Each set of questions in this section is based on a single passage. Please answer each question relying on what is stated or implied in the corresponding passage. If more than one option provides a partial answer to the question, choose the option that most accurately and comprehensively answers the question. On January 27, 2020 the National Democratic Front of Bodoland ("NDFB") and All Bodo Students' Union signed a peace accord (the "2020 Accord") with the Union Home Ministry and Assam Government. The Bodo area in Assam (the "Bodo Area") has been renamed as the Bodoland Territorial Region ("BTR") and its assembly seats increased from 40 to 60. How is this accord any different from the earlier agreements? This is the third accord signed between the Bodos and the government. The First Accord was signed on February 23, 1993, with 21 clauses. That was supervised by the then Minister of State for Home, late Rajesh Pilot. It created the Bodoland Autonomous Council ("BAC"). Although the accord gave sufficient autonomy on paper, it failed. The Second Accord was signed on February 10, 2003, during the Vajpayee government which created Bodoland Territorial Council ("BTC"). It had 16 clauses and the main Bodo negotiating group was Bodo Liberation Tigers ("BLT"). In the 2020 Accord, the main group is NDFB. [1] Observers said that the Second Accord resulted in widespread jubilation. Unfortunately, the fault lines in Bodoland are too deep and cannot be cured by mere public speeches. [1] The first clash between "Bodos" and "Ahoms" was in 1490 AD which was won by the former. But they were defeated in 1536. By 1747, Bodos were pushed to a small area in Southern Nowgong. The British rule brought them more problems. Sandwiched between the British planters, Ahom merchants and Bengali (mainly Muslims) settlers, the Bodos moved to the North where they faced Nepali migrants. Foundations of Bodo-Ahom enmity on one hand and with Muslims on the other were laid because of these developments. This was accentuated by the British land revenue policy making them landless. Sanjoy Hazarika, one of the foremost North East experts, had said in 2014 that creation of BAC or BTC did not solve the Bodos' problem, because of the innate contradiction that while the Bodo Area has a majority (73%) of non-Bodos such as Muslims, Assamese, Bengali Hindus and tribal groups such as the Adivasis and Koch-Rajbongshis, the accords before the 2020 Accord gave the levers of political power, including representation in the local council or assembly, access to funds, and the force of weapons to the Bodos. To solve this, a very tricky provision was introduced in the 2020 Accord on the appointment of a commission to include the Bodo majority areas in the BTR and to exclude non-Bodo majority areas from it. From past experience, carving out boundaries in this volatile region and displacement of residents have only resulted in violence with terrorist groups emerging out of the 220 ethnic groups in the region. [Extracted, with edits and revisions, from "Is It Too Early To Celebrate The New Bodo Accord?", Vappala Balachandran, Outlook, available at: https://www.outlookindia.com/website/story/opinion-should-we-already-celebrate-the-new-bodo-acco rd-bjp-modi-assam/347329] Q1 Assume the government passes a new law (the "New Law") after the 2020 Accord, which states that "No non-Bodo person may reside or carry out any trade or business in the BTR after the date of the 2020 Accord". The New Law also says that this rule would not apply to non-Bodo persons who have been residing in the BTR since before the date of the 2020 Accord. Susheel decides to take a holiday in the BTR, and books a five-day-tour organised by a tour agency called the 'BTR Tours and Travels' which is owned and operated by Shameem, a non-Bodo person who has been residing in the BTR and operating the tour agency there since February 2002. Susheel finishes the five-day-tour and immediately returns to his home in Delhi. Have either Susheel or Shameem violated the New Law? Ops: A. Susheel was only visiting the BTR for a short time as a tourist, and has not violated the New Law, but Shameem being a non-Bodo person has violated the New Law by carrying out a business there. B. Neither has Susheel nor has Shameem violated the New Law, since Susheel was only visiting the BTR as a tourist, and Shameem has been living and carrying out his business in the BTR since 2002. C. Neither has Susheel nor has Shameem violated the New Law, since Susheel had booked the tour through an agency based in the BTR, and Shameem has been living and carrying out his business in the BTR since 2002. D. Susheel has violated the New Law, since it does not matter that he only resided there for five days, but Shameem has not violated the New Law since he has been living in the BTR since 2002. E. Leave this question unanswered. Q2 Which among the following, if true, would most weaken Sanjoy Hazarika's arguments as set out in the passage above? Ops: A. The non-Bodos in the Bodo Area desire political power commensurate to their population size, and have frequently raised difficulties for the Bodos in this regard. B. The non-Bodos in the Bodo Area do not desire any kind of political power, and have never raised any difficulties for the Bodos in this regard. C. The non-Bodos in the Bodo Area desire complete political power, and have occasionally raised difficulties for the Bodos in this regard. D. The non-Bodos in the Bodo Area have been trying to ensure that a system of proportional representation is in place. E. Leave this question unanswered. Q3 Assume that there are 7 non-Bodo groups in an area called the new Bodo lands ("New Bodo Lands") and that 3 of these (the "First Three Non-Bodo Groups") have the same population in the New Bodo Lands as each other, while each of the remaining 4 (the "Other Four Non-Bodo Groups") has a population two-thirds of all 3 of the First Three Non-Bodo Groups put together. Assuming the number of Bodos in the new Bodo lands is 8 lakhs at the end of 2017, then what is the total population of the First Three Non-Bodo Groups and the total population of the Other Four Non-Bodo Groups? Ops: A. Less than 5 and less than 15 B. Less than 6 but greater than 5 and greater than 15 but less than 16 C. Between 7 and 8 and more than 16 D. Greater than 6 but less than 7 and less than 17 but greater than 16 E. Leave this question unanswered. Q4 Of the 220 ethnic groups mentioned in the passage, assume that the number of terrorists recruited from the first group is 5, the second group is 11, the third is 17, the fourth is 23 and so on until the last group at the end of 2017. What would be the number of terrorists from the 100th ethnic group at the end of 2019, assuming that each year although 8% were captured by the authorities, 10% more were recruited. Assume that the 'recruitment rate' is the number of persons recruited in any year as a percentage of the total number of terrorists, and 'capture rate' is the number of persons dying in any year as a percentage of the total number of terrorists. Ops: A. More than 625 and less than 655 B. Less than 600 C. More than 600 and less than 625 D. More than 655 E. Leave this question unanswered. Q5 Over which of the following subjects does the BTC have legislative powers? Ops: A. Education B. Irrigation C. Both, (a) and (b). D. Neither (a) nor (b). E. Leave this question unanswered. Q6 Assume the government passes a new law (the "Weapons Law") after the signing of the 2020 Accord, which says "No non-Bodo person may carry any weapons on their person in a public place within the BTR, provided that this law does not abrogate any individual's right to self-defence", and that later, the government passes another law called the "Second Weapons Law", which says that "regardless of anything in any other law, non-Bodos may carry weapons on their person in a public place within the BTR if they are on-duty members of the Armed Forces." A football tournament between two groups is organised as a part of public festivities in the BTR, during which a dispute broke out between players from two teams. Realising that a fight had broken out, one of the players, a non-Bodo soldier who was on holiday that day, quickly ran into his locker room away from the football pitch and got his service baton, which he then used to injure players from the other team badly. Which of the following is accurate about whether the solider has violated the law as described in this question? Ops: A. The soldier violated the law because he was a non-Bodo who was carrying a weapon in a public place and was acting in his capacity as a football player rather than as a solider. B. The soldier did not violate the law because he was a non-Bodo soldier who was required to exercise his authority when the fight broke out. C. The soldier did not violate the law because although he was not allowed to carry a weapon as a non-Bodo soldier not on-duty, he had the right to self-defence when the fight broke out. D. The solider violated the law because he was a non-Bodo soldier not on-duty who was not exercising his right to self-defence. E. Leave this question unanswered. Q7 Based on the information and statements in the passage above, which of the following is most accurate? Ops: A. The Bodo's differences with the Ahoms and the Muslims were somewhat reduced when the British land revenue policy made them landless. B. The Bodo's differences with the Ahoms and the Muslims were eliminated when the British land revenue policy made them landless. C. The Bodo's differences with the Ahoms and the Muslims arose when the British land revenue policy made them landless. D. The Bodo's differences with the Ahoms and the Muslims were worsened when the British land revenue policy made them landless. E. Leave this question unanswered. Q8 Which among the following is most similar to the author's description of how "carving out boundaries in this volatile region and displacement of residents" has resulted in violence? Ops: A. The division of tax revenues between the Centre and states. B. The allocation of river water between different states. C. The Partition of India and Pakistan. D. The distribution of subsidies to those below a specified income level. E. Leave this question unanswered. Q9 The sentence enclosed within '[1]' in the passage above may have a grammatical error. Which of the following would be required to remove the error, if any? Ops: A. Insert 'had' before 'resulted'. B. Insert 'has' before 'resulted'. C. Add 'public' before 'jubilation'. D. None of the above. E. Leave this question unanswered. Q 10 In which of the following places can the Greater One-Horned rhinoceros still be found? Ops: A. Kaziranga National Park, India B. Chitwan National Park, Nepal C. Hingol National Park, Pakistan D. None of the above. E. Leave this question unanswered. Each set of questions in this section is based on a single passage. Please answer each question relying on what is stated or implied in the corresponding passage. If more than one option provides a partial answer to the question, choose the option that most accurately and comprehensively answers the question. Reports of migrants returning to cities suggest that economic activity may return to normal in India sooner than initially feared. Among the reasons for labourers returning to work is that most poor households have low savings. Upon returning to their villages, these savings were exhausted in a few days. The skilled work or businesses that these workers have been engaged in for many years in cities give them much higher incomes than what is available in villages. In addition, fear of loss of jobs, especially for those who have worked in a particular establishment for many years, will prompt some to return. While not all migrants may return, those returning is a significant number. The upside of this is that the economy can return to normal much sooner than feared. Employers may be able to get workers back and resume businesses. With the opening up of the economy, employers have not only faced cash constraints and lack of demand, they have also reported labour shortages. This issue will be addressed as migrants return. Both economic and emotional factors had prompted labourers to return home to villages where their families live. But in the immediate future, the factors that originally pushed people to move from their villages to cities still remain. While the government's economic revival package had a pro-rural tilt and an attempt to decongest cities, the difference between incomes earned in urban and rural India remains high. The average rural income, according to government estimates, is about Rs 41,000 per annum, compared to Rs 98,500 per annum in urban India. This is a long-standing problem, sometimes called the 'Bharat-India divide'. One of the striking facts about India's development model has been the uneven development of rural and urban India. While the industrial sector was liberalised in 1991, agriculture was not. Successive governments seemed to have treated the green revolution as an adequate "reform" in agriculture. However, agriculture was shackled by a pro-cereal policy inspired by India's need for self-reliance in agriculture. Today, at Rs 3.5 lakh crore, cereals contribute a fourth of the total value of crops produced in India. Yet, government policies continued to focus on cereal agriculture. The need for markets, storage and infrastructure for non-cereals was thus critical to unlocking India's growth potential in agriculture. The new ordinances announced as part of the economic package will pave the way for reforming Indian agriculture. These reforms will help increase farmer incomes as well as make food cheaper for the Indian consumer. While the government's reforms are critical and very welcome, they will take time to impact farmer incomes. In the immediate future, support has been given to rural areas in the form of more spending on MGNREGS, Kisan Samman direct benefit transfers, higher MSPs etc. But income differentials remain. [Extracted, with edits and revisions, from "Why migrant workers are starting to return to cities & how this can revive economy faster", By Ila Patnaik, The Print, available at: https://theprint.in/ilanomics/why-migrant-workers-are-starting-to-return-to-cities-how-this-can-reviveeconomy-faster/435923/] Q 11 Assume the average rural income ("ARI") and average urban income ("AUI") figures provided in the passage above are as of the end of 2019. If the ARI and the AUI each increase by 10% each year, then what was the difference between the ARI and AUI at the end of 2017 as a percentage of the difference between the ARI and the AUI at the end of 2019? Ops: A. Between 75% and 80% B. Less than 75% C. More than 85% D. More than 80% but less than 85% E. Leave this question unanswered. Q 12 Which of the following, if true, would most weaken the author's arguments in the passage above? Ops: A. The difference in average income across any two areas is a reliable indicator of the difference in degree of development between those areas. B. The average rural income has increased steadily over the years. C. sector. Liberalisation measures implemented in the last century did not address the agriculture D. The difference in average income across any two areas is an unreliable indicator of the difference in degree of development between those areas. E. Leave this question unanswered. Q 13 Which among the following books about rural poverty has been written by an Indian Magsaysay award winner? Ops: A. India Untouched: The Forgotten Face of Rural Poverty B. Everybody Loves A Good Drought C. Poor Economics: A Radical Rethinking of the Way to Fight Global Poverty D. Poverty and Income Distribution in India E. Leave this question unanswered. Q 14 Assume the government passes a law called the Returning Migrants Act, 2020 (the "RMA") which says "no employer may terminate the services of any worker who has returned to their workplace within six months of leaving the city where such workplace is situated. This rule applies in relation to workers who may have left the city of their workplace after March 2020. This rule shall not apply to employers who have initiated or are intending to take measures to shut down their business." Prerna runs a business in Delhi and is heavily reliant on migrant workers. However, all her workers left Delhi in April 2020 and Prerna's business suffered large losses as a result. She also had to borrow money from banks and make several other efforts to keep her business running. Even though the workers returned to Delhi in August 2020, Prerna decided to terminate their services. Has she violated the RMA by doing so? Ops: A. intending to. Yes, since Prerna had not taken steps to shut her business down, nor was she B. No, the large losses and loans that Prerna took show that she was preparing to shut her business down, and so, it was permissible for her to terminate her workers' services. C. No, since the workers had not returned to Delhi within six months of leaving. D. No, Prerna's business relied heavily on migrant workers, and since all her workers left Delhi, it was impossible for her to continue her business. E. Leave this question unanswered. Q 15 Which of the following can be inferred from the author's statements in the passage above? Ops: A. The reasons migrant workers had to leave for cities have not outweighed their reasons for returning from cities. B. Migrant workers had no valid reasons for returning home, and that is why they are returning to cities. C. The reasons migrant workers had to leave for cities are beginning to outweigh their reasons for returning from cities. D. None of the above. E. Leave this question unanswered. Q 16 Who among the persons listed below was a prominent trade union activist and also held the post of Defence Minister of India? Ops: A. Indira Gandhi B. Dutta Samant C. Dattopant Thengadi D. George Fernandes E. Leave this question unanswered. Q 17 Which of the following conclusions can be drawn from the author's statements in the passage above? Ops: A. The economic package announced by the government will go a long way towards addressing the fact that prior policies emphasised cereal crops over types of crops, which will help increase farmer incomes. B. India's developmental policies have not addressed the needs of people in rural areas adequately, thereby compelling them to leave for cities in the hope finding higher pay. C. Both, (a) and (b). D. Neither (a) nor (b). E. Leave this question unanswered. Q 18 Assume a law called The Farmer Support Act, 2020 (the "FSA") says that the government must offer farmers at least 10% more than the open market price for cereal crops, if farmers offer the crops to the government for sale first. Mahesh is a farmer who grows mostly potatoes and barley. When he had just harvested a fresh crop of barley, Mahesh received a call from Sunil, who offered Mahesh 20% more than the open market price for the crops he had just harvested. Mahesh had recently heard some distressing news about Sunil's financial status and so did not trust Sunil. Accordingly, he refused to sell him the crops. Three days later, Mahesh went to the government market and offered to sell the crops to the government. The government officer offers Mahesh only 5% more than the open market price for the crops. Which of the following best answers whether the officer has violated the FSA by doing so? Ops: A. The officer had not violated the FSA, since Mahesh actively thought about Sunil's offer first and refused to sell only because of Sunil's financial status, and so, he did not offer to sell to the Government first. B. The officer had violated the FSA, since Mahesh had offered the crops to the government for sale first, and because the officer offered Mahesh a lower price than specified under the FSA. C. The officer had not violated the FSA, since Mahesh grows potatoes in addition to barley, which is not a cereal crop. D. The officer had not violated the FSA, since Mahesh should have gone to the government market as soon as he had harvested the crop, rather than waiting for three days, which raised the chances of others offering to buy the crops from him. E. Leave this question unanswered. Q 19 Assume only five types of crops are produced in India - cereals, vegetables, cash crops, flowers, and fruits. The value that each crop type contributes to the overall value of crops produced in India is based on the value of such crop types at the point they reach the market. Because of factors such as rotting in storage and pests, there is a reduction of 15% from the Initial Value ("IV") of each crop type before such crops reach the market. There are no further reductions of value after the crop types reach the market. If vegetables contribute thrice as much to the value of the crops produced in India as any of other three non-cereal crop types and if each of the other three non-cereal crop types contributes the same value, then what is the IV of fruits produced in India? Assume that the ratio of the total value and IV of cereals to all crops types is the same. Ops: A. 1.3 B. 3.7 C. 2.0 D. 9.2 E. Leave this question unanswered. Q 20 Which of the following, if true, would most strongly support the author's arguments in the passage above? Ops: A. The adoption of technology by Indian businesses has resulted in India becoming a software powerhouse in the world. B. The adoption of automation by Indian businesses has not substantially reduced their reliance on human workers. C. Both, (a) and (b). D. Neither (a) nor (b). E. Leave this question unanswered. Each set of questions in this section is based on a single passage. Please answer each question relying on what is stated or implied in the corresponding passage. If more than one option provides a partial answer to the question, choose the option that most accurately and comprehensively answers the question. After years in the making, a draft of the Model Tenancy Act ("Act"), was released in July. Among other things, the Act aims to promote rental housing and 'balance the interests' of landowners and tenants. Finance Minister Nirmala Sitharaman stated in her Budget 2019 speech that the rental laws in India are archaic and do not address "the relationship between the Lessor and the Lessee realistically and fairly". The Act, however, has a limited understanding of this dynamic as it fails to take into account that a majority of tenancies in India are informal — there is not even a written agreement, let alone a registered one. The model Act could therefore have one of two consequences: either a majority of the rental agreements will continue to be unregistered thus nullifying the legislative intent of the Act, or the Act might formalise existing arrangements and lead to gentrification and, consequently, an increase in rents, which is the opposite of what it sought to achieve. So, how can the Act be made more effective? First, counter-intuitive as it may sound, the Act needs to focus on the upper end of the housing market in order to make a difference in the lower end of the market. It is known that vacancy — i.e., housing kept vacant for various reasons — is higher in the upper segments of the housing market. For instance, across urban India, vacancy rates in urban areas is 10% while in slums it is 5%. We see several empty apartment projects in our cities, but rarely an unoccupied slum or low-income colony. [1] Thus, an effective implementation of the Act in the upper segments of the housing market will allow some of these vacant houses to enter the rental market and serving to relieve the massive amount of pressure and demand on the lower segments. [1] Second, even in letter the Act needs to differentiate between commercial tenancies that attract a lot more institutional investment and residential tenancies that are largely held between individuals and households. The two markets are very different from each other The two cannot be dealt with in a similar manner as it would be under this Act. A last but critical move will be to increase the supply of formal affordable rental housing. This requires investment on the part of the Central and State governments. Additionally, prior experience has shown that publicly provided rental housing will need structured efforts in management, planning and design in order to achieve its inclusive agenda. Thus there is a case for the Central and State governments to develop schemes for private sector initiatives in the supply of formal affordable rental housing. [Extracted, with edits and revisions, from "Housing Crisis, untouched", by Swastik Harish and Eklavya Vasudev, The Hindu https://www.thehindu.com/opinion/op-ed/housing-crisis-untouched/article29559309.ece] Q 21 Assume the Act prescribes that 'all tenants shall have the right to formalise any lease agreement if the rent paid per year exceeds Rs. 2,00,000, provided that no agreement shall be formalised if there is a pre-existing litigation between the two parties on the subject-matter of the agreement sought to be formalised'. Kalpana has been renting a flat from Hari for the last 2 years, paying a bi-monthly rent of Rs. 50,000. Hari had informed Kalpana that the flat was the subject-matter of litigation between him and the local municipal corporation and so, if he loses the case, Kalpana may be evicted. Kalpana had no option but to agree. Hari now wants to formalise the lease agreement to make his case against the municipal corporation stronger, but Kalpana does not want to formalise the lease agreement because that would drive up the rental price. Is Kalpana required to formalise the lease agreement? Ops: A. Yes, the Act requires that all tenants paying a rent above Rs. 2,00,000 must formalise the lease agreement and as such, Kalpana must do so even if the rental price increases as a consequence. B. No, since the flat in question is the subject-matter of a pre-existing litigation, Kalpana need not formalise the agreement. C. No, since the purpose of the formalisation is to make Hari's case against the municipal corporation stronger rather than to improve the tenant's position, Kalpana need not formalise the agreement. D. No, Hari does not have the right to ask for the formalisation of the lease agreement. E. Leave this question unanswered. Q 22 Which of the following statements would weaken one or more of the arguments of the authors in the passage above? Ops: A. Substantial evidence from studies in various countries indicates that formalisation of lease agreements does not necessarily result in an increased proportion of richer tenants in any particular area. B. insulated. The market for the upper segments of housing and affordable housing are highly C. Private sector initiative in the affordable housing space is hampered by government regulation and bureaucracy. D. All of the above. E. Leave this question unanswered. Q 23 In the sentence marked with '[1]', which of the following changes, if any, would remove grammatical errors? Ops: A. Replace 'segments' with 'segment' B. Replace 'an' with 'the'. C. Replace 'serving' with 'serve'. D. None of the above. E. Leave this question unanswered. Q 24 Which of the following provisions in the Act would the authors be most likely to support? Ops: A. A provision which prescribes that there shall be no fine or penalty for non-formalisation of lease agreements. B. A provision which provides that commercial tenancies will be taxed at a higher rate than residential tenancies. C. A provision which prescribes that tax on all unrented, but occupiable, premises will be 10% higher than on rented premises. D. A provision which prescribes that there shall be subsidies for tenants in upper segments of the housing market, especially apartment complexes in urban areas. E. Leave this question unanswered. Q 25 When the authors claim that commercial and residential tenancies need to be differentiated "even in letter", what precisely do they mean? Ops: A. They mean that the Act needs to be passed in Parliament, rather than remain in its current draft form to ensure that commercial and residential tenancies are properly differentiated. B. They mean that there should be specific provisions in the Act in relation to commercial and residential tenancies. C. They mean that while there are statistical differences between commercial and residential tenancies, numbers are not enough. D. They mean that the Government ought to communicate to residential and commercial tenants and landlords through official letters so as to achieve its policy objective. E. Leave this question unanswered. Q 26 Which of the following famous architects is known for designing a low-cost affordable housing community in central India? Ops: A. Le Corbusier B. Charles Correa C. Balkrishna Doshi D. Laurie Baker E. Leave this question unanswered. Q 27 Assuming the percentage of vacancies as laid out in the passage remains the same each year but rentals increase in the proportion of 5% for urban areas and 12% for slum areas each year, and that in 2020 a total of 10 lakh urban premises and 5 lakh slum premises are capable of being rented, the availability of which increases at the same rate as rentals. How many premises will actually be rented in 2021? (Assume percentage of vacancies is a percentage of the total available premises). Ops: A. Between 10.25 and 10.5 lakh in urban areas and 5.25 and 5.5 lakh in slum areas. B. Between 10 and 10.25 lakh in urban areas and 5 and 5.25 lakh in slum areas. C. Between 9.25 and 9.5 lakh in urban areas and 5.25 and 5.5 lakh in slum areas. D. Between 9.5 and 10.0 lakh in urban areas and 5 and 5.25 lakh in slum areas E. Leave this question unanswered. Q 28 Assume the Act provides that 'the government shall provide an affordable housing unit to all individuals in need of such housing as soon as practicable, provided that all members of a nuclear family shall only be eligible for a single housing unit.' Devrath and Sameera are twins aged 40 years, who each want to apply for an affordable housing unit. Devrath is married with two children, whilst Sameera is unmarried. Devrath is a businessman with a large income and also a rising star in the world of politics. He wants to live in an affordable housing unit so as to understand the problems of the common man. Sameera has faced economic obstacles in the past few years and is currently facing the possibility of eviction from her current home because she cannot make rent payments. Are Devrath and Sameera entitled to affordable housing under the Act? Ops: A. Yes, but since Devrath and Sameera are siblings and therefore, part of a single family, they can only apply for a single housing unit. B. No, since Devrath can afford a house on his own income, he is not eligible under the Act. Sameera, being Devrath's sister, should rely on her family for housing rather than make an application under the Act. C. No, Devrath is not entitled, as affordable housing is for those who need housing due to economic concerns. Yes, Sameera is entitled to receive affordable housing under the Act before she is evicted from her current premises. D. No, Devrath is not entitled, as affordable housing is for those who need housing due to economic concerns. Yes, Sameera is entitled to receive affordable housing under the Act. E. Leave this question unanswered. Q 29 What is the current status of the right to property under the Indian Constitution? Ops: A. B. It is a fundamental right. It is a constitutional and legal right. C. It is an inalienable right. D. It is a commercial right. E. Leave this question unanswered. Q 30 Assume that at the start of 2020, the total value of informal urban rentals is roughly 25% of that of the value of formal urban rentals. Further assume that 40% of such informal contracts are renegotiated every year. Assume that the rate of renegotiation of formal contracts is 1.5 the rate of renegotiation of informal contracts. Each renegotiation typically results in a 10% increase in rent. In 2020, what is the approximate overall increase in rental value for urban rentals? Ops: A. 1-2% B. 5-6% C. 8-9% D. 10-12% E. Leave this question unanswered. Each set of questions in this section is based on a single passage. Please answer each question relying on what is stated or implied in the corresponding passage. If more than one option provides a partial answer to the question, choose the option that most accurately and comprehensively answers the question. The number of state assembly sittings in India in recent times is abysmally low. While some states are doing relatively better, such as Kerala, which met for 151 days (across five sessions) in 2017, states such as Gujarat, Karnataka, Uttar Pradesh and Delhi met for only 33, 40, 17 and 21, respectively in 2017. A quick comparison with Lok Sabha meetings held in a year creates the illusion of the Centre being the only legislative body that matters. However, this does not hold true in light of the Seventh Schedule of the Indian Constitution, which lists 66 subjects under the State List, where only the state assemblies can exercise their legislative power, along with deliberating and passing of the state Budget. Then how are the state assemblies getting away with this tardiness? The answer lies in Article 174(1) of the Constitution: "The governor shall from time to time summon the house or each house of the legislature of the state to meet at such time and place as he thinks fit, but six months shall not intervene between its last sitting in one session and the date appointed for its first sitting in the next session." This mandate of the Constitution seems to have been misused by many states, which legally allows them to meet for as few as two sessions in a year. What is more misused is what the Constitution does not mention: the minimum number of days that state assemblies must meet for in a year. Hence, we have witnessed many assembly sessions lasting for only one to two days. What also allows the state assemblies so much leeway is the fact that legislative debates in the state assemblies are difficult to access, unlike at the Centre. This results in lesser engagement of citizens with general policy-making at the state level. With such opacity, a citizen can't hold government departments, ministers or MLAs accountable for their work and promises made on the floor of the assembly. While some states such as Karnataka, Delhi and Rajasthan host the texts of legislative debates on their assembly websites, many such as Gujarat and West Bengal don't. In response to a query under the Right to Information Act, 2005 ("RTI Act") filed on January 4, 2018, the public information officer of the Gujarat Legislature Secretariat responded saying: "There are no plans in near future of uploading debates of the Gujarat Legislative Assembly proceedings on website". Often, one has to make several visits to a legislative assembly library to seek information on debates and questions in the assembly. Such information should ideally be found in the public domain, as mandated by Section 4(1)(b) of the RTI Act on proactive public disclosure of government documents. [Extracted, with edits and revisions, from "Data Tells Us India's State Assemblies Are Simply Not Working", by Nidhi Tambi, The Wire, available at: https://thewire.in/government/whats-not-right-with-our-state-assemblies] Q 31 Assume that for the state assemblies of Kerala, Gujarat, Karnataka, Uttar Pradesh, and Delhi, actual legislative work was only carried out on 35% of the days on which the assemblies sat in 2017. What is the average number of days on which actual legislative work was carried out in all these assemblies in 2017? Also, if we assume that the average number of days on which actual legislative work was carried out in the assemblies in the rest of the states was 46.34 and in all states collectively was 41.34, what is the total number of states? Ops: A. Between 19 days 6 hours and 20 days 7 hours, 28 states B. Between 19 days 6 hours and 20 days 7 hours, 29 states C. More than 18 days 5 hours but not more than 18 days 10 hours, 28 states D. More than 18 days 5 hours but not more than 18 days 10 hours, 29 states E. Leave this question unanswered. Q 32 Based on the author's statements in the passage above, which of the following is the author most likely to agree with? Ops: A. State assemblies have been able to get away with sitting for very few days in a year by focusing only on what is explicitly stated in the Constitution. B. State assemblies have gone beyond the requirements of the Constitution. C. The Lok Sabha is the only legislative body of any importance in the country. D. assemblies. The Constitution might as well not provide any legislative power of importance to state E. Leave this question unanswered. Q 33 Based on the information and arguments set out in the passage above, which among the following measures to increase the number of state assembly sittings is the author most likely to agree with? Ops: A. The Constitution should be amended, and a requirement should be added to it that requires state assemblies to host the texts of legislative debates on their websites. B. Members of state assemblies should ignore the provisions of the Constitution, and should determine for themselves how many days in each year the assembly should meet. C. Members of state assemblies should be encouraged to determine for themselves how many days in a year the assembly should sit. D. The Constitution should be amended, and a requirement for the minimum number of days that state assemblies must sit in a year should be added in it. E. Leave this question unanswered. Q 34 Aravind, a resident of Karnataka, files a case against the speaker of the state assembly, claiming that the state assembly has violated S. 4(1)(b) of the RTI Act, because the speaker had refused Aravind's request to distribute printed copies of the text of the Karnataka state assembly's legislative debates to each household in the state after every session. Is Aravind's claim right? Ops: A. Yes, since the Karnataka state assembly would be failing in its duty to proactively disclose government documents if it does not distribute the printed copies. B. available. No, since the Karnataka state assembly has made its legislative assembly debates easily C. No, since the RTI Act is a central legislation, and does not apply to state assemblies. D. Yes, since each household in the state has the right to see the text of the assembly's legislative debates. E. Leave this question unanswered. Q 35 Which among the following individuals and organizations was instrumental in the passage of the Right to Information Act, 2005? Ops: A. Anna Hazare, India Against Corruption B. Aruna Roy, Mazdoor Kisan Shakti Sangathan C. Arvind Kejriwal, Aam Aadmi Party D. Anjali Gopalan, Naz Foundation E. Leave this question unanswered. Q 36 Assume that the state assembly of Madhya Pradesh met for 16 days in its session from 15 January 2020 to 3 February 2020, and that on 3 March 2020 the Governor of Madhya Pradesh summoned the state assembly for a special session to be conducted between 2 April 2020 and 5 May 2020. The Governor says this special session is necessary to discuss and determine the state's response to the COVID-19 pandemic, and given the circumstances, the session should be conducted at the Governor's official residence rather than in the state legislature building. A member of the state assembly challenges this decision of the Governor, claiming that the state assembly cannot be summoned unless six months have expired from the last date of its previous session, and in any event, the Governor cannot summon the assembly and ask it to meet at the Governor's official residence. Based on the information provided in the passage above, is this challenge valid? Ops: A. No, since Article 174(1) of the Constitution specifies the maximum interval between sessions of state assemblies, but does not specify any minimum interval. B. Yes, since asking the assembly to meet at the Governor's residence would not be any different from asking it to meet at the state legislature building as far as the circumstances caused by the COVID-19 pandemic are concerned. C. No, since Article 174(1) of the Constitution only specifies the maximum interval between sessions of state assemblies, and also gives the Governor the authority to decide where the assembly should meet. D. Yes, since it would be better for members of the state assembly to work in their constituencies to address the issues raised by the COVID-19 pandemic than to meet for a session. E. Leave this question unanswered. Q 37 Which among the following, if true, would most weaken the author's arguments in the passage above? Ops: A. Citizens should be able to examine how their representatives in state assemblies are working in order to better decide whom to vote for in the next elections. B. Since state assemblies are entrusted with ensuring citizens' interests are protected, they should ensure people have access to government documents. C. It is vital that interested and engaged citizens are able to access the proceedings of state assemblies so that they may better see how the assemblies function. D. None of the above. E. Leave this question unanswered. Q 38 The lower house of a state legislature of an Indian state passed a resolution in 2020 seeking to abolish the state's legislative council. This is the second time that the legislative council of the state has been sought to be abolished. When was the previous time this occurred, and which state is this? Ops: A. 2002, Delhi B. 1985, Andhra Pradesh C. 1962, Karnataka D. 1993, West Bengal E. Leave this question unanswered. Q 39 Assume that the Constitution provides that all state assemblies must meet for at least 45 days in a year, but that in states which have a legislative council in addition to a legislative assembly the assembly must meet for at least 40 days in a year. If Karnataka is the only state from amongst Gujarat, Karnataka, Uttar Pradesh, and Delhi which has a legislative council in addition to a legislative assembly, then, based on the information in the passage above, what was the average shortfall in the number of days that the state assemblies met in 2017 for Gujarat, Karnataka, Uttar Pradesh, and Delhi, based on the information provided in the passage above? Also, assume that the total shortfall for these states increases by 10% in 2018, reduces by 20% in 2019 and increases by 30% in 2020, what would the average be at the end of 2020? Ops: A. 16 and 19.5 B. 17 and 17.7 C. 16 and 18.3 D. 17 and 16.4 E. Leave this question unanswered. Q 40 Which among the following most accurately and comprehensively sets out the author's main points in the passage above? Ops: A. No state assembly has failed in its responsibility towards making legislative debates easily accessible to citizens. B. State assemblies in India should be done away with, and the Lok Sabha should be handed over all legislative authority. C. Some state assemblies have failed in their responsibilities because they do not meet enough days in a year, and have not made efforts to make legislative debates accessible to citizens. D. State assemblies have failed in their responsibilities because they do not meet enough days in a year, and have not made efforts to make legislative debates accessible to citizens. E. Leave this question unanswered.