to Keep clear or crime,
although in many cases they live in areas of above-average crime rates.

It is with.the children of these immigrants however that our main problems
lie. Many of these young people cannot feel a loyalty t0 either Britain
or their parents' birth-place and it is upon these and others or their
generation that the burden of immigration falls most heavily.

In some cases, their employment expectations are frequently ambitious,
far in excess of their lixely achievements. Disappointment is therefore
inevitable, but they are reluctant to lower their sights. This usually
results in a feeling that racialism is the cause of their lacs of
opportunity and the pursuit of this concept often takes an aggresive
form, mainly directed towards a society and its institutions which,
so far as they are concerned, is the cause of their frustrated ambitions.
The police uniform itself, therefore, to them becomes a symbol of
authority in that society, which they believe is responsible for all
their grievances. It is against this smouldering back-cloth of
resentment that the police and some young immigrants appear to be, on
occasions, in a conflict situation. This has created an almost insoluble 4
paradox in that the measures required to defuse a tense situation in
some circumstances are in direct conflict with the measures traditionally
used by police in this country to contain crime and preserve order.

It will be readily seen therefore, that this problem creates a very
delicate area so far as police action is concerned. However, in the
interests of law and order in the country as a whole; race, creed or
colour should not be allowed to create special privileges, or apparent
privileges, and the law should be seen to be equally applicable to all,

although the methods of obtaining this equality of application.will need
constant re?appraisal. 



The subject of football crowd behaviour-is one which has been discussed
almost ad nauseam during recent years by the press, by laymen and by committees
which have been specially constituted to identify the causes and suggest the
solutions to the phenomena of "soccer hooliganism".

Historically, football games have been aggressive affairs, the old type
of football played in the streets was often the occasion of free for all
rights between one district and another. However, whilst the game itself

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This
are from many factors for whenever lerze crowds
the relaxed di 1 1 arly if the occasion is one of excitement then
and his relatisg 2:133:15: ti: cmwd? a? ?ma?ter u" ?(imam
irresp0nsible behaviour. the crowd, may we11 prOV1d? excu??' 

we have all seen examples of
pre and after match hooli anism
fans indulging in ?soccer mania" - that is, wandering the sEreets,?y

causing damage, disrupting traffic and baitin 

the Opposing teams. 0 or no who support

During the match "soccer mania" usually seems to be confined
mainly to verbal taunts, and attempts to distract the opposition team
is: particular the goal Keeper. This verbal distraction may be
enforced by the use of missiles from the comparatively harmless
toilet roll to the more dangerous bottles, stones, etc. Hatches such
as the last European Cup Final however, show that this level of
hooliganism cannot be relied upon.

Research tends to indicate that on balance more offences are
committed after the game than before. Fighting between rival gangs
is more prevalent outside the ground after the match when the crowds
have split into smaller groups and are therefore more vulnerable to
attack from the larger groups. Incidents of damage also tend to be
more prevalent after the match due to the elation or disappointment
of the fans giving vent to their pent up feelings.

If it is possible to categorise the hooligan he will probably
fall into two main groups:-

1. the young offender of about 1h-17 year of age -
who does not commit serious crime but gets carried
away by the sense of the occasion;

2. the more determined hooligan aged 16-20 years
who, whilst not gathering in much great numbers,
tends to commit the more serious type of offence.

ahilst it is suggested that there are two main groups I would
remind you that even a respectable middle aged supporter subjected to
the experience of seeing the team he supports robbed by what, in his
opinion, is a combination of bad luck, incompetent refereeing and
villianous opposition, he can come close to senseless violence.

Like all the other issues I have spOken of, what is the cause?
If there was one simple cause for soccer hooliganism there would be
an equally simple solution. One may generalize and suggest that the
cause is due to a social malaise, a consequence of lowering moral
standards, the "Permissive Society", family up-bringing or linked with
increased violence in other walks of life. Each suggestion has its
merits and may be linked with more particular causes such as for example,

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alcohol. However, as hooliganism of some degree has

the future will be me immemorial and there is nothing to indicate that

to the problem different, there is certainly no immediate answer

1? crowd to st the traditional development of our society permits
5 gather on the occasions of public entertainment and whilst

zzcz?i?ntim?es attract the support which it does, then it must also

it tic pa ed that 3?39 supporters will misbehave. To control the

?a 0? t?raf?e positive action by police is necessary, backed up

by the com-ta m1
mum-um inpo ing pe t1? that will deter this hoolim

SQUATTERS

Squatting is defined as "the unauthorised possession of unoccupied
property" and was first seen in London in the immediate post-war 793?.-
it did not, however, commence on a significant scale until 1963-

No firm figures concerning squatting in London are available, but it

is roughly estimated that there are at present about 1,000 prove-WA!a
occupied by some 7,000 people. Essentially, a squatter is a trespasser
which immediately confronts the police with the "grey area" of an
unbiased ?peace keeper". They can be divided into six main categories:

1. homeless families - acting on individual initiative;

2. homeless families - put in by organised groups;

3. single persons - usually young - acting either individually'
or in looselyhorganised groups;

h. communes or similar groups seeking an unconventionnl
life style;

5. anti-establishment groups seeking confrontation;

6. individuals with social problems seeking to form
protective groups.

These categories can again be roughly divided into the genuine
homeless and anti-establishment groups and this can, to a large extent,
dictate our difficulties and determine police action.

Several squatters' organisations have produced detailed guides to
squatting. They set out in simple terms the law relating to squatting,
how to enter premises without ostensibly commiting a criminal offence,
how to obtain gas, water, electricity and how to deal with the law.

In general tenms, a property owner has little alternative to taking
civil proceedings if he wishes to recover occupation of his property.
The usual method is to obtain a court Order, and from the police point of
view a high court Writ is preferable, as by virtue of the Sheriffs act 1387
if the Sheriff is resisted, police must assist his. There is no uhiguity
no area of grey and they are able to control the situation to s.luol .
greater degree. -

 


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CRIHINAL 

Une interesting side issue here is that havi effected in mos
gases their unlawful entry, the squatters immediaggly turn to the 1:1:
ortprotection of their rights to remain in the property. The act
33 quoted by them in support of their contention is the Forceable
try not of 1381. self-respecting group of well-arseni?ed

squatters will usually have a. notice fixed to the door drawing attention
to the Act. -

gonomsIons

 

well, gentlemen, to sum up very brie?y, police action in relation
to public order so far as we are concerned is based on:-

1. adequate planning)

2. adequate chain of command;
J. mobility;

h. communications;

5. sufficient manpower.

So far as manpower is concerned, I must however maxe it perfectly
clear that owing to our present appalling manpower shortage, in order
that we may deploy sufficient men to deal with major public order
situations, it is necessary that officers are diverted from their
normal policing duties all over the Metropolitan Police District and
weekly leaves are regularly cancelled. Even this is not enough on-
some occasions and our good friends in the Uity Police are from time to
time asked to help us out in this respect. we, in our turn, are only'
too happy to return the compliment whenever necessary.

One of the main considerations we must always bear in mind
however, as I stated earlier, is that in this country it is the
accepted right of anyone who feels aggrieved to demonstratetbout
his grievance and to try and influence others to support his cause.
That ancient right is a precious heritage and one that is jealously
guarded, not least by the police. The right to demonstrate however
is not the right to behave in a violent or disorderly manner, it is
not the right to commit acts of wilful damage or assault and it lost
certainly is not the right to flout the law of the land.

in?.

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