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UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT
FOR THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA
v.
Crim. No. 17-232 (EGS)

MICHAEL T. FLYNN,
Defendant

GOVERNMENT’S MOTION TO DISMISS THE CRIMINAL INFORMATION
AGAINST THE DEFENDANT MICHAEL T. FLYNN
The United States of America hereby moves to dismiss with prejudice the criminal
information filed against Michael T. Flynn pursuant to Federal Rule of Criminal Procedure
48(a). The Government has determined, pursuant to the Principles of Federal Prosecution and
based on an extensive review and careful consideration of the circumstances, that continued
prosecution of this case would not serve the interests of justice.
Mr. Flynn entered a guilty plea—which he has since sought to withdraw—to a single
count of making false statements in a January 24, 2017 interview with investigators of the
Federal Bureau of Investigation (“FBI”). See ECF Nos. 3-4. This crime, however, requires a
statement to be not simply false, but “materially” false with respect to a matter under
investigation. 18 U.S.C. § 1001(a)(2). Materiality is an essential element of the offense.
Materiality, moreover, requires more than mere “relevance” or relatedness to the matter being
investigated; it requires “probative weight,” whereby the statement is “reasonably likely to
influence the tribunal in making a determination required to be made.” United States v.
Weinstock, 231 F.2d 699, 701 (D.C. Cir. 1956) (emphasis added).

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After a considered review of all the facts and circumstances of this case, including newly
discovered and disclosed information appended to the defendant’s supplemental pleadings, ECF
Nos. 181, 188-190,1 the Government has concluded that the interview of Mr. Flynn was
untethered to, and unjustified by, the FBI’s counterintelligence investigation into Mr. Flynn—a
no longer justifiably predicated investigation that the FBI had, in the Bureau’s own words,
prepared to close because it had yielded an “absence of any derogatory information.” Ex. 1 at 4,
FBI FD-1057 “Closing Communication” Jan. 4, 2017 (emphases added). The Government is not
persuaded that the January 24, 2017 interview was conducted with a legitimate investigative
basis and therefore does not believe Mr. Flynn’s statements were material even if untrue.
Moreover, we not believe that the Government can prove either the relevant false statements or
their materiality beyond a reasonable doubt.
“A determination to prosecute represents a policy judgment that the fundamental
interests of society require the application of federal criminal law to a particular set of
circumstances. . . .” Justice Manual § 9-27.001. In the Government’s assessment—mindful of
the high burden to prove every element of an offense beyond a reasonable doubt, and that
“government prosecutors have a duty to do justice,” United States v. Darui, 614 F. Supp. 2d 25,
37 (D.D.C. 2009)—continued prosecution of the charged crime does not serve a substantial
federal interest. The Government respectfully moves to dismiss the criminal information with
prejudice against Mr. Flynn.

                                                            
1

This review not only included newly discovered and disclosed information, but also recently
declassified information as well.
2
 

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FACTUAL BACKGROUND
The FBI opened a counterintelligence investigation into Mr. Flynn on August 16, 2016,
“as part of the larger Crossfire Hurricane umbrella” investigation into the presidential campaign
of Donald J. Trump and its possible coordination with Russian officials to interfere with the 2016
presidential election. Ex. 1 at 3; Ex. 2 at 1-2, FBI FD-1057, “Opening of the CROSSFIRE
RAZOR Investigation,” Aug. 16, 2016. Code-named “Crossfire Razor,” the investigation’s
stated “goal” was to determine whether Mr. Flynn “was directed and controlled by and/or
coordinated activities with the Russian Federation in a manner which is a threat to the national
security and/or possibly a violation of the Foreign Agents Registration Act, 18 U.S.C. § 951 et
seq., or other related statutes.” Ex. 1 at 2; Ex. 2 at 2.
In addition to the predication for opening Crossfire Hurricane, which did not specifically
identify Mr. Flynn, the FBI predicated the counterintelligence investigation of him on “an
articulable factual basis” that consisted of three facts: Mr. Flynn’s service as a foreign policy
advisor to the Trump campaign, his publicly documented connection to state-affiliated Russian
entities, and the fact that he had traveled to Russia in December 2015. Ex. 1 at 3-4; Ex. 2 at 1-2.
After approximately four months of investigation, however, the FBI “determined that [Mr.
Flynn] was no longer a viable candidate as part of the larger Crossfire Hurricane umbrella case”
and prepared to close the investigation. Ex. 1 at 3. At some point prior to January 4, 2017, the
FBI drafted a “Closing Communication” to effect the termination of the case. See Ex. 1; Ex. 3 at
2, FBI FD-302, Interview of Mary McCord, July 17, 2017 (Date of Entry: Aug. 10, 2017). This
document noted the specific “goal” and predication for the investigation. Ex. 1 at 2. It laid out
the numerous searches of holdings and investigative steps that had at each step yielded “no
derogatory information” on Mr. Flynn. Ex. 1 at 2-3 (emphasis added); see also id. at 5 (noting

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“the absence of any derogatory information or lead information”). It stated that the investigation
had failed to produce “any information on which to predicate further investigative efforts.” Id. at
3 (emphases added). And it noted that no interview of Mr. Flynn was required “as part of the
case closing procedure,” before concluding: “The FBI is closing this investigation.” The
document also stated: “If new information is identified or reported to the FBI regarding the
activities of CROSSFIRE RAZOR, the FBI will consider reopening the investigation if
warranted.” Id. at 4. The document had not been approved, however, as of January 4, 2017. See
Ex. 7 at 1-2, FBI Electronic Communications and Lync Messages (1/4/17; 1/23/17; 1/24/17;
2/10/17).
Before the intended case closing took effect, the FBI learned of communications between
Mr. Flynn and Russian ambassador Sergey Kislyak that had taken place in late December 2016
and which touched on matters of foreign policy. See Ex. 3 at 2; Ex. 5 at 3-5, FBI
Counterintelligence Investigations: Permanent Select Comm. on Intelligence, Statement of FBI
Director James Comey, Mar. 2, 2017; Ex. 6 at 3-5, FBI FD-302, Interview of Michael Flynn,
Jan. 24, 2017 (Date of Entry: Feb. 10, 2017). By this time, Mr. Flynn had already been named
by President-Elect Trump as his incoming National Security Advisor. See Ex. 3 at 3; Bryan
Bender, Trump Names Mike Flynn National Security Adviser, Politico (Nov. 17, 2016), available
at https://www.politico.com/story/2016/11/michael-flynn-national-security-adviser-231591.
The FBI had in their possession transcripts of the relevant calls. See Ex. 5 at 3; Ex. 13 at
3, FBI FD-302, Interview of Peter Strzok, July 19, 2017 (Date of Entry: Aug. 22, 2017).
Believing that the counterintelligence investigation of Mr. Flynn was to be closed, FBI
leadership (“the 7th Floor”) determined to continue its investigation of Mr. Flynn on the basis of
these calls, and considered opening a new criminal investigation based solely on a potential

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violation of the Logan Act, 18 U.S.C. § 953. See Ex. 3 at 2-3; Ex. 7 at 1-2; Ex. 8 at 1-5, FBI Emails RE: Logan Act Jan. 4, 2017. Yet discussions with the Department of Justice resulted in the
general view that the Logan Act would be difficult to prosecute. Ex. 3 at 2-3; Ex. 4 at 1-2, FBI
FD-302, Interview of Sally Yates, Aug. 15, 2017 (Sept. 7, 2017); Ex. 5 at 9. The FBI never
opened an independent FBI criminal investigation.
On January 4, 2017, FBI Deputy Assistant Director Peter Strzok learned that “RAZOR’s
closure” had not been timely executed, and the counterintelligence investigation into Mr. Flynn
was, unexpectedly, still formally open. Ex. 7 at 1-2. Mr. Strzok immediately relayed the
“serendipitously good” news to Lisa Page, the Special Counsel to FBI Deputy Director Andrew
McCabe, remarking that “our utter incompetence actually helps us.” Id. at 1. Ms. Page reacted
with surprise and relief. Id. Mr. Strzok, moreover, instructed agents to “keep it open for now” at
the behest of “the 7th Floor.” Id. Mr. Strzok indicated that there was a “[n]eed to decide what to
do with him.” Id. Other internal FBI messages from that afternoon reflect apparently related
conversations about a potential “interview.” See id. at 2 (“i heard pete say, ‘Andy and [redacted]
will interview.…”). As of January 4, 2017, then, the FBI kept open its counterintelligence
investigation into Mr. Flynn based solely on his calls with Kislyak—the only new information to
arise since the FBI’s determination to close the case. See Ex. 3 at 2; Ex. 5 at 5.
On January 12, 2017, the Washington Post reported the December 29 communications
between Mr. Flynn and the Russian ambassador. See David Ignatius, Why Did Obama Dawdle
on Russia’s Hacking, Wash. Post, Jan. 12, 2017. The next day, January 13, Sean Spicer, the
spokesperson for the Trump transition, clarified that the communications had involved only
logistics, which seemed to contradict the nature of the calls. Ex. 4 at 2. On January 15, Vice

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President-Elect Mike Pence stated in a news interview that Mr. Flynn had suggested that his
conversation with Kislyak did not relate to sanctions. Ex. 3 at 4; Ex. 4 at 2-3; Ex. 5 at 4-5.
Around this time, FBI Director James Comey advised DOJ leadership of its investigation
into Mr. Flynn, and senior officials at both the FBI and DOJ had concerns that the incumbent
White House officials’ descriptions of Mr. Flynn’s calls with Kislyak were not accurate. Ex. 3 at
4; Ex. 4 at 2-3; Ex. 5 at 4-5. FBI Director Comey took the position that the FBI would not notify
the incoming Trump administration of the Flynn-Kislyak communications. Ex. 3 at 4-5; Ex. 4 at
4. Deputy Attorney General Sally Yates and other senior DOJ officials took the contrary view
and believed that the incoming administration should be notified. Ex. 3 at 4-5; Ex. 4 at 4.
Deputy Attorney General Yates and another senior DOJ official became “frustrated” when
Director Comey’s justifications for withholding the information from the Trump administration
repeatedly “morphed,” vacillating from the potential compromise of a “counterintelligence”
investigation to the protection of a purported “criminal” investigation. Ex. 3 at 5; compare Ex. 5
at 5 (“[W]e had an open counterintelligence investigation on Mr. Flynn”), with Ex. 4 at 4
(“Comey had said something to the effect of there being an ‘ongoing criminal investigation’”).
The Deputy Attorney General, Director of National Intelligence, and Director of the Central
Intelligence Agency all agreed that the FBI should notify the incoming Trump administration of
what had actually been said on the calls. Ex. 3 at 5. FBI Director Comey continued to refuse to
brief the White House in a subsequent conversation with CIA Director John Brennan. Id.; Ex. 5
at 5-6. On January 23, 2017, then Acting Attorney General Yates met with senior DOJ officials,
and they again discussed the need to press the FBI to notify the White House. Ex. 3 at 5; Ex. 4 at
4.

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Matters came to a head on January 24, 2017. That morning, Yates contacted Director
Comey to demand that the FBI notify the White House of the communications. Ex. 3 at 5; Ex. 4
at 4. Director Comey did not initially return her call. Ex. 4 at 4. When Director Comey called
her back later that day, he advised her that the FBI agents were already on their way to the White
House to interview Mr. Flynn. Ex. 3 at 5; Ex. 4 at 4. Acting Attorney General Yates was
“flabbergasted” and “dumbfounded,” and other senior DOJ officials “hit the roof” upon hearing
of this development, given that “an interview of Flynn should have been coordinated with DOJ.”
Ex. 3 at 6; Ex. 4 at 5.
In fact, in the preceding days, senior officials at the FBI had been engaged in discussions
about how to approach Mr. Flynn and whom to notify. See Ex. 9, FBI E-mails, Jan. 21-24, 2017.
On January 21, 2017, Mr. Strzok proposed to Bill Priestap, the FBI’s counterintelligence chief,
that Mr. Flynn should be given a “defensive briefing” about an investigation under the Crossfire
Hurricane umbrella or alternatively an “interview under light ‘defensive briefing’ pretext.” See
Ex. 9 at 1. Mr. Strzok also noted that DOJ might “direct[] us” to inform “VPOTUS or anyone
else,” speculating that this could lead to the “WH specifically direct[ing] us not to” speak with
Mr. Flynn. Id. On January 22, 2017, a FBI attorney emailed Mr. Strzok and Ms. Page that “if
we usually tell the WH, then I think we should do what we normally do,” though the official also
noted that they could be “told not to [] debrief or interview Razor.” Id. at 2.
In advance of the interview, Director Comey determined that they would go interview
Mr. Flynn the following day without notifying either DOJ or the White House. Ex. 3 at 5-6; Ex.
4 at 4-5; Ex. 5 at 6. In a December 2018 interview with MSNBC and NBC News analyst Nicolle
Wallace, he stated this course of action was “something we, I probably wouldn’t have done or
gotten away with in a [] more organized administration.” See Interview by Nicolle Wallace with

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James Comey, Dec. 10, 2018, 14:31-14:55; https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=9xqGu66D6VU.
Messages between Mr. Strzok and Ms. Page on January 23, 2017, indicated that “Bill” had
conducted “several conversations with Andy [McCabe]” because “he wanted to know why we
had to go aggressively doing these things, openly.” Ex. 7 at 2.
On the morning of January 24, 2017, follow-up messages between Mr. Strzok and Ms.
Page indicated that “Bill … brought [it] up – again, this time in front of D[irector Comey]” and
that Deputy Director McCabe was “frustrated” and “cut him off.” Ex. 7 at 3.2 In any event, that
morning, Deputy Director McCabe called Mr. Flynn to arrange the interview. See Ex. 11,
Deputy Director Andrew McCabe, Untitled Memorandum, January 24, 2017. He explained that
recent media statements about his contacts with Kislyak merited a “sit down” and expressed the
FBI’s desire to accomplish the interview “quickly, quietly and discretely as possible.” Id.
Deputy Director McCabe further advised that if Mr. Flynn wished to have anyone else at the
meeting, including the White House Counsel, the FBI would have to elevate the issue to DOJ.
Id. Mr. Flynn, himself a former Director of the Defense Intelligence Agency, stated that he
readily expected that the FBI already knew the contents of his conversations with the
ambassador, stating: “you listen to everything they say.” Id. Mr. Flynn then agreed to meet with
the interviewing agents in his office less than two hours later. Id.
Mr. Flynn was “unguarded” in the interview and “clearly” viewed the agents as “allies.”
Ex. 13 at 3. When interviewing Mr. Flynn, Mr. Strzok and the other agent “didn’t show him the

                                                            
2

Priestap’s notes dated January 24 state, “What’s our goal? Truth/Admission or to get him to
lie, so we can prosecute him or get him fired?” On the same paper, Priestap wrote, “If we’re
seen as playing games, WH will be furious. Protect our institution by not playing games.” Ex.
10, FBI Handwritten Note, Jan. 23/24, 2017. Another note stated, “We regularly show subjects
evidence, with the goal of getting them to admit their wrongdoing. I don’t see how getting
someone to admit their wrongdoing is going easy on him.” See id.
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transcripts” of his calls. Ex. 5 at 7; see also Ex. 3 at 6; Ex. 4 at 5; Ex. 6. Nor did the agents give,
at any point, warnings that making false statements would be a crime. Ex. 3 at 6; Ex. 4 at 5; Ex.
9 at 5-6; see also Ex. 6. According to the FBI agents’ recollections, when asked if Mr. Flynn
recalled any conversation in which he encouraged Kislyak not to “escalate the situation” in its
response to American sanctions, Mr. Flynn responded uncertainly, stating, “Not really. I don’t
remember. It wasn’t, ‘Don’t do anything.’” Ex. 6 at 5. Mr. Flynn also stated that although it
was possible, he did not recall any conversation in which the ambassador stated that Russia
would moderate its response due to Mr. Flynn’s request. Id. He stated that he did not have a
long conversation with Mr. Kislyak to “don’t do something.” Id.
Meanwhile, when asked if he recalled asking countries to take certain actions on the
United Nations vote on Israeli settlements, Mr. Flynn explained that the conversations were
“along the lines of where do you stand and what’s your position” and that “he did not believe his
calls to the various countries would change anything.” Id. at 4. He also stated that his calls did
not involve any requests for how to vote, and answered “no” when asked if he discussed
delaying or defeating the vote. See id. at 4. The FD-302, moreover, indicates that Mr. Flynn
denied that Kislyak described any Russian request to his response. Id.; see Ex. 12, FBI
Handwritten Notes of Michael Flynn Interview (January 24, 2017).
After the interview, the FBI agents expressed uncertainty as to whether Mr. Flynn had
lied. See Ex. 4 at 5. FBI agents reported to their leadership that Mr. Flynn exhibited a “very sure
demeanor” and “did not give any indicators of deception.” Ex. 13 at 3. Both of the agents “had
the impression at the time that Flynn was not lying or did not think he was lying.” Id. When
Director Comey was asked, based on his evaluation of the case: “Do you believe that Mr. Flynn

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lied?” Director Comey responded: “I don’t know. I think there is an argument to be made he
lied. It is a close one.” Ex. 5 at 9.
On November 30, 2017, the Special Counsel’s Office filed a criminal information against
Mr. Flynn charging him with a single count of making false statements in violation of 18 U.S.C.
§ 1001(a)(2). ECF No. 1. Mr. Flynn pleaded guilty to that offense, see ECF Nos. 3-4, but
moved to withdraw that guilty plea on January 14, 2020, ECF Nos. 151, 154, 160. On January
29, 2020, Mr. Flynn also filed a “Motion to Dismiss Case for Egregious Government Misconduct
and in the Interest of Justice,” ECF No. 162, and supplemented that motion on April 24 and 30,
2020 based on additional disclosures, see ECF Nos. 181, 188-190. Both Mr. Flynn’s motion to
withdraw his guilty plea and motion to dismiss the case remain pending before the Court.3
LEGAL BACKGROUND
Federal Rule of Criminal Procedure 48(a) permits the Government, “with leave of court,”
to “dismiss an indictment, information or complaint.” Fed. R. Crim. P. 48(a). It is also “well
established that the Government may move to dismiss even after a complaint has turned into a
conviction because of a guilty plea.” United States v. Hector, 577 F.3d 1099, 1101 (9th Cir.
2009) (collecting cases); see also Rinaldi v. United States, 434 U.S. 22, 31 (finding an abuse of
discretion to refuse to grant post-conviction Rule 48(a) motion).
When the Government so moves, the role for courts addressing Rule 48(a) motions is
“narrow” and circumscribed. United States v. Fokker Servs., B.V., 818 F.3d 733, 742 (D.C. Cir.
2016). The “leave of court” provision serves “primarily to guard against the prospect that
dismissal is part of a scheme of ‘prosecutorial harassment’ of the defendant” through repeated
                                                            
3

On May 7, 2020, defense counsel confirmed with the prosecution team that upon the
Government filing this motion to dismiss, the defense would move to withdraw all pending
defense motions without prejudice.
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prosecutions—a prospect not implicated by, as here, a motion to dismiss with prejudice. Id. at
742 (citing Rinaldi, 434 U.S. at 29 n.15); see also In re United States, 345 F.3d 450, 453 (7th
Cir. 2003) (no such concerns where “[t]he government wants to dismiss the civil rights count
with prejudice, and that is what [the defendant] wants as well”).
The discretion accorded the DOJ under Rule 48(a) recognizes that “decisions to dismiss
pending charges … lie squarely within the ken of prosecutorial discretion” and “‘at the core of
the Executive’s duty to see to the faithful execution of the laws.’” Fokker Servs., 818 F.3d at 741
(citation omitted); see also United States v. Nixon, 418 U.S. 683, 693 (1974) (“[T]he Executive
Branch has exclusive authority and absolute discretion to decide whether to prosecute a
case.”). As the Supreme Court has explained, the factors relevant to carrying forward with a
prosecution, including “the strength of the case, the prosecution’s general deterrence value, the
Government’s enforcement priorities, and the case’s relationship to the Government’s overall
enforcement plan,” are “particularly ill-suited to judicial review.” Wayte v. United States, 470
U.S. 598, 607 (1985).
For those reasons, a court should not deny the Government’s motion to dismiss “based on
a disagreement with the prosecution’s exercise of charging authority,” such as “a view that the
defendant should stand trial” or “that more serious charges should be brought.” Fokker Servs.,
818 F.3d at 742-43. Nor should a court second-guess the Government’s “conclusion that
additional prosecution or punishment would not serve the public interest.” Id. at 743; see also In
re United States, 345 F.3d at 453 (“We are unaware … of any appellate decision that actually
upholds a denial of a motion to dismiss a charge” on grounds that dismissal would not serve the
“public interest.”).

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DISCUSSION
Based on an extensive review of this investigation, including newly discovered and
disclosed information attached to the defendant’s supplemental pleadings, see ECF Nos. 181,
188-190, the Government has concluded that continued prosecution of Mr. Flynn would not
serve the interests of justice.
Under the Principles of Federal Prosecution, the Government should not prosecute a
defendant “unless the attorney for the government believes that the admissible evidence is
sufficient to obtain and sustain a guilty verdict by an unbiased trier of fact.” Justice Manual 927.220. “A determination to prosecute represents a policy judgment that the fundamental
interests of society require the application of federal criminal law to a particular set of
circumstances. . . .” Justice Manual 9-27.001. The particular circumstances of this case militate
in favor of terminating the proceedings: Mr. Flynn pleaded guilty to making false statements
that were not “material” to any investigation. Because the Government does not have a
substantial federal interest in penalizing a defendant for a crime that it is not satisfied occurred
and that it does not believe it can prove beyond a reasonable doubt, the Government now moves
to dismiss the criminal information under Rule 48(a).
Proof of a false statement to federal investigators under Section 1001(a)(2) requires more
than a lie. It also requires demonstrating that such a statement was “material” to the underlying
investigation. See United States v. Gaudin, 515 U.S. 506, 509 (1995); United States v. Kim, 808
F. Supp. 2d 44, 59 (D.D.C. 2011). Section 1001 prohibits “knowingly and willfully ... mak[ing]
any materially false, fictitious, or fraudulent statement or representation” in a “matter within the
jurisdiction of the executive … branch of the Government of the United States.” 18 U.S.C. §
1001(a)(2) (emphasis added). As is well-established, materiality does not equate to mere

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“relevance”; rather, “[t]o be ‘material’ means to have probative weight”—that is, to be
“reasonably likely to influence the tribunal in making a determination required to be made.”
Weinstock, 231 F.2d at 701 (emphasis added).
The materiality threshold thus ensures that misstatements to investigators are
criminalized only when linked to the particular “subject of [their] investigation.” Kim, 808 F.
Supp. 2d at 59; cf. Kungys v. United States, 485 U.S. 759, 774 (1988) (false date and birthplace
statements in immigration application were not “material” as they were not “relevant to his
qualifications [for citizenship]”). And it prevents law enforcement from fishing for falsehoods
merely to manufacture jurisdiction over any statement—true or false—uttered by a private
citizen or public official.
In the case of Mr. Flynn, the evidence shows his statements were not “material” to any
viable counterintelligence investigation—or any investigation for that matter—initiated by the
FBI. Indeed, the FBI itself had recognized that it lacked sufficient basis to sustain its initial
counterintelligence investigation by seeking to close that very investigation without even an
interview of Mr. Flynn. See Ex. 1 at 4. Having repeatedly found “no derogatory information”
on Mr. Flynn, id. at 2, the FBI’s draft “Closing Communication” made clear that the FBI had
found no basis to “predicate further investigative efforts” into whether Mr. Flynn was being
directed and controlled by a foreign power (Russia) in a manner that threatened U.S. national
security or violated FARA or its related statutes, id. at 3.
With its counterintelligence investigation no longer justifiably predicated, the
communications between Mr. Flynn and Mr. Kislyak—the FBI’s sole basis for resurrecting the
investigation on January 4, 2017—did not warrant either continuing that existing
counterintelligence investigation or opening a new criminal investigation. The calls were

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entirely appropriate on their face. Mr. Flynn has never disputed that the calls were made.
Indeed, Mr. Flynn, as the former Director of Defense Intelligence Agency, would have readily
expected that the FBI had known of the calls—and told FBI Deputy Director McCabe as much.
See Ex. 11. Mr. Flynn, as the incumbent National Security Advisor and senior member of the
transition team, was reaching out to the Russian ambassador in that capacity. In the words of
one senior DOJ official: “It seemed logical . . . that there may be some communications between
an incoming administration and their foreign partners.” Ex. 3 at 3. Such calls are not uncommon
when incumbent public officials preparing for their oncoming duties seek to begin and build
relationships with soon-to-be counterparts.
Nor was anything said on the calls themselves to indicate an inappropriate relationship
between Mr. Flynn and a foreign power. Indeed, Mr. Flynn’s request that Russia avoid
“escalating” tensions in response to U.S. sanctions in an effort to mollify geopolitical tensions
was consistent with him advocating for, not against, the interests of the United States. At
bottom, the arms-length communications gave no indication that Mr. Flynn was being “directed
and controlled by … the Russian federation,” much less in a manner that “threat[ened] …
national security.” Ex. 1 at 2, Ex. 2 at 2. They provided no factual basis for positing that Mr.
Flynn had violated FARA. Nor did the calls remotely transform Mr. Flynn into a “viable
candidate as part of the larger … umbrella case” into Russian interference in the 2016
presidential election. Ex. 1 at 3.
In any event, there was no question at the FBI as to the content of the calls; the FBI had
in its possession word-for-word transcripts of the actual communications between Mr. Flynn and
Mr. Kislyak. See Ex. 5 at 3; Ex. 13. at 3. With no dispute as to what was in fact said, there was
no factual basis for the predication of a new counterintelligence investigation. Nor was there a

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justification or need to interview Mr. Flynn as to his own personal recollections of what had been
said. Whatever gaps in his memory Mr. Flynn might or might not reveal upon an interview
regurgitating the content of those calls would not have implicated legitimate counterintelligence
interests or somehow exposed Mr. Flynn as beholden to Russia.
Notably, at this time FBI did not open a criminal investigation based on Mr. Flynn’s calls
with Mr. Kislyak predicated on the Logan Act. See Ex. 7 at 1-2.4 See Ex. 3 at 2-3; Ex. 4 at 1-2;
Ex. 5 at 9. The FBI never attempted to open a new investigation of Mr. Flynn on these grounds.
Mr. Flynn’s communications with the Russian ambassador implicated no crime. This is apparent
from the FBI’s rush to revive its old investigation rather than open and justify a new one, see Ex.
7 at 1-2, as well as its ongoing inability to espouse a consistent justification for its probe in
conversations with DOJ leadership, See Ex. 3 at 5. In fact, Deputy Attorney General Yates
thought that the FBI leadership “morphed” between describing the investigation into Mr. Flynn
as a “counterintelligence” or a “criminal” investigation. Id.
In short, Mr. Flynn’s calls with the Russian ambassador—the only new information to
arise since the FBI’s decision to close out his investigation—did not constitute an articulable
factual basis to open any counterintelligence investigation or criminal investigation. Mr. Strzok

                                                            
4

Congress first enacted the Logan Act in 1799 to “guard by law against the interference of
individuals with the negotiation of our Executive with the Governments of foreign countries.”
Joseph Gales & William Seaton, Annals of the Congress of the United States, 2494 (1851)
(quoting 5th Congress, 3d Session); see also Waldron v. British Petro. Co., 231 F. Supp. 72, 89
n.30 (S.D.N.Y. 1964). The Department of Justice does not appear ever to have brought a
prosecution under the statute in the Department’s 150-year history, and the Government is aware
of only two indictments, in 1803 and 1852, neither of which resulted in a conviction. In the
absence of any history of enforcement or any public guidance concerning the scope of its
prohibition, the Department does not believe there was a legitimate basis to investigate and
prosecute the designated National Security Advisor of the President-Elect under the Logan Act
for communicating with a foreign ambassador and seeking to mollify geopolitical tensions in
advance of the inauguration of the next President.
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and Ms. Page apparently celebrated the “serendipitous[]” and “amazing” fact of the FBI’s delay
in formally closing out the original counterintelligence investigation. Ex. 7 at 1. Having the
ability to bootstrap the calls with Mr. Kislyak onto the existing authorization obviated the need
for the “7th Floor” of the FBI to predicate further investigative efforts. In doing so, the FBI
sidestepped a modest but critical protection that constrains the investigative reach of law
enforcement: the predication threshold for investigating American citizens.
Nor did anything about the statements by Vice President Pence or Sean Spicer in midJanuary—weeks after the FBI had resolved to resurrect its dormant investigation into Mr.
Flynn—provide a separate or distinct basis for an investigation. Had the FBI been deeply
concerned about the disparities between what they knew had been said on the calls and the
representations of Vice President Pence or Mr. Spicer, it would have sought to speak with them
directly, but did not. Whether or not Mr. Flynn had been entirely candid with the future Vice
President or Press Secretary did not create a predicate for believing he had committed a crime or
was beholden to a foreign power.
The frail and shifting justifications for its ongoing probe of Mr. Flynn, as well as the
irregular procedure that preceded his interview, suggests that the FBI was eager to interview Mr.
Flynn irrespective of any underlying investigation. As is undisputed, the agents breached the
common practice of arranging for the interview through the White House Counsel. See Ex. 3 at
5-6; Ex. 4 at 5; Ex. 5 at 6. Deputy Director McCabe effectively discouraged Mr. Flynn from
procuring counsel or even notifying the White House Counsel. See Ex. 11. The interviewing
agents failed to issue the common Section 1001 admonitions about lying to investigators. See
Ex. 3 at 6; Ex. 4 at 5; Ex. 9 at 5-6; see also Ex. 6. Nor did the FBI even notify Acting Attorney
General Yates that the interview was happening until the interviewing agents were already en

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route to Mr. Flynn. See Ex. 3 at 5-6; Ex. 4 at 4-5; Ex. 5 at 6. This gambit by the FBI left Yates
“flabbergasted” and “dumbfounded.” See Ex. 3 at 6.
Additionally, prior to the interview, there were internal FBI discussions about whether to
show Mr. Flynn the transcripts of his calls with Mr. Kislyak.5 In light of the fact that the FBI
already had these transcripts in its possessions, Mr. Flynn’s answers would have shed no light on
whether and what he communicated with Mr. Kislyak.—and those issues were immaterial to the
no longer justifiably predicated counterintelligence investigation. Similarly, whether Mr. Flynn
did or “did not recall” (ECF No. 1) communications already known by the FBI was assuredly not
material.
Under these circumstances, the Government cannot explain, much less prove to a jury
beyond a reasonable doubt, how false statements are “material” to an investigation that—as
explained above—seems to have been undertaken only to elicit those very false statements and
thereby criminalize Mr. Flynn. Although it does not matter that the FBI knew the truth and
therefore was not deceived by Mr. Flynn’s statements, see United States v. Safavian, 649 F.3d
688, 691-92 (D.C. Cir. 2011), a false statement must still “be capable of influencing an agency
function or decision,” United States v. Moore, 612 F.3d 698, 702 (D.C. Cir. 2010) (citations and
quotation mark omitted). Even if he told the truth, Mr. Flynn’s statements could not have
conceivably “influenced” an investigation that had neither a legitimate counterintelligence nor
criminal purpose. See United States v. Mancuso, 485 F.2d 275, 281 (2d Cir. 1973) (“Neither the
answer he in fact gave nor the truth he allegedly concealed could have impeded or furthered the
investigation.”); cf. United States v. Hansen, 772 F.2d 940, 949 (D.C. Cir. 1985) (noting that a

                                                            
5

 Priestap’s talking points, prepared in advance of a January 24 morning meeting with McCabe

reflect this internal debate.
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lie can be material absent an existing investigation so long as it might “influenc[e] the possibility
that an investigation might commence.”). Accordingly, a review of the facts and circumstances
of this case, including newly discovered and disclosed information, indicates that Mr. Flynn’s
statements were never “material” to any FBI investigation.6
And even if they could be material, the Government does not believe it could prove that
Mr. Flynn knowingly and willfully made a false statement beyond a reasonable doubt.7 Based
on the facts of this case, the Government is not persuaded that it could show that Mr. Flynn
committed a false statement under its burden of proof. The FBI agents “had the impression that
Flynn was not lying or did not think he was lying.” Ex. 13 at 4. And the statements in question
were not by their nature easily falsifiable. In his interview, Mr. Flynn offered either equivocal
(“I don’t know”) or indirect responses, or claimed to not remember the matter in question. See
United States v. Ring, 811 F. Supp. 2d 359, 384 (D.D.C. 2011) (holding that “faulty memory” is
not enough to establish “willful” lie absent proof the defendant indeed remembered the matter in

                                                            
6

The statements by Mr. Flynn also were not material to the umbrella investigation of Crossfire
Hurricane, which focused on the Trump campaign and its possible coordination with Russian
officials to interfere with the 2016 presidential election back prior to November 2016. See Ex. 1
at 3; Ex. 2 at 1-2. Mr. Flynn had never been identified by that investigation and had been
deemed “no longer” a viable candidate for it. Most importantly, his interview had nothing to do
with this subject matter and nothing in FBI materials suggest any relationship between the
interview and the umbrella investigation. Rather, throughout the period before the interview, the
FBI consistently justified the interview of Flynn based on its no longer justifiably predicated
counterintelligence investigation of him alone.
7

The Government appreciates that the Court previously deemed Mr. Flynn’s statements
sufficiently “material” to the investigation. United States v. Flynn, 411 F. Supp. 3d 15, 41-42
(D.D.C. 2019). It did so, however, based on the Government’s prior understanding of the nature
of the investigation, before new disclosures crystallized the lack of a legitimate investigative
basis for the interview of Mr. Flynn, and in the context of a decision on multiple defense Brady
motions independent of the Government’s assessment of its burden of proof beyond a reasonable
doubt.
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question). Combining the vague substance of the answers, the FBI’s own preliminary estimation
of Mr. Flynn’s truthfulness, the inconsistent FBI records as to the actual questions and statements
made, and Director Comey’s own sentiment that the case was a “close one,” Ex. 5 at 9, the
evidentiary problems that have emerged create reasonable doubt as to whether Mr. Flynn
knowingly and willingly lied to investigators during the interview.
Mr. Flynn previously pleaded guilty to making false statements. See Def’s Plea
Agreement, ECF Nos. 3-4. In the Government’s assessment, however, he did so without full
awareness of the circumstances of the newly discovered, disclosed, or declassified information as
to the FBI’s investigation of him. Mr. Flynn stipulated to the essential element of materiality
without cause to dispute it insofar as it concerned not his course of conduct but rather that of the
agency investigating him, and insofar as it has been further illuminated by new information in
discovery.
“The advocacy function of a prosecutor includes seeking exoneration and confessing
error to correct an erroneous conviction.” Warney v. Monroe Cty.., 587 F.3d 113, 125 (2d Cir.
2009). So in the final analysis, irrespective of Mr. Flynn’s plea, “prosecutors have a duty to do
justice.” Darui, 614 F. Supp. 2d at 37; see also Marshall v. Jerrico, Inc., 446 U.S. 238, 249
(1980) (“Prosecutors are also public officials; they too must serve the public interest.”) (citation
omitted). Federal prosecutors possess “immense power to strike at citizens, not with mere
individual strength, but with all the force of government itself.” Robert H. Jackson, The Federal
Prosecutor, 24 Judicature 18, 18 (1940) (address delivered at the Second Annual Conference of
United States Attorneys, April 1, 1940). For that reason, “the citizen’s safety lies in the
prosecutor who … seeks truth and not victims, who serves the law and not factional purposes,
and who approaches [the] task with humility.” Id. Based on a careful assessment of the balance

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of proof, the equities, and the federal interest served by continued prosecution of false statements
that were not “material” to any bona fide investigation, the Government has concluded that the
evidence is insufficient to prove its case beyond a reasonable doubt. The Government therefore
moves to dismiss the criminal information under Rule 48(a).
CONCLUSION
The Government respectfully moves under Rule 48(a) to dismiss the criminal information
against Mr. Flynn.

Respectfully submitted,
TIMOTHY SHEA
BY:_____Timothy Shea_________
United States Attorney
D.C. Bar No. 472845

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