The AI Now Institute at New York University’s Testimony at the European Parliament  LIBE Committee Public Hearing on “Artificial Intelligence in Criminal Law and Its Use  by the Police and Judicial Authorities in Criminal Matters,” February 20, 2020.    Thank you, Mr. Chairman and members of this committee, for the opportunity to speak  at today’s hearing. My name is Andrea Nill Sánchez, and I am the Executive Director of  the AI Now Institute at New York University in the United States. AI Now is the first  university research institute dedicated to studying the social implications of artificial  intelligence. I am also a lawyer by training who worked on immigration, labor, and  criminal justice issues for over a decade.     My testimony today will focus on the risks and harms associated with predictive  policing systems. Despite what the term may suggest, predictive policing is neither  magic nor a precise science that allows us to see into the future. Instead, predictive  policing refers to fallible systems that use algorithms to analyze available data and aim  to produce a forecasted probability of where a crime may occur, who might commit it,  or who could be a victim.     Left unchecked, the proliferation of predictive policing risks replicating and amplifying  patterns of corrupt, illegal, and unethical conduct linked to legacies of discrimination  that plague law enforcement agencies across the globe.    There are three overarching concerns that arise with the use of predictive policing.     First, the culture of secrecy that defines law enforcement and the AI industry alike  leaves the public in the dark about who is using predictive policing tools, how the  technology works, and what its effect has been.1  1 Few if any governments provide the public with sufficient notice or an opportunity to learn about these  systems and raise concerns before they are deployed. See, e.g., Patrick Williams and Eric Kind,  “Date-Driven Policing: The Hardwiring of Discriminatory Policing Practices across Europe,” the European  Network Against Racism (ENAR)​ (​ November 2019): 24,  https://www.enar-eu.org/IMG/pdf/data-driven-profiling-web-final.pdf​.“There is no central record on the  number of police forces using predictive policing tools in any country in Europe, and consequently there is  1    Second, predictive policing primarily relies on inherently subjective police data, which  reflects police practices and policies—not actual crime rates. Law enforcement  exercises enormous discretion in how it carries out its work and collects data, including  the crimes and criminals it overlooks.2 Notably, predictive policing tends to ignore  white-collar crimes that are comparatively under-investigated—despite a strong  probability that they are more common.3 Predictive policing also fails to account for the  absence of crime data; many populations, particularly undocumented immigrants in the  US, tend to underreport crime.4    little available information about the types of crimes these tools are being applied to, the companies  behind the tools, or continuous assessment of whether they are effective,” Williams and Kind write. When  the public has been aware of the use of predictive policing systems, a consequent backlash has led to  greater internal scrutiny and investigations, resulting in the systems being halted altogether. See Mark  Puente and Richard Winton, “LAPD’s Data-Driven Culture under Scrutiny amid Scandal over Fake Gang  Identifications,” ​Los Angeles Times​, January 21, 2020,  https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2020-01-21/lapd-measured-the-number-of-gang-members-itsmetro-officers-interviewed​; see also Cory Doctorow, “Chicago PD’s Predictive Policing Tool Has Been  Shut Down after 8 Years of Catastrophically Bad Results,” Boing Boing, January 25, 2020,   https://boingboing.net/2020/01/25/robo-racism.html​.  2 See Rashida Richardson, Jason Schultz, and Kate Crawford, “Dirty Data, Bad Predictions: How Civil  Rights Violations Impact Police Data, Predictive Policing Systems, and Justice,” ​New York University Law  Review​ 94 (February 13, 2019): 201,  https://www.nyulawreview.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/04/NYULawReview-94-Richardson-Schultz-Cra wford.pdf​.   3 “Dirty Data,” 218–219. Studies estimate that approximately 49 percent of businesses and 25 percent of  households have been victims of white-collar crimes, compared to a 1.06 percent prevalence rate for  violent crimes and a 7.37 percent prevalence rate for property crime. For these figures, see Rachel E.  Morgan and Grace Kena, “Criminal Victimization, 2016: Revised,” US Department of Justice, Bureau of  Justice Statistics, October 2018, h ​ ttps://www.bjs.gov/content/pub/pdf/cv16re.pdf​; Rodney Huff,  Christian Desilets, and John Kane, “2010 National Public Survey on White Collar Crime,” , National White  Collar Crime Center, 2010,  https://www.nw3c.org/docs/research/2010-national-public-survey-on-white-collar-crime.pdf​; Didier  Lavion, “Pulling Fraud Out of the Shadows: Global Economic Crime and Fraud Survey 2018,” PwC, 2018, ,  https://www.pwc.com/gx/en/forensics/global-economic-crime-and-fraud-survey-2018.pdf​; and Gerald  Cliff and April Wall-Parker, “Statistical Analysis of White-Collar  Crime,” Criminology and Criminal Justice, Oxford Research Encyclopedias (Apr. 2017),  https://doi.org/10.1093/acrefore/9780190264079.013.267​.  4 See, e.g., Cora Engelbrecht, “Fewer Immigrants Are Reporting Domestic Abuse. Police Blame Fear of  Deportation,” N ​ ew York Times​, June 3, 2018,  https://www.nytimes.com/2018/06/03/us/immigrants-houston-domestic-violence.html​; see also Lindsey  Bever, “Hispanics ‘Are Going Further into the Shadows’ amid Chilling Immigration Debate, Police Say,”  Washington Post​, May 12, 2017,  https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/post-nation/wp/2017/05/12/immigration-debate-might-be-havi ng-a-chilling-effect-on-crime-reporting-in-hispanic-communities-police-say/​; and see ACLU, “Freezing Out  Justice: How Immigration Arrests at Courthouses Are Undermining the Justice System,” 2018,  https://www.aclu.org/issues/immigrants-rights/ice-and-border-patrol-abuses/freezing-out-justice​.  2 Finally, there are currently no known methods of mitigating or correcting the biases this  data introduces into the system’s predictions, so when predictive policing systems rely  on police data tainted by illegitimate police practices, there is a high risk that the system  will perpetuate these problems.    In a recent study, my colleagues at the AI Now Institute examined 13 US police  jurisdictions that had engaged in illegal, corrupt, or biased practices and subsequently  built or acquired predictive policing systems.5 Specifically, my colleagues found that in  nine of those jurisdictions, there was a high risk that the system’s predictions reflected  the biases embedded in the data.    One of the most egregious examples was the Chicago Police Department (CPD), which  has a notorious, decades-long history of documented corrupt, biased, and abusive  conduct that has disproportionately affected Black and Latino residents.6 Starting in  2012, the CPD began using a predictive policing tool to list and rank individuals at risk of  becoming a victim or offender of a violent crime.    The fact that the list reflected the same demographic targets of unlawful and biased  police practices was no coincidence.7 Our researchers concluded that the CPD’s  discriminatory practices generated “dirty data” that the city’s predictive policing system  directly ingested, creating an unacceptably high risk that the technology was reinforcing  and amplifying deeply ingrained biases and harms. By relying on such biased policing,  predictive policing effectively put innocent people who were wrongfully stopped and  arrested on a Strategic Subject List, thereby reflecting and—when acted  upon—perpetuating the CPD’s harmful practices.    Following increased public scrutiny8 and community activism, the CPD quietly ended its  use of the predictive policing tool this past January. It turns out that the tool not only  5 “Dirty Data,” 197.  “Dirty Data,” 206–207.   7 “Dirty Data,” 209. “​The SSL data also revealed that fifty-six percent of Black men under the age of thirty  in Chicago have a risk score on the SSL, and this is the same demographic that has been  disproportionately affected by CPD’s unlawful and biased practices identified in the Department of  Justice and ACLU reports.”  8 Brianna Posadas, “How Strategic Is Chicago’s “Strategic Subjects List”? Upturn Investigates,” Medium,  June 22, 2017,  https://medium.com/equal-future/how-strategic-is-chicagos-strategic-subjects-list-upturn-investigates-9e 5b4b235a7c​.  6 3 risked calcifying discriminatory and unlawful police practices; it also failed to reduce  violence.9     Even police departments that have not been found to engage in discriminatory methods  may still unwittingly incorporate biased data into their own predictive policing systems  due to the common practice of sharing data across jurisdictions.10     The AI Now Institute’s researchers found evidence of this risk by examining the  practices of the the Maricopa County Sheriff’s Office (MCSO), located approximately  200 kilometers away from the US-Mexico border. The MCSO’s Sheriff Joe Arpaio  fashioned his department into a “freelance immigration-enforcement agency,”11 but this  was mostly a pretext to engage in discriminatory law enforcement practices under the  guise of immigration control—a pretext that is reportedly common in Europe as well.12     According to the US Department of Justice, the MCSO exhibited “a pervasive culture of  discriminatory bias against Latinos,” including illegal discriminatory stops, retaliation,  and reduction of policing services to the local Latino community,13 all culminating in a  federal court holding Sheriff Arpaio in criminal contempt for defying orders to stop  targeting Latinos.14    Although there was no evidence that the MCSO used predictive policing tools at the  time of our study, four cities within Maricopa County that shared data with the MCSO  were either actively using predictive policing or had previously participated in a pilot that  may have relied on MCSO data.15      9 Jeremy Gorner and Annie Sweeney, “For Years Chicago Police Rated the Risk of Tens of Thousands  Being Caught Up in Violence. That Controversial Effort Has Quietly Been Ended,” ​Chicago Tribune​, January  24, 2020,  https://www.chicagotribune.com/news/criminal-justice/ct-chicago-police-strategic-subject-list-ended-20 200125-spn4kjmrxrh4tmktdjckhtox4i-story.html​.  10 “Dirty Data,” 225.  11 William Finnegan, “Sheriff Joe,” N ​ ew Yorker​, July 13, 2009,  https://www.newyorker.com/magazine/2009/07/20/sheriff-joe​.  12 See “Data-Driven Policing,” 9; and see Council of Europe: Commissioner for Human Rights,  “Criminalisation of Migration in Europe: Human Rights Implications,” February 2010,  https://www.refworld.org/docid/4b6a9fef2.html​.  13 See Thomas E. Perez, Assistant Attorney General, US Department of Justice (Civil Rights Division) to  Bill Montgomery, County Attorney, Maricopa County, December 15, 2011,  https://www.justice.gov/sites/default/files/crt/legacy/2011/12/15/mcso_findletter_12-15-11.pdf.  14 Richard Pérez-Peña, “Former Arizona Sheriff Joe Arpaio Is Convicted of Criminal Contempt,” N ​ ew York  Times​, July 31, 2017,  https://www.nytimes.com/2017/07/31/us/sheriff-joe-arpaio-convicted-arizona.html​.  15 “Dirty Data,” 216. 4 Meanwhile, any predictive policing software that relies on data tainted by the targeting  of immigrant communities will deliver particularly skewed results. It obscures a  well-documented fact: multiple studies both in the US and Europe have found that  immigrants as a group are equally or even less likely to commit crimes than their  native-born counterparts.16     Life and liberty are at stake with predictive policing systems, making government  oversight and community input essential. As a first step, agencies considering using  predictive policing tools should undertake Algorithmic Impact Assessments that include  the following: (1) a self-assessment evaluating the system’s potential impacts on  fairness, justice, and bias; (2) a meaningful external review process; (3) public notice  and comment; and (4) enhanced due process mechanisms to challenge unfair, biased,  or other harmful effects.17 Law enforcement should also conduct a racial-equity impact  assessment that specifically examines how different racial and ethnic groups will be  affected, including identifying mitigating solutions.18    But impact assessments, though necessary, are just a stopgap.    Ultimately, predictive policing systems and the data they process are the offspring of an  unjust world. While the United States’ criminal justice system is a vestige of slavery and  centuries of racism against Black and Brown people, discriminatory policing is endemic  across the globe, including in Europe. Civil society groups have repeatedly raised  concerns about routine ethnic profiling in Europe,19 with certain ethnic groups  16 See Walter Ewing, Daniel E. Martínez, and Rubén G. Rumbaut, “The Criminalization of Immigration in the  United States,” American Immigration Council, July 13, 2015,  https://www.americanimmigrationcouncil.org/research/criminalization-immigration-united-states​; Anna  Flagg, “Is There a Connection between Undocumented Immigrants and Crime?” Marshall Project, May 13,  2019,  https://www.themarshallproject.org/2019/05/13/is-there-a-connection-between-undocumented-immigra nts-and-crime​; and Brian Bell, Francesco Fasani, and Stephen Machin, “Crime and Immigration: Evidence  from Large Immigrant Waves,” MIT Press Journals, September 30, 2013,  https://doi.org/10.1162/REST_a_00337​.   17 Dillon Reisman et al., “Algorithmic Impact Assessments: A Practical Framework for Public Agency  Accountability,” AI Now Institute, April 2018, h ​ ttps://ainowinstitute.org/aiareport2018.pdf​.  18 Rashida Richardson, ed., “Confronting Black Boxes: A Shadow Report of the New York City Automated  Decision System Task Force,” AI Now Institute (December 4, 2019) 42,  https://ainowinstitute.org/ads-shadowreport-2019.pdf​.  19 “Ethnic Profiling in the European Union: Pervasive, Ineffective, and Discriminatory,” Open Society  Justice Initiative, 2009,  https://www.justiceinitiative.org/uploads/8cef0d30-2833-40fd-b80b-9efb17c6de41/profiling_20090526.p df​.  5 consistently reporting experiences of overpolicing, according to the European Network  Against Racism.20     While predictive policing tools can exacerbate structural bias and discrimination, only  humans can dismantle the systems of oppression that technology reflects and  empower the communities that have borne the unfair burden of being wrongfully  suspected, stopped, arrested, and feared. Predictive policing systems will never be safe  or just until the criminal justice system they’re built on is reformed.     Thank you.   20 “Data-Driven Policing,” ​https://www.enar-eu.org/IMG/pdf/data-driven-profiling-web-final.pdf​.  6