IN THE UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT FOR THE
WESTERN DISTRICT OF MISSOURI
Central Division
Reproductive Health Services of Planned
Parenthood of the St. Louis Region, Inc.,
on behalf of itself, its physicians, and its
patients, and Colleen P. McNicholas, D.O.,
M.S.C.I., F.A.C.O.G, on behalf of herself
and her patients,
Plaintiffs,
v.
Michael L. Parson, in his official capacity
as Governor of the State of Missouri, et. al.,
Defendants.

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Case No. 2:19-cv-4155-HFS

Memorandum and Order

Plaintiffs, as abortion providers with facilities in St Louis (“RHS”), and on behalf of prospective
patients, seek a preliminary injunction stopping several restrictive provisions of Missouri House Bill 126
from going into effect this Wednesday, August 28. Four sections would prohibit abortions in Missouri
after various weekly dates, all prior to fetal viability.1 Another section would prohibit abortions of all
fetuses, viable and non-viable, where the pregnant woman’s reason to abort is solely based on sex,
race, or prospective Down Syndrome of an expected infant.2
The defendant Missouri officials offer procedural challenges before dealing with the merits. Doc.
35. They challenge “third-party standing” to assert interests of patients, assert absence of a cause of
action under 42 U.S.C. § 1983, lack of Article III standing and ripeness to challenge the antidiscrimination provisions. All except the ripeness issue (relating to imminence of actual harm) may be
readily rejected, at least for preliminary injunction purposes, for reasons noted by Judge Sutton in
1
2

Mo. Rev. Stat. §§ 188.056, 188.057,188.058, and 188.375.
Mo. Rev. Stat. § 188.038.

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 Planned Parenthood of Greater Ohio v. Hodges, 917 F.3d 908 (6th Cir. en banc 2019). While the Sutton
majority opinion rejected a Planned Parenthood constitutional claim of public funding discrimination, he
wrote:
Third-party standing cases (are distinguishable). In those cases, the Supreme Court held
that abortion providers have standing to bring the due process challenges on behalf of
their patients. See, e.g., Singleton v. Wulff, 428 U.S. 106, 118 (1976) (plurality); see also
Diamond v. Charles, 476 U.S. 54, 65-66 (1986). But these decisions do not establish
that the providers themselves have due process rights. Much to the contrary. The
premise of these challenges is that the providers have no constitutional rights of their
own in this setting. Why else go through the rigamarole of granting the provider thirdparty standing to file the claim?
A provider’s standing to assert and litigate rights of anticipated future abortion patients was
assumed by all members of the Supreme Court in Ayotte v. Planned Parenthood of Northern New
England, 546 U.S. 320, 324 (2006). It was not questioned by present counsel in Comprehensive Health
of Planned Parenthood Great Plains v. Hawley, 903 F.3d 750 (8th Cir. 2018) where footnote 7 indicates
a limited challenge to standing, and the panel observed that “this is a third-party facial challenge.” That
is true here, except that the challenge to barring specified discriminatory reasons is an as-applied
challenge, limited to prospective patients who might seek abortions of non-viable fetuses. I defer the
limited ripeness issue and conclude that settled law supports this case procedurally.
On August 6, District Judge Baker in Arkansas dealt with almost identical questions and granted
the requested preliminary relief as to non-viable fetuses. Little Rock Family Planning Services v.
Rutledge, 2019 WL 3679623 (E.D. Ark.). Both the time limitations on abortions and the antidiscrimination provisions for non-viable fetuses have been uniformly rejected by federal courts,
according to the Little Rock opinion and briefing here. Granting this motion in large part is required by
law, as further explained below, there being no pertinent factual disputes.3

As stated in defendants’ disclosure summarizing the contents of their exhibits, filed in
opposition to plaintiffs’ motion (Doc. 31), their declarants support legislative findings that
might justify prohibitions on abortions before fetal viability. They deal with contentions
(now contested) as to fetal pain, harmful impacts of abortion on the women involved,
heartbeat timing, ethical considerations, worldwide restrictions earlier than viability,
3

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 I.

Prohibited Reasons for Abortion of Non-viable Fetuses
The most challenging and novel of the issues in this case is the State’s attempt to prohibit all

abortions (including those of non-viable fetuses) for special reasons that are deemed contrary to public
policy. Mo. Rev. Stat. § 188.038, effective August 28, 2019. The State would prohibit a pregnant
woman’s favoritism of males, for instance, or apparently healthy prospective infants while choosing to
abort fetuses with disfavored characteristics. For present purposes I assume that almost everyone in
our culture would be appalled by a pregnant woman’s abortion of a fetus identified as female because
the woman or the family preferred that she give birth to a boy. The legal issue is whether the public,
through legislation, has a right to intervene and prohibit such a discriminatory or “selective” abortion of
a fetus before viability. Plaintiffs do not challenge the validity of the prohibitions after viability, which
duplicated existing law. Under existing Missouri law, no viable fetuses can be aborted, unless required
by the woman’s health. Mo. Rev. Stat. § 188.030.
The Supreme Court has not dealt with the merits of this question. Earlier this year, however, it
declined to review a Seventh Circuit ruling that did prevent Indiana from restricting a discriminatory
choice by pregnant women in that State. Box v. Planned Parenthood of Indiana and Kentucky, Inc.,
139 S.Ct. 1780 (2019). The Court described the legislation as “barring the knowing provision of sex-,
race-, or disability-selective abortions by abortion providers.” Id at 1781. The denial of certiorari was
explained by the novelty of the legal issues, which “have not been considered by additional Courts of

progress in evaluating early development, etc.. While these considerations might be
considered pertinent by the Supreme Court in reevaluating abortion jurisprudence, they
do not free the lower federal courts from standards previously established by that Court.
A panel of the Eighth Circuit that advocated reconsideration by the Supreme Court of its
abortion jurisprudence nevertheless acknowledged it was compelled to reject such
reasons for changing pertinent law. MKB Management Corp. v Stenehjem, 795 F.3d
768, 773 (8th Cir. 2015). As discussed below, the current ruling turns on two questions of
law announced by a majority of the Supreme Court, as it was constituted when Justice
Kennedy retired – that is, the viability test and the categorical right of women seeking
abortions of non-viable fetuses.

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 Appeals.” Id. at 1782. The concurrence by Justice Thomas demonstrated great interest in the ultimate
question of a State’s authority, in his phrasing, to prevent “abortion from becoming a tool of modern-day
eugenics,” citing the recent State laws seeking to prevent abortions motivated by race, sex, genetic
abnormality, and Down Syndrome. Id. at 1783.4
The panel opinion in the Indiana case that was denied certiorari stated simply that “the nondiscriminatory provisions clearly violate well-established Supreme Court precedent holding that a
woman may terminate her pregnancy prior to viability, and that the State may not prohibit a woman
from exercising that right for any reason.”

Planned Parenthood of Indiana and Kentucky, Inc. v.

Commissioner of the Indiana State Dep’t of Health, 888 F.3d 300, 302 (7th Cir. 2018) (emphasis
added). Judge Manion, expressing dissatisfaction, agreed that Supreme Court precedent invalidated
the abortion motivation prohibition that Indiana sought to impose, but only “[b]ecause I have no choice
but to follow Supreme Court precedent.” Id. at 316.
The recent Arkansas decision reaches the same conclusion, for the same reason. That is the
result reached by other federal court judges who have ruled the question. In the district court case
affirmed by the Seventh Circuit, the ruling stated that under existing law, as established by the
Supreme Court, a “woman’s right to choose to terminate a pregnancy pre-viability is categorical.”
Planned Parenthood of Ind. & Ky., Inc. v. Comm’r, Indiana State Dep’t of Health, 265 F.Supp.3d 859,
866 (S.D. Ind. 2017). In Preterm-Cleveland v. Himes, 294 F.Supp.3d 746 (S.D. Ohio 2018), the Indiana
case was relied on to reach the same result. Preterm has been appealed and was argued in the Sixth

There is apparently much popular interest in this phase of the new legislation. See front
page article in the Kansas City Star of August 4, 2019, with the sub-head, “Missouri law
denies abortion for fatal (“fetal”?) disorders.” But the record here suggests that the
proposed prohibition of certain controversial abortions affects only a small number of
non-viable fetus abortions. Opening up the subject for legislation could, however,
logically reach more common reasons for early abortions, such as the prospective
illegitimacy of babies born to unmarried girls and women. Illegitimacy being a frequently
disfavored status, perhaps it may be treated as comparable to health issues or
disfavored sex or race characteristics. While there is no known legislation to protect the
prospectively illegitimate, such legislation for non-viable fetuses could be legally
evaluated similarly to the issues here. We are thus dealing with a potentially large
problem, numerically as well as intrinsically important.
4

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 Circuit in January, 2019. Little Rock Family Services, supra, at p. 36. Significant rulings on this issue
may be imminent.
Although other Supreme Court language is relied on to invalidate any prohibition of pre-viability
abortions, the “essential holding” most quoted is from the plurality opinion in Planned Parenthood of
Southeastern Pennsylvania v. Casey, 505 U.S. 833, 846 (1992), containing the rule that “[b]efore
viability, the State’s interests are not strong enough to support a prohibition of abortion or the imposition
of a substantial obstacle to the woman’s effective right to elect the procedure.” It was repeated, “a State
may not prohibit any woman from making the ultimate decision to terminate her pregnancy before
viability.” Id. at 879. Thus, cases to date have accepted the woman’s “ultimate decision” and have
rejected prohibitions of certain reasons for the decision.
Dissatisfaction has been voiced, as noted, perhaps most meaningfully by Judge Easterbrook in
dissenting from the Seventh Circuit’s close vote denying a rehearing en banc in the Indiana case.
Planned Parenthood of Indiana and Kentucky Inc. v. Commissioner of the Indiana State Dept of Health,
917 F.3d 532 (2018). He argued that “Judges often said that employers could fire workers for any or no
reason,” and thereafter “regularly created exceptions when the discharge was based on race, sex, or
disability.” Id. at 536. Of course Supreme Court justices sometimes overstate principles, and then
reword of the rules. But an appellate court that modifies a rule is appropriately the court that announced
the rule. Lower court judges do not often “correct” the language of the Supreme Court. While it can be
speculated that the Supreme Court’s language in Box implicitly invited appellate judges to review the
merits of prohibitions of discriminatory abortions, any such invitation was not addressed to district
judges.
There are no pertinent factual disputes on this aspect of the case. For present purposes I
assume, in accordance with declarations offered by the Missouri defendants, that there are adequate
public policy reasons to adopt the prohibitions against aborting fetuses because they are disfavored by
the pregnant woman on grounds of sex, race or Down Syndrome likelihood. I recognize that a Down
Syndrome abortion is a very debatable subject, but it would likely be a legislative issue rather than a

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 judicial issue if abortion jurisprudence, as established by the Supreme Court, permitted a legislative
override of any aspect of a woman’s right to abort a non-viable fetus. All judicial rulings so far preclude
such a legislative override in this context. It is clear today that plaintiffs are likely to prevail in striking
down the prohibited reasons law, insofar as it applies to non-viable fetuses.
Another legal point remains. The Missouri defendants argue that relief from a regulation of
abortion cannot be obtained unless the statute imposes an undue burden on a large fraction of women
seeking an abortion. E.g., Planned Parenthood of Arkansas & Eastern Oklahoma v. Jegley, 864 F.3d
953 (8th Cir. 2017). The courts that have dealt with such an issue in cases like the present one,
however, have limited that test to statutes that “regulate” abortion practice, not cases like this one that
impose a complete prohibition of certain classes of abortions for non-viable fetuses. Edwards v. Beck,
786 F.3d 1113 (8th Cir. 2015), ruled that the State cannot recharacterize a ban as a regulation, and thus
lighten its obligation to respect the rights of pregnant women, as represented by providers. Id. at 1117.
See also the same rationale in Isaacson v. Horne, 716 F.3d 1213, 1225 (9th Cir. 2013). In any event, at
the preliminary injunction stage, the issue is whether plaintiffs are likely to prevail. With existing law as
reviewed above, plaintiffs easily pass that test. But, as discussed below, that is not the only factor to be
considered in exercising judicial discretion to grant or withhold a preliminary injunction.

II.

Prohibition of Abortions after 20 or Fewer Weeks
House Bill 126 attempts to make a second major change in abortion law - - it limits abortions

after 8 weeks from the patient’s last menstrual period (“LMP”). If this is deemed constitutionally
forbidden, the weeks are extended to 14, then 18, and finally 20. Because viability has never occurred
that early, so it is understood,5 the effect of the legislation is to cut back the viability test, as adopted by
5

Plaintiff Reproductive Health Services of Planned Parenthood of the St Louis Region (“RHS”)
uses 21 weeks and 6 days LMP as its guideline for providing pre-viability surgical abortions.
McNicholas Decl. § 25. Doc. 3. This is consistent with the cases cited by the Eighth Circuit, where the
current records of newborn infant survival have not reached below 21 or 22 weeks. MKB Management
Corp. v. Stenehjem, 795 F.3d 768, 773 (8th Cir 2015). The Missouri authorities have not asserted that
RHS has been violating the current prohibition of abortions of viable fetuses.

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 the Supreme Court in Casey. The Little Rock ruling on August 6 prohibits enforcement during litigation
of very similar legislation in that State, although Arkansas stops at 18 rather than 20 weeks. However
formulated, the legislation on its face conflicts with the Supreme Court ruling that neither legislative nor
judicial limits on abortion can be measured by specified weeks of development of a fetus; instead,
“viability” is the sole test for a State’s authority to prohibit abortions where there is no maternal health
issue. That is the lesson of Casey, previously quoted, as widely recognized by the lower courts,
including the Eighth Circuit. See also, the concurrence of Justice O’Connor in Webster v. Reproductive
Health Services, 492 U.S. 490, 528 (1989) (where testing at 20 weeks was permissibly required),
repeating the language of Colautti v. Franklin, 439 U.S. 379, 388-89 (1979), that “‘neither the legislature
nor the courts may proclaim one of the elements entering into the assessment of viability – be it weeks
of gestation . . . or any other single factor - as the determinant of when the State has a compelling
interest in the life or health of the fetus. Viability is the crucial point.’” (emphasis added). The Missouri
General Assembly has just done what Justice O’Connor declared is impermissible.
The Supreme Court’s prohibition on a State’s selecting a specific fetal age where abortion could
be prohibited has been enforced in many cases, including the Little Rock case. A 20-week limit has
been struck down in several. Bryant v. Woodall, 363 F.Supp.3d 611 (M.D.N.Car. 2019) (appealed
6/26/2019); McCormack v. Herzog, 788 F.3d 1017 (9th Cir. 2015) (Idaho statute); Isaacson v. Horne,
716 F.3d 1213 (9th Cir. 2013) (Arizona statute); Jane L. v. Bangerter, 809 F.Supp. 865 (D. Utah. 1992)
(appealed on other issues).
It is thus highly likely that the listed weekly time limits on abortions will be ruled invalid in the
final judgment in this case.

III.

Preliminary Injunction Evaluation Issues.
In addition to evaluating likelihood of success in obtaining a permanent injunction, I must

consider the threat of irreparable harm to plaintiffs and patients if the challenged provisions of House

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 Bill 126 go into effect this week, the balance of harm to the parties if preliminary relief is granted, and
the public interest. Dataphase Sys. Inc. v. C L Sys. Inc., 640 F.2d 109, 114 (8th Cir. 1981). I need also
consider whether preservation of the status quo would be served by granting interim relief.
Enjoining new legislation pending litigation and before the effective date seems to be a method
of preserving the status quo during the pendency of the lawsuit. Association of Equipment
Manufacturers v. Burgum, 2017 WL 8791104 (D.N.Dak.). While federal courts should generally be very
cautious before delaying the effect of State laws, the sense of caution may be mitigated when the
legislation seems designed, as here, as a protest against Supreme Court decisions.
The hostility to, and refusal to comply with, the Supreme Court’s abortion jurisprudence is most
obviously demonstrated in the attempt to push “viability” protection downward in various weekly stages
to 8 weeks LMP. This is contrary to repeated, clear language of the Court. The anti-discrimination
section seeks to create novel exceptions to some plain but general language. That is a less
questionable legislative practice. It does seem so likely wrong, however, that it should not be permitted
to go into operation, unless the relief sought offers minimal demonstrable practical benefit – or, in other
words, the denial of immediate relief is not demonstrably harmful.
The greatest impact of House Bill 126 would be to prohibit abortions in Missouri after 8 weeks
LMP. This would prohibit more than two thirds of plaintiff RHS’s patients from obtaining abortions and
about half the reported abortions in Missouri. McNicholas Decl. ¶ 52. Crumbliss Decl. ¶ 14. Docs. 3 &
35. The impact of the 20-week rule seems likely to prohibit about 100 abortions performed each year.
McNicholas Decl. § 52. I classify that as a significant interference with plaintiffs’ service and the rights
of its prospective patients, so it should be considered quite adequate as harm to justify immediate relief
from the defective provisions of House Bill 126.

The least impact would result from prohibiting the sex

or race reasons for an abortion, the occurrence of which is unknown to the Chief Medical Officer of
RHS. McNicholas Decl. § 59. An abortion before viability motivated by a Down Syndrome test would
also be somewhat rare, given the window of time needed for adequate testing and consultation.

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 Bebbington Decl. §§ 9, 22-24, 43. And we do not know the frequency of those abortions in Missouri,
where the testing rate might be greater or below testing elsewhere.
There is an absence of any information from RHS that would allow me to assess whether, if final
judgment is possible in several months, the inability to schedule “Down syndrome abortions” would be
likely to interfere with the abortion rights of real-life women. I asked counsel early in the morning of
argument, “Why is there neither a disclaimer nor an estimate of ‘Down Syndrome abortions’ at RHS?”
This issue remains entirely speculative after argument, perhaps because no estimate is possible, since
Down Syndrome is rarely mentioned by patients. If so, there could be no sanctions, since the law
requires knowledge before a provider is in violation.6 Caution suggests I withhold a preliminary
injunction against the anti-discrimination section, but remain open to an adequately supported renewed
motion on this narrow issue.7
In plaintiffs’ reply brief (Doc. 47) they candidly change the emphasis to perceived harm that
compliance might cause RHS and its officials and medical personnel. They suggest criminal penalties
or loss of licenses. Prosecutions seem even more speculative or unlikely than the possible loss of an
abortion opportunity during the next several months by some pregnant woman and her family. The St.
Louis Circuit Attorney, a named defendant, does not oppose plaintiffs’ request for a preliminary
injunction. Doc. 42, noted in Doc. 47, p. 1. License controversies on this subject also seem entirely
unlikely. Both this court and the State Courts are open to RHS or any other target of a license
cancellation. Unlike many individuals who seek abortions, legal assistance seems available, and the
Plaintiffs complain that this provision will, if ultimately validated by the courts, cause
them to engage in inappropriate, intrusive discussions with women seeking abortions.
But one can imagine that if there is a legally validated prohibition, providers would
protect themselves by adding to medical paperwork a question such as “Is this
procedure being sought because of race, sex or Down syndrome?” One would guess
this would lead to the effective discontinuance of “Down syndrome abortions” at RHS.
Until there is finality on the legal issue, which currently tilts in favor of plaintiffs, one
might suppose fewer questions would be asked, since they are not required, and that the
status quo could be preserved without court order. At least this may be true for the next
several months, which would diminish the likelihood of harm from denial of a preliminary
injunction. If my supposition is mistaken, a further motion can be filed.
7
The related issue of ripeness will apparently be the subject of further briefing. Doc. 33,
p 12.
6

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 views expressed here should reduce the likelihood of harassment issues concerning the antidiscrimination section.
The public interest in this case at this time seems dominated by the analysis of which party is
likely to prevail, which overwhelmingly favors plaintiffs, and seems unlikely to change dramatically in
the next several months; that is, before final judgment can be entered.8 A preliminary injunction in favor
of plaintiffs is appropriate here, except as to § 188.038, the anti-discrimination section.

IV.

Severability and Conditions
The Missouri General Assembly has made clear that it wishes to preserve as much of House

Bill 126 as can be saved under current law. The various sections specifying prohibitions on abortions
at various weeks prior to viability cannot be allowed to go into effect on August 28, as scheduled. The
existing prohibition against abortion of viable fetuses remains in effect, and is not challenged, so a

The apparent absence of material facts that are in dispute suggests that summary
judgment may be the most expeditious way to advance this case toward an appeal.
In offering this procedural suggestion I am aware that the Missouri brief proposes
slowing the case for development and consideration of a factual record, advising that
last Monday it submitted extensive newly developed evidence. Doc. 35. Missouri has
offered material for the record (and perhaps appellate or Supreme Court consideration)
regarding the “discrimination” issues. There is also a good deal of material relating to
fetus development and other issues outlined in Doc. 31. But the two basic issues
regarding (1) restricting reasons for exercising abortion rights before viability and (2)
banning abortions at various weekly stages before viability seemingly present pure legal
questions. Both prohibitions very likely conflict with current abortion jurisprudence.
Because I was the district judge in the Hawley case, supra, and because the Missouri
defendants seek to equate the need for factual development in that case with this one, I
note that the “factual issues” here and there are unrelated. Here I express the view, with
other judges, that certain Supreme Court legal rulings are binding. In Hawley, on the
“factual issues” I was of the view that certain Supreme Court factual rulings on
“legislative facts” or “social facts” were binding, and could not be relitigated at the district
court. See Doc. 113 in Case 16-4313. For illustration, I quoted Judge Easterbrook that
“after a majority of the Supreme Court has concluded that photo ID requirements
promote confidence, a single district judge cannot say as a ‘fact’ that they do not even if
20 political scientists disagree with the Supreme Court.” Avoidance of facts here is thus
in a different context, that is, whether a legal principle established by the Supreme Court
can be rebutted by factual material offered in the lower courts.
8

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 preliminary injunction leaves Missouri with a public policy against abortions to the extent permitted by
Constitutional law.
The statutory prohibition of discriminatory or selective abortions is unqualified, thus applying to
both viable and non-viable fetuses. If it were possible to sever the language to limit the preliminary
injunction to non-viable fetuses I would do so, but that cannot be done without judicial re-writing of the
section, a practice to be avoided when possible. The desired result could be achieved, however, by
using an as applied rather than a comprehensive injunction. A full facial challenge is not appropriate
here because RHS limits its practice to non-viable fetus abortions (21 weeks, 6 days, LMP).
As is customary in cases of this nature, and consistently with Rule 65 (c), Fed. R. Civ. Proc.,
no bond will be required from plaintiffs in this case. Little Rock Family Planning Services, supra, 2019
WL 3679623, at * 90.
It is therefore ORDERED that the Missouri official defendants, their employees, agents, and
successors in office are hereby PROHIBITED, pending litigation or further order of the court, from
enforcing certain pre-viability bans on abortions, pursuant to H.B. 126; specifically, Mo. Rev. Stat. §§
188.056, 188.057, 188.158, 188.375. The motion for preliminary injunction is DENIED without prejudice
as to § 188.038.
Jurisdiction is retained to modify this order pending litigation, on motion or to make certain
corrections.
__/s/ Howard F. Sachs_____
Howard F. Sachs
United States District Judge
August 28, 2019
Kansas City, Missouri

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